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iC? Arthur Brisbane, Editor, Dies at 72 Work Known to Millions; Column Popular in This Newspaper. New York, N. Y.—With the death of Arthur Brisbane Christ mas morning, the world lost its most widely known and most widely read newspaper writer and editor. The veteran com mentator, whose column “This Week” appeared regularly in this newspaper, died of heart disease while he slept. He was seventy-two. True to the Brisbane tradition, he kept up the terrific pace ot his work to the last. When he was stricken late in the afternoon of Christmas eve he had almost finished his col umn, "Today,” which appeared in many large daily newspapers, prin cipally those of William Randolph Hearst’s string. He was forced to call upon his son, Seward, 22, to complete it. It was the first time in his life Arthur Brisbane had not finished what he had set out to write. Millions of Readers. It was only a few hours afterward Mr. Brisbane fell asleep in his Fifth avenue apartment. At his bedside were his physicians, Dr. Leopold Stieglitz and Dr. Frederick Zeman, and a nurse. In the apartment his entire family ** had gathered—his wife, Mrs. Phoebe Brisbane, whom he had married in 1912; his son, Seward, and his four daughters, Mrs. ARTHUR BRISBANE J. R. K. McCrary, 23; Emily, 18; Alice, 14, and Elinor, 12. The great editor never awakened. Probably no one knows how many millions of persons read Mr. Bris bane’s verse, analytical comments upon the news of the day. It is esti mated that 23 millions read his daily column. Additional millions followed with satisfaction the weekly column syndicated by Western Newspaper Union to this and many other lead ing weekly newspapers. Mr. Brisbane was wealthy. It is reported that his yearly salary at the time of his death was $260,000. In addition, there was the return on his extensive real estate holdings. Arthur Brisbane was born in Buf falo, N. Y., in 1864. He attended the public schools and then, forsaking a college education, he becamf a re porter on the old New York Sun at 19. Yet his rise to the position he held in the world of journalism at the last was not the Horatio Alger type of success story, with glory crowning the hero after countless tear-jerking tribulations. He was good and he was successful from the start. It was not long before he was the Sun’s London correspondent. After five years, there was a shake-up on the paper and the management cabled him to return. He said he would if they made him managing editor. Managing editor! He was just 23. They made him managing editor. And so well did he execute his job, Joseph Pulitzer took him over to the New York World, which, under the Brisbane directorship, soon became the most influential argan of public opinion in America. "Greatest Journalist of Day." When William Randolph Hearst came from California and bought the New York Journal he hired Mr. Brisbane—at a reduction in salary lit almost 50 per cent. But there was an agreement that as the circulation increased, so would his compensa tion. His earnings on the World were multiplied in almost no time. The association with Hearst be came a life-long friendship, and Mr. Brisbane soon became regarded as next to Mr. Hearst in importance in the chain of newspapers. When he died, Mr. Hearst said: "I know that Arthur Brisbane was the greatest journalist of his day." It was Arthur Brisbane who was credited with bringing the trend of newspaper style "down to earth." He believed that newspapers should be written for the ordinary man, not the intelligentsia. Hewrote that way —and his columns appealed to col lege professors as well as to mer chants and fanners. He dictated his 1,000 to 1,200 crisp, unwasted words daily in half an hour to an hour. There was a dictaphone beside him wherever he went. He would even wake up in Pullman berths and begin dictation at two « three in the News Review of Current Events the World Over Cohan Congress Oasts President Gomes—Another Arch bishop Attacks Edward, Duke of Windsor-* Treasury Plan to Curb Credit Inflation. I , By EDWARD W. PICKARD C We*Urn Newspaper Uniea. which commodity shipments would be limited and enumerate the items becoming contraband beyond those limits. Government officials looked upon the Supreme Court’s decision as the most sweeping approval of a New Deal law the tribunal has yet given. They read in it an inferen tial approval of the reciprocal trade treaty program, still unvested, and a broader inference that the Presi dent should be given more latitude in negotiations ot all kinds with for eign governments. lilPl VfIGUEL MARIANO GOMEZ, president of Cuba, was on his way out because he defied Col. Ful- gencio Batista, the real ruler of the republic, by vetoing the sugar tax bill to raise funds for the building of schools that would be con ducted by army of ficers. Despite plen ty of warnings, Go mez persisted in his opposition to the measure which, he said, would lead to fascism. So the Mifael Gome* houBe of „p reunta . tives, dominated by Batista, im peached him and he went to trial before the senate with the certain ty that the decision would be against him. He was accused of attempting to coerce the congress unconstitutionally to defeat the tax bill, and of mal-administration. It was the first bill of impeachment ever