University of South Carolina Libraries
EX-CONGRESSMAN 1j, TALBtRT SEEKS THE OFFICE OF UNITED STATES SENATOR A FULL AND ABLE SUM MARY OF HIS MAIN PLATFORM PLANKS To the Voters of the Sta*e of South Carolina: I have entered the race for the ofllco of I'nlted States Senator and wish to say no man ought to aspire to public office without first having examined his mind and heart to ascertain whether or not he has a o-oper conception of the responsibilities he proposes to assume and also convince himself that nothing will be wanting in his determination to execute every obligation that may be Imposed upon him. He should thor oughly weigh his motives, and his fi delity to the people, who may choose him to serve them. He should consid er well his abiding devotion to all that relates to the well being of those concerned in his administration of official duty, nnd his courage to do manfully whatever may devolve upon him. Such considerations as these ap ply with great force to every candi date for office, but in a special way to those aspiring to the United States Senate from the State of South Caro lina, the state of which Robert Y. Hayne said in one of his speeches, "If j there he one state In the Union that will challenge comparison with any other, that state is South Carolina." For the time that one may hold this office he must practically separate himself from all those private busi ness affairs to which he may have been accustomed. He is inhibited from the practice of any profession nnd receiv ing compensation, reward, fee or promise thereof for the same. Nor is he allowed to receive any reward or compensation for services rendpred during his incumbency. It Is contemp lated that he shall devote himself ex clusively to the service of the state. This Is as it should be for he should enter upon his high commission with singleness of purpose, and look for his reward In the approbation of the people for worthy services rendered in their behalf, and the "satisfaction that always proceeds from the con sciousness of duty well performed, with tho hope of receiving that wel come plaudit, "well done thou good and faithful servant." It seems to me to be. not Inappro priate In the outest thnt public atten tion be directed of these, and kindred considerations, that there may be a due appreciation of the requisite qual ifications of this lofty station, and the many obligations, expressed and im plied, that are Involved In its conduct. Just here I desire to say that I shall conduct myself In this campaign as I have always tried to do, nnd make my fight upon principal and merit, with out any wanton or undeserved nttncks upon my opponents. I am running for the position, nnd not against any one of them, except as the necessity of the cnse may from time to time demand. I am opposed to combinations and con spiracies, and the corrupt use of mon ey In elections, nnd t'hnll demand upon ey in elections, nnd shall depend upon public questions, as I shall present them to you In this campaign for your support for the position to which I aspire. It was Intended by the fathers that this government of ours should rest upon the foundation of free and Inde pendent suffrage, and be forever main tained by the virtue nnd morality, the patriotism nnd Intelligence of the American people, and that those cal led to administer its affairs should not secure and hold office through de scent, or by trickery, and combina tion. If wo shall ever reach the point where votes, equivalent to vows, can be cajoled, or coerced, bought, or bullied, Impawned, or Intimidated, where unshackled manhood cannot fearlessly nssert Its highest preroga tive in the selection of political agents, nnd the decision of popular Issues, or where citizenship shall be come so enslaved ns to abandon Its dignity and Integrity, where the pol ling-place shall dcgetieratc into the market overt, and ballots shall be at vendue, or men shall be driven llke| cattle, without choice of their own, then Indeed may patriots tremble for consequences, and then indeed will begin the downfall of our free Insti tutions. That Is a mean and com pltble ambition that, wo(tild geek,-open preferment by unhply combinations, and the corrupt use'or* moWey.bV,'lhfs renresen tat ions- in their publfd.pler, and that'Is a. despicable voter, (whose suffrage can ' be purchased with' a price.'* Yet the growing tendency to expensive- c.?*BnpnJ>m,i. ,T;vl the . use of money, to promote official aspirations. ; and secure election results, concern, and orovVfVfe? 1 the' righteous 'Indigna tion of the good people of this and otherv?tate. I hope to see the time when it will be possible for any man, possessing tho qualifications other wise, high, low, rich or poor, to hope fully aspire to any-official position without respect to his financial condi tions or surroundings. If the lack of wealth is to be an embargo on patriot ic ambition, if only the rich and well to-do can be candidates; If no poor man, however worthy and capable, need, apply for recognition at the hands of his countrymen; if, in cotry petition for public office, the possjea* sion nnd use of money are to be tho controling factors then Indeed may we look for what an eminent jurist has described as "the submergence of the liberties of tho people In the sordid despotism of wealth". While I am perfectly willing to pay my assess ment when my pledge is filled as a candidate for the United States Sen ate, and do not complain of it, yet it does Beem to me that some means ought to be devised to limit the ex pense account of candidates for office and thereby open the door to any de serving man, who may desire