voted in the history ot the Cuban republic. Gomez defended himself vigor ously but was resigned to his fate. The prosecution was conducted by three members of the house—Car los Palma, veteran Republican lead er; Eduardo Martinez Fraga, Na tionalist, and Felipe Jay, Demo crat. Vice President Federico Laredo Bru was ready to succeed Gomez automatically. He is a lawyer, sixty- one years old and was a colonel in the Cuban war of independence. A RCHBISHOPS of the Church of ** England just can’t let the duke of Windsor and his love affair alone. The Most Rev. Dr. William Temple, archibahop of York and second only to the archbishop of Canterbury, took his turn in lambasting the ab dicated king, in s Christmas dioces an letter that displayed little of the Christian spirit. Said the archbish op: "It has happened to many a man before now to find himself beginning to fall in love with another man's wife. That is a moment of critical decision and the right decision is that they shoutd cease to meet be fore the passion is so developed as to create an agonizing conflict be tween love and duty. "This decision often has been tak en by men of honor. And when the power of personal attraction is re inforced by the glamor of the throne the moral obligation is tha more urgent for that reason. "Let us remember that any kind of love which can be in conflict with duty is not the love of which the gospel speaks." The British press and a great many of the English people are dis gusted with these repeated attacks on Edward by the prelates and there is a growing danger of a split in the Church of England. Dispatches from Edward’s haven in Enzesfeld, Austria, say that he is planning to make Mrs. Simpson the duchess of Windsor in May next, immediately after her divorce be comes absolute. Meanwhile he prob ably will remain at the castle of Baron Eugene de Rothschild with out seeing Mrs. Simpson. There were reports that the duke might take legal action against the archbishop of York, presumably for slander. CIMEON D. FESS, former sena- ^ tor from Ohio and for years a leader in the "Old Guard" of the Republican party, died suddenly in the Carlton hotpl, Washington. He had been in retirement from na tional politics since 1932 when he was defeated for re-election to the senate. A CCORDING to a decision of the United States court of appeals in New Orleans, the national labor relations board has authority to compel employers to bargain collec tively with their employees. The tribunal upheld the board’s cease and desist orders against Agwil- ines, Inc., which operates the Clyde Mallory Steamship lines, in con nection with the dismissal of seven employees for alleged union action. 'T'HE Supreme Court having up- A held, in the Chaco arms em bargo case, the neutrality powers of the President, Mr. Roosevelt let it be known that he would ask con gress to revise the present neutral ity law to give him broader dis cretion in his relations with foreign governments. In other words, the "teeth" which he and the State de partment have always thought the statute lacked. Just what the Pres ident would ask was not told to the press, but there were indications that he wants authority to: 1. Declare an arms embargo "up on the outbreak er during progress of’ a war, and forbid the passage ot American citizens or transport ot American goods on belligerent ships, except at the traveler’s or Clipper's own risk. F) ELEGATES to the inter-Amer- ican peace conference in Bue nos Aires signed the 69 accords ap proved during the sessions and the conference came to an end. Fare well congratulatory speeches were made by Secretary of State Cordell Hull, Argentine Foreign Minister Carlos Saavedra Lamas and the head of the Peruvian delegation, Carlos Concha. They all urged that the peace efforts be continued in the next Pan-American conference, which will be held in Lima, Peru, in 1938. CECRETARY OF THE TREAS- ° URY MORGENTHAU and Chairman Marriner Eccles of the federal reserve board announced a new program for curbing credit in flation, and it is likely to involve $1,- 000,000,000 of bor rowings in 1937. About a billion dol lars worth of gold is flowing into the country annually, and if this continues next year, it was said by officials, the treasury will take that amount out of the money mar ket, to offset the effects of the gold influx on domestic credit. The plan, which probably was de vised by Mr. Eccles, is intended to hold the excess reserves, which are the reserves that member banks de posit with the federal reserve sys tem in excess of legal requirements, on the same plateau where they are now. Previously gold flowing into the country was chalked up as ex cess reserves upon which an infla tionary credit boom could be built M. S. John L. Lewis 'T'HREE new indictments against A major oil companies,, oil trade publications and individual were re turned by a federal grand jury in Madison, Wis., in order to avoid de lay in the trial of the anti-trust cases. With few changes the new true bills are similar to those returned previ ously by the 1935 grand jury and con tested as invalid on grounds that the grand jury was illegally impaneled. It is understood that the govern ment plans to bring the cases to trial in March. T T NDER the general leadership of ^ John L. Lewis the war for unionizing the steel industry and destroying the company unions is now under way. Some 250 company union representa tives from the Pitts burgh, the Cleve land • Youngstown and the eastern dis tricts met in Pitts burgh and were told by Philip Murray, chief aide of Lewis and chairman of the committee for in dustrial union, that a strike in the $5,000,000,000 indus try might result "if the industry continues to employ its dog-in-the- manger attitude," in dealing with trade unions. Thereupon the delegates adopted resolutions unanimously condemn ing the company union plan as a "farce," and establishing a new oiv ganization called the "CIO repre sentatives council," with this "dec laration ot principles:" 1. All steel workers be organized into a national industrial union. 