to sub mit his aspirations to the suffrage of tho people, so that men of merit and of character, although without money, would have an equal chance with those who are fortunate enough to possess both. It seems to me that this matter - worthv of very serious consideration as it is the great question whether the dollar or the citizen shall rule this country, for as it is a man no matter what his qualifications are otherwise, will be unable to become a candidate unless he Is able to meet all the de mands made upon him In reference to the financial side of the question. Again the addition to the great and growing danger of the money power, and Its corrupt uses, we are not un mindful of the equally great danger of the gigantic monopolies and trusts, now formed and being formed throughout the land and country. We should and must have laws to protect us against the abuses of these great organizations. We must not capitu late the sway of avarice, nor the demonstration of corporlte power. We must have operative and effective laws to prevent conspiracies and combi nations In restraint of trade In order to secure to the great body of people the enjoyment cf commercial liberty and opportunities of free competition. It la a principle worthy of all accep tlon that "perpetuities and monopo lies are contrary to the genius of free government." hence It should never be allowed. Of late, the gov ernment has met reverse in the crim inal case, against both the packers and the sugar trust officials. An acquittal In one, and a disagreement in the other. Now It, seems to be pretty clearly demonstrated that the government will not be able to estab lish guilt in any other case of this kind. The administration should de mand some new anti-trust legislation. The net result of twenty years of the Sherman law has been absolutely nothing, then there should be some thing more substantial enacted. 1 de sire the investment of cnpital in our State, and wecome the Introduction of every legitimate business concern with the hope that It may do well and prosper among us, and we in turn de rive bneflts therefrom. I would do nothing to disturb or check our In dustrial progress, nor cause well di rected capital to halt at our borders. We certainly have an Inviting field for every worthy enterprise; at the same time we are expected to have laws designed for the protection of our people against corporative greed We want capital to come, but we are not expected to extend unfair and extra ordinary solicitations to It. I ua-.V' no war upon legitimate captializati'.n ' or corporations which are Decesrnry and useful in the promotion and y.<i< ? cessful operation of the many deserv ing enterprises of the country, iru I lng railroads and all common car? riers. I recognize that the.''- *r<- great Interests and vast concern* beyond Ihn compass and individual effort or or-1 dlnary partnership. A proper com bination of the resources of wealth and skill Is Indispensable to the prop er conduct of the great Industrial, manufacturing and commercial busi ness of the country. I would not impair, much less destroy, any proper corporation In the exercise of Its busi ness not- harmful to the well-being of the masses of the people. Senseless clamor against Just and moral accuml latlon of wealth should meet with no encouragement.. Nb legislation can fully equalize human conditions, but no man nor set of men. should have the power ,to .oppose the people, or grind the faces of tho poor, nor. in any way to deprive their fellowmen Of the privilege of Working for or or earning their bread by the expendi ture of the brawn, or by the employ ment of their brain. If you give the trusts and monopolies unlimited license and unrestrained power to work their ways and will without hendrance, the masses will then bo reduced to servitude and slavery. It is against the genius of our insti Itutlons and the conscience of a free people that aggregated capital and the artificial creation and the feder ation of corporations should be allow ed to. use their tremendous power to oppress mankind. This leads me to some observations In regard to the relations existing be ween labor and capital, the two great factors In the history of our common country. I have no patlenoe with any effort on the part of any man to disturb the peace of any community, or to divide our people Into hostile classes anywhere, and there should be no antagonism between the corp orations and the people, neither should there be any estrangement between labor and capital. Neither can thrive without the other. It is meant that they should go hand In hand. They are interdependent one upon the other, and have mutual claims for consideration. There Is no necessi ty for conflict between them if they can be led to see and understand the relation they sustain to each other, and that their true interests are one and the same. It is the province of statesmanship and the duty of all good men to foster the harmony and co-operation of these great factors of our civilization, it Is desirable that every aver e should be opened up for the enjoy nt of honest labor, and It Is true ?W as It was of old that the "larbor la worthy of his hire." And while on this subject I will say that I favor legislation that will for ever protect child labor everywhere, and will always favor legislation that will protect the laboring man in every particular, without infringement upon the rights of others. I shall advocate the election of United States Senators by a direct vote of the people, together with all State olllcers, and possibly every other ofll cer from the President of the United States down to coroner and constable In the counties I believe is the people's rule. No man should be above the people. The judiciary, State and National, should be taken somewhat from the arena of politics. The judi ciary is, or ought to be, the great bul wark of liberty for the people, but as Gladstone, the greatest man that ever lived since Jefferson died, in the last speech he made, begged the people to snatch the crown from the King and place with the people where It belongs?"so mote it be." Then one of the most Interesting subjects that has In recent years at tracted public attention throughout the country is the betterment of our public highways. Its correct deter mination and wise treatment will re sult in great benefits to the people. The blessings coming from good roads can hardly be overestimated. The vast and diversified Interests of the States, Increase in the value of farm lands, the easy transportation of farm products, the reduction of ex penses, the improvement in rural travel, the stimulation of local trade, the upbuilding of ?.ountry communi ties, facilitating their intercourse with county sites and trading points, the prompt and convenient delivery of the malls over the R. F. I), routes, with untold incidental advantages to farm life?all of these, and other utilities that might be mentioned, are pro moted by the systematic consruc tlon and Improvement of our county roads. The subject Is no longer com mon place or local, but has risen to the dignity of great economic Impor tance, challenging the earnest consid eration of well Informed and enter prising people all over the United Stat*H. A burning national question It has become, so much so that there has been established In the United States Departement of agriculture an office of "public road enquiry," from and through which much valuable Infor mation has been obtained from time to 'Irne. It has Issued many publi cations in which are discussed the best methods of building roads, nnd the best materials for their consruc ? on, the laws and policies of dlffer ' .? States, the system that experl < -.'<? has .shown the most Judicious and economical, and other phases of this great and progressive movement. Any administration that shall success fully encourage, any legislator who shall wisely construct such a means as will meet the demands of the situ ation, will deserve and receive the highest commendation of the whole people, and build an enduring monu ment, making the material prosperity fo the States and progressive civiliza tion of the age. It will require some taxation of course, but such as will re turn ten fold to the taxpayer. One dol lar of taxes will make a return of ten In the way of good roads, and the results therefrom, and then the people may say themselves, through their State and National Representatives, how much tax they shall pay, as It seems that both State and National aid to good roads will he invoked, and It Is right It should be so too. Good roads while bringing many oth er blessings, will prove a great fac tor in building up country schools, and from them to college, and this brings me to a point where I may say some thing of tho great importance of edu cation in our Southland. One reason I that education is of more importance In the South than ever before, is, bo fore the war the Southern people had come to rely upon their slave labor, and upon that had become rich and Independent, looking to the North for skilled labor, artisans, teachers, edi tors, and tven preachers of the gos pel, etc. The war knocked these props from under them, bringing them face to face vith other problems, and throwing uiem upon their own efforts, raising up their own artisans, teach ers, editors, preachers, &c, hence the great necessity for more education. In the vast optimism of the universal law there exists no such thing as failure. Good and good only, can be the ulti mate product of the manifold opera tions of civilization, so that good has come from this source. Another re sult then of the bloody war was the raising of Southern character to a ful ler understanding of its own powers, as well as deficiencies, and to a spirit of emulation of the thrift, energy, in dustry,.and the Ingenuity of other and more progressive people along certain lines. By these traits, the Southern people have learned that a greater des tiny than that of cotton growing for the rest of the world has been appoint ed to them by the Supreme Director ! of human affairs?that a loftier career still than agriculture only, or refined Statesmanship even, or the Indolent ease of dilettante scholarship, Is with in the grasp of their power. Then the Southern people have taken advantage of this Inspiration as can be seen by her institutions of learning all over the country, from the country schools on up to the graded school and col leges. Yes, they have cast off from their proud neck the yoke of usurpa tion, and their once bowed crest lifts Itself more grandly than ever before In exultation at having triumphed over the combined forces that stood to crush their pride during the dark days of reconstruction. Thank God there is life in the old land yet, and a hope burning brighter in her breast, coupled with a double determination never to give up or die. Die she never will, so long as one of her sons and daughters live. Then it is our duty to foster our institutions of learning by not only liberal appropriation by States, but If necessary, supplemented by National aid also. And in this connection, I want to say that I am In favor of all our schools and colleges, and while 1 would not take one brick from our col lege walls, yet