2. Employee representatives use their influence to enroll the steel workers into the steel workers or ganizing committee’s campaign. 3. All steel workers be thorough ly informed by employee represen tatives who know from experience that the company union is ft device of the management and totally uiv able to win any major concessions for the steel workers. 4. CK> employee representatives remain inside the company for reasons obvious to aU. ~ The wage demands are: A $1.14 a day increase for aO em ployees receiving ever $fi s day. A SO hour, five day week. Paid vacations of one week for employees of two years’ service and two weeks for employees af five or more years’ service. Time and one-half pay for over time within the regular working By WILLIAM BRUCKART NATIONAL PRESS BLDG. Washington—On the eve of the opening of e new congress, the sev- u tt l f enty-flfth, there is Hullabaloo great hullabaloo and Clamor and clamor about social and eco nomic legislation and particularly about the alleged necessity for con stitutional amendments giving con gress more power to deal with these problems. Much of the noise eman ates from minorities, highly organ ized pressure groups, and it is diffi cult, therefore, to tell exactly what the attitude of the country, as a whole, may be. There are those both in congress and out who contend that the over whelming vote for President Roose velt’s re-election constituted a man date for immediate action on a num ber of these highly delicate and dif ficult questions. There are others whose contention is that the great vote given President Roosevelt was, in fact, a tribute to his personal popularity and that it was in no way connected with the various problems that are now before the country in individual capacity. What ever the answer to these contending forces, the fact remains that we are due to hear something of them on the floors of the house and senate in the next few months. One of the things about which we are hearing many, many words at the moment is a proposal for an amendment to the Constitution pro hibiting child labor. It is the argu ment that such an amendment should be annexed to the Constitu tion and that it should give congress additional authority to enact legisla tion setting forth the details of this new type of prohibition. Yet, while all of this raving and raging is going on, how many people are there who are aware of the fact that a constitutional amend ment doing this very thing has been pending before the states for a little more than twelve years? How many people are there who recall that this amendment has been ratified by twenty-four states? Whatever their recollection is, it is a fact and it remains a fact that to all intents and purposes, enough states have refused to ratify the amendment to kill it off. William Green, president of the American Federation of Labor, be ing alive to what he considers the meaning of the recent huge vote for Pres dent Roosevelt, has attempted to revive the fight for ratification of that child labor amendment above mentioned. He has written to the heads of the various state and local labor groups urging them to work for favorable action on the amend ment in the states that have hereto fore rejected it. • • • This brings up a new legal ques tion. Stated succinctly, the question is whether a state New Legal legislature that Question has once rejected a proposition to amend the Constitution can reverse itself and approve the resolution after having once killed it. Mr. Green contends that this is possible. The American Bar association takes a contrary view. So, we are confronted with a prob lem within a problem and one that is likely to be distorted and twisted and misrepresented by those in terests that have sought for a long time to make the Constitution ap pear outmoded. To become attached to the Constitution, an amendment must be ratified under the terms of the Constitution itself, by three- fourths of the states. That is thirty- six. Since twelve more states must ratify, there is likely to be a hard drive to gain some of the remaining states and to bring about reversal of positions already taken. It nearly always happens in "drives" that there is much loose mouthings and many unwarranted and unjustified statements. It probably will be so in this instance and the country must bo on guard to sift the truth from the propaganda and must be prepared to make up its mind whether it desires to place in the Constitution a hard and fast rule that no child under eighteen years of age may be allowed to work gain