I am In favor of more liberal appropriations for our common schools. I want to live to see the day when our common school system will be so amended, reformed and support ed so as to give every white boy and girl in the land high, low, rich or poor, a common school education, which will be a protection to our country against the danger of popu lai Ignorance, vulgarity and vice, a common start In life which will ena ble them, having gotten a taste for learning, to go forth and get higher education in God's grent university, If In no other, that is to say let a broad highway be opened up by an Indispen sable minimum of a common school education from the humblest man's door to the summit of American citi zenship and society. Now, as to the Tariff, I will say that I favor Tariff fcr revenue only, favor ing revision downward, along the lines of the measures enacted by the Demo crats in the House during the extra session of Congress, together with the excise bill passed by the lower house of Congress, also a graduated tax, thus placing the burden of taxation upon the Bhoulders of those more able to bear It, and taking It from those who are less able to do so, and by placing the necessities of life upon the free list, and placing higher duties upon the luxuries of life. 1 heartily ap prove of the Democratic measured passed by the lower house of Con gress, which placed so many articles upon the farmers free list, believing as I do that these measures would ben efit the great agricultural classes of Olir country. I do not ask for spc-cial privileges for the farmers, but I claim Justice for them. The farmers are the most useful and the most conserv ative of all our cltlzcitB. Their labor supplies us with food and clothing, and to them we turn when the riots and bloodshed of our cities render the future of the republic gloomy and un certain. From the bitterness of clnss antagonism, from the greed of the rich who oppress tho poor, and from the desperation of the poor who would despoil the rich, we turn to the rural homesteads of this land, and there wo find a rugged independence, tempered with a reverence for the law, which constitutes the nation's best and wis est safeguard. Around those hnm ble firesides, even in this age of solf iHhness nnd greed, the love of country is above the lovo of self, and second only to tho fear of God. A ropubllc which practices injustice against homes like these, which multiplies their burdens like the tariff duties are doing today, and drives their Im poverished and discontented occupants to the factory towns and cities, invites its own destruction. Then again, tho financial system of this nation is so adjusted as to be utilized by a few, and should be vitally changed so as toj oiler to every class some bene"?. yet our bankers would favor, by their ac tion in New Orleans, the money trust Payne \ldrlch bill, tho most vicious and pernicious ever proposed by sen sible men. God forbid Its ever becom ing a law in this civilized country of ou rs. I am in favor of the adoption, In some way, with certain restrictions and qualifications, of the Initiative, Referendum, Recall policy, provided none of its provisions shall apply to the State or national judiciary?which department I believe should be kept as far as practicable out of the arena of politics and political scrambles of all kinds. By a wise and conservative plan, under this system, the people will be enabled, if necessary, to obtain a more direct control of the govern ment than they have ever had. When the nineteenth century closed only one State had the Initiative and referen dum. Now several have It, and a good many cities art working under the same. Tho recall did not come Into existence till 1905, but now the coun try It seems Is dotted with communi ties where It Is In force, and Is active ly used. All these three propositions are importations from Switzerland, where the Initiative and referendum have been In force for half a century, the recall not so long. Of course States and cities adopting them can alter them to suit the local taste, and the existence of this plan In one State or city may not be the same In anoth er, according to conditions and cir cumstances, but the fundamental prin ciples are the same. The whole ob ject of the initiative and referendum Is to allow the people to retain a hold upon legislation, nnd of course it would not be practicable to legislate generally by this plan, but sometimes in exceptional cases, It would enable the people to protect themselves against unjust enactment of unjust laws. The Initiative would enable a certain percentage of voters, by peti tion, to have Introduced through their representative, certain measures, and the referendum would enable a cer tain percentage of voters also to ask that certain measures passed by legis latures be submitted back to the peo ple for ratification or adoption. Of course the rate of percentage might vary according to conditions, and If a majority declare against It It falls to become law, or If approved, It be comes law. The recall enables a cer tain percentage of voters, said per centage to be governed by law as to number named, the right to demand that certain ofilclals appear before the people to be determined whether he shall be retained or removed, and as the majority votes so It would be. These things would seldom happen, but It would be a protection given the people where needed, for Instance where strong nnd soulless corpora tions are controlling legislation against the will and interest of the masses. South Dakota, I believe was the first State In the Union to adopt this policy, and