fully. For the sake of the record, here with is the language of the proposed amendment that is now pending: "The congress shall have power to limit, regulate and prohibit the labor of persons under eighteen years of age. The power of the sev eral states is unimpaired by this article except that the operation ot state laws shall be suspended to the extent neccsrary to five effect to legislation enacted by the eeo- gress." From these words, it will be seen that an attempt is made to give congress greater power over the rights of states to legislate for them selves. Such e purport brings up in my mind the old question of wheth er a state or the federal government There certainly WASHINGTON, D. C. are times, there are circumstances and there are conditions in which the federal government alone can deal with problems better than states can deal with them individual ly. But after all, conditions are not the same in any two states of the Union and it seems to me that the states ought to give careful thought to any proposition that takes away from them forever whatever rights are left to them under the Constitu tion. They ought to be free as far as they may be to handle their own problems on the basis of local 're quirements. And this is written, let me emphasize, not in opposition to any proposal that would abolish child labor. • • • The country cannot know definite ly until President Roosevelt deliv- ... ers his message to o octal the new congress, Welfare dealing with the state ot the Union, exactly what his position is going to be on the so-called social welfare problems of the country. This is a general category and involves such things as the so-called social secur ity legislation and legislation giving the federal government greater con trol over private business. The two phases go hand in hand and as far as I have been able to discover, it will be impossible to deal with one without in some manner dealing with the other. For example, the present social security statutes have a direct effect upon business through their taxation provisions. While basically they are designed to protect against the suf ferings of unemployment^ and the destitution of the aged who are with out resources, it can be readily seen that somebody must pay the bill. The Roosevelt administration’s the ory is that private employers, mean ing business as a whole, shall be the logical source from which to draw the financial protection that is con ceived to be necessary. But in this theory there is involved very definitely the right of the fed eral government to enter into the fields that are now occupied or may be occupied by the states. It is largely a taxing proposition that the federal government must use if it is going to reach those classes able to pay. But the Constitution, federal laws and traditional practices of our people have built up certain lines of demarcation between fed eral and state rights. The question therefore becomes simply one that requires determination by the peo ple whether they are going to allow the federal government to encroach further upon the fields that hitherto have been reserved for the states. - We hear much talk about a revival of NRA; a revival of it on a basis that will make it constitutional and one with provisions that will reach a greater percentage of business than was reached by the original NRA. Organized labor seems to be in favor of this proposition and na turally will exert considerable pow er in congress, but some lawyers among the representatives and sen ators tell me that they do not see how the purpose can be ac complished without a constitutional amendment. On the basis of all of the informa tion and opinion that I have been able to gather, my guess would be that before this session of congress is over something tangible in the way of a new consitutional amend ment will be offered. It would seem, on the basis of the present trends, that it will be possible for the dif ferent schools of thought on this sub ject to get together only upon a con stitutional resolution. My guess is, further, that it is utterly impossible for all of the groups and blocs to reach an understanding on legisla tion along these lines. Few of them are willing to compromise and with out the attitude of compromise on highly controversial legislation, nothing except stalemates results. Some observers even now hold the belief that it will be impossible for any agreement to be reached with in congress on any of these social welfare propositions simply because the range of views as to what is good for the country is so wide. • • • There are certain bits of evidence now to be seen that indicate a more .... . . . determined p o s $• What About tion on the part el business itself. I think it could be said without equivocation that the business interests have been the target for political demagoguery in the last few years to a greater ex tent the" ever in history. Of course, business has not come forth with clean hands. Yet, it is made to appear now that business has taken about aH ef the maltreatment to which it is entitled and it would seem, therefore, that the time has arrived for it to be given some con sideration by the government which has supervision over it as well as us as individuals. 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