its laws on the sub ject are pronounced models of their kind along this line by compentcnt Judges. From Information gathered, this policy is working well In the State of Oregon. I notice In one of my papers that the purpose of this very policy was explained in a very force ful manner by the highest court In that State In a case known as Oregon versus Pacific States Telegraph and Telephone Co., f>2, Ore. 162. Said the Court, "By the adoption of tho initiative and referendum Into our constitution the legislative department Is divided Into two separate nnd dis tinct, law-making bodies. There re mains, however, but one legislative department of the State. It operates, of course, differently from before? one method by the enactment of laws directly through that sourco of all legislative power, the people, and the other, as formerly, by their repre sentatives, but the change thus wrought neither gives to nor takes from the legislative assembly the pow er to enact or repeal any law except in such manner and to such extent ns may therein be expressly stated. Tho power thus reserved to the people merely took from the legislature the exclusive right to enact laws, at tho same time leaving It a co-ordinate legislative body with them. This dual system of making and unmaking laws has become the settled policy of tho State, and so recognized by decisions upon the subject." Then it seems thnt In this Instance this plan of op eration has been tried and proved to be satisfactory. Another measure I will advocate In placing the old helpless and crippled Confederate soldiers on tho dependent, Invalid, federal pension rolls. Now, some may object to this, but the late war was a war between tho States, a family fight and It seems to me to hi nothing but right to do this to offset the drains from the South to pay Northern prisoners. These old soldiers can look nowhero else except to the States for aid and relief. The fate of war has made It thus, and wo must not forget them. We recall with pride the spectacle presented when they sprang to arms In 1861. Not ns mer cenarios, hired to light for pay were they, but patriots, constrained to struggle, and to dlo if necessary, for principles, for what they conceived to \ be right and just. Unrivalled in the chronicles of war is the record which they made. Half-clad and half-starv ed they fought as only heroes could fight, winning victory after victory from the enemy, though outnumbered two to one in almost overy battle, yielding up the strife at last, but not till they had swelled the pension rolls with the names of twice as many pen sioners as there were soldiers In the Confederate army. Dear to us are their empty sleeves, their wooden legsJ^j nnd their locks of white. We ennnofl enrich them with gold, but we can crown thjem with honor, and give them to eat and to wear the few days they are yet with us, and keep on honoring and loving them, for we should love them till our hearts, like broken drums, have beaten their music out forever. Let them have, without stint, what is due them in the way of pensions from the State for their valuable and patriotic services. Crushed by fate, but sustained by love's sweetest welcome, we see these dear old soldiers after the conflict was ended, start upon their journey home ward, only to find ashes upon ashes, where once stood their humble homos, loved one scattered, and many of them gone, slaves emancipated, property de stroyed, and military force In posses sion of the lands. But undaunted by adversity and hardships, we see them start work nnd life again, and they continue to presevere, and strive till beauty once more takes tho place of ashes and desolation, and the old South, like the butterfly emerging from the Chrysalis, bursts asunder the bonds of humiliation and appar ent defeat and leaps Into the radiant and triumphant Dixie of today, as a result of the efforts of these old sol diers. Then, since the feeling of an imosity and sectionalism has at last died away between tho North and South, it does seem that a magnani mous spirit In the bosom of the North ern people would be willing that these old heroes should receive some recog nition at the hands of the national government. I was the first to Intro duce a bill in a Southern State to pen sion them by states, and hope to be the iirst to ask recognition for theui from the national government. Now, in conclusion, it may be said that I advocate new ideas. Well, it seems to me that it will take some new things to get such men as Lorlmer and Stephenson out or the U. S. Senate It looks like a recall would be appli cable in these cases. Our forefathers mixed up a jug of politics and left It In the closet for us. with Instructions for us to take a do?e of It occasional ly. Well we have been taking It. and It was good, but they did not suppose that there would be these gigantic trusts and monopolies to deal with, and that seats in the U. S. Senate j would be bought and sold In the mai? ket, hence it may he necessary In snritqfij Instances to pour everything out of the jug, scald it. out, and try something else awhile in order that the people may still rule the roost. There are many other questions too numerous to mention here that will be discussed at the proper time on the stump. W. .1. TALBEBT. Poor appetite is a sure sign of Im paired digestion. A few <|oBes of Chamberlain's Stomach and Liver Tab lets will strengthen your digestion and Improvo your appetite. Thousands have been benefited by taking theso tablets. Sold by all dealers. Graduating Most Suitable for the Boys and Girls Who Finish this Year TO BE FOUND AT FLEMING BROTHERS JEWELERS