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PROTECTION OF PROFITS, THE INIQUITOUS POLICY OF THE REPUBLICANS FOR HALF A CENTURY The One Question Eternally Present'is the Most Effective, the Most Efficient and the Fairest Way of Equalizing, the Burdens of Taxation Mr. Underwood Would Have the Question Solved with the Determination to do the Right, Safe and Reasonable Thing Speech Before the New York Southern Society Dec. 16, 1911 The kaleidoscope ,of political issues must and will continually change with the changing conditions of our Republic, but there is one question that was with us in 'the beginning and will be in the end, and that is the most effective, efficient and fairest way of equalizing the burdens of taxation that are levied by the National Government. Of all the great powers that were yielded to the Federal Government by the States when they adopted the Constitution of our country, the one indispensable to the administration of public affairs is the right to levy and collect taxes. \Vithout the exercise of that pow.er we could not maintain an army and navy; we could not establish the courts of the land; the government would fail to porform its function if the power to tax were taken away from it. The power to tax carries with it the power to destroy, and it is, therefore, a most dangerous governmental power as well as a most necessary one. There is a very clear and marked distinction between the position of the two great political parties of America as. to how power to tax should be exercisod in the levying of revenue at the custom houses. Iepublicans Have Always Stood for Protection. The Republican party has maintained the doctrine that taxes should not only be levied for the purpose oi revenue, but also for the purpose of protect ing the home manufacturer from foreign competition. Of necessity protection from competition carries with it a guarantee of profits. In the last Republican platform this position of the party was distinctly recognized when they de clared that they were not only in favor of the protection of the difference in cost at home and abroad but also a reasonable profit to American industries. Democratic Party for Tariff for Revenue Only. The Democratic party favors the policy of raising its taxes at the custom house by a tariff that is levied for revenue only, which clearly excludes the idea of protecting the manufacturer's profits. In my opinion, the dividing line between the positions of the two great parties on 'ais question is very clear and easily ascertained in theory. Where the tariff rates balance the difference in cost at home and abroad, including an allowance for the differ ence in freigbt rates, the tariff must be competitive, and from that point downward to the lowest tariff that can be levied it will continue to be com petitive to a greater or less extent. Where competition is not interfered with by levying the tax above the highest competitive point, the profits of the manufacturer are not protected. On the other hand, when the duties levied at the custom house equalizes the difference in cost at home and abroad and in addition thereto they are high enough to allow the American manufacturer to make a profit before his competitor can enter the field, we have invaded the domain of the protection of profits. Some men assert that the protection of reasonable profits to the home manufacturer should be commended instead of being condenuied, but in my judgment, the protection of any profit must of necessity have a tendency to destroy competition and create monopoly, whether the profit protected is reasonable or unreasonable. Unfairness of Protection. You should bear in mind that to establish a business in a foreign. country requires a vast outlay both in time and capital. Should the foreign manu facturer attempt to establish himself in this country he must advertise his goods, establish selling agencies and points of distribution before he can suc cessfully conduct his business. After he has done so, if the home producer is protected by a law that not only equals the difference in cost at home and abroad, but also protects a reasonable or unreasonable profit, it is only neces sary for him to drop his prices slightly' below the point that the law has fixed to protect his profits and his competitor must retire from the country or become a bankrupt because he would then have to sell his goods at a loss and not a profit if lhe continued to compete. The foreign competitor having retired, the home producer could raise his prices to any level that home com petition wvould allow him and it is not probable that the foreigner who had already been driven out of the country would again return no matter howv inviting the field as long as the law remained on the Statute Books that would enable his competitor to again put him out of business. Iniquity of the Protection of Profits. ,Thirty or forty years ago when we had numbers of small manufacturers, when there was hioniet competition without an attempt being made to restrict trade and, the home market was more than able to consume the production of our mills and factories, the danger and ,the injury to the consumer of the country was, not so great or apparent as' it is today when the control of many great industries has been concentrated in the hands of a few men or a few corporations, because domestic competition was prohibited. When we cease to have competition at home and the law prohibits competition from abroad by protecting profits,,there is no relief for the consumer except to cry out ,for, government regulation. To my mind, there is no more reason or justice in the government attempting to protect the profits of the manufac tuarers and producers of this country than there wvould be to protect the profits of the merchant or the lawvyer, the banker or the farmer, or the wages of the laboring man. In almost every line of industry in the United States we have as great natural resources to develop as that of any country in the world, It is adniitted by all that our machinery and methods of doing business are in advaince of the other nations. .By reason of the efficient use of American machinery by American labor, in most of the manufactures of this country, the labor cost per unit of production is no greater here than abroad. It is admitted, ,of course, that the actual wage of the American laborer is in excess of European countries, but as to most articles we manufactture thc labor cost in this country is not more than double the labor cost abroad. 'When we sonsider that; the average ad valorem rate of duty levied at the custom house oli manufactures of cotton goods is 53% of the value of the article imported and the total labor cost of the prodtiction of cotton goods in this country is only 21% of the factory value of the product, that the dif ference in labor cost at home and abroad is only about as one is to two and that ten or eleven per cent of the value of the product levied at the custom house would equal the difference in the labor wage, it is apparent that our present tariff laws exceed the point where they equalize the difference in cost at home and abroad, and we realize how far they have entered into the dlomain of protecting profits for the home manufacturer. This is not only true of the manufacture of cotton goods, but of almost every schedule in the tariff bill.. To protect profits of necessity means to protect inefficiency. It does not stimulate industry because a manufacturer standing behind a tariff wall that is protecting his profits is not driven to develop his business along the lines of greatest efficiency and greatest economy. Wool, Iron and Steel Industries. This is clearly illuistrated in a comparison of the wool and the iron and steel industries. Wool has had a specific duty that when worked out to an ad valorem basis amounts to a tax of about 90% of the average value of all woolen goods imported into the United States, and the duties imposed have remained practically unchanged for forty years. During that time the wool industry has made .comparatively little progress in cheapening the cost of its product and improving its business methods. On the other hand, in the iron and steel industry the tariff rate has been cut every time a tariff bill has been written. Forty years ago the tax on steel rails amounted to $17.50 a ton, today it amounts to $3.92. Forty years ago th'e tax on pig iron was $13.60 a ton, today it is $2.50. The same is true of most of the other articles in the iron and steel schedule, and yet the iron and steel industry has not languished; it has not, been destroyed and it has not gone to the wall. It is the most compact, virile, fighting force of all the industries of America today. It has long ago expanded ,its productive capacity beyond the power of the Anierican people to consume its output and is today facing out towards the markets of the world, battling for a part of the trade of foreign lands where it must mieet free competition or as is often the case, pay adverse tariff rates to enter the industrial fields of its competitor. Duty of Our Government-Genuine Tariff Reduction to a Revenue Producing Basis Only. Which course is the wiser for our government to take? The one that demands the protection of profits, the continued policy of hot-house growth for our industries? The stagnation of development that follows where com petition ceases, or on the other hand, the gradual and ' insistent reduction of our tariff laws to a basis wvhere the American manufacturer must meet honest competition, where he must develop his business along the best and most economic lines, where when he fights at home to control his market he is Srging~ the~ way in the economic development of his business to extend his trade in the markets of the world. In my judgment, the future growth of our great industries lies beyond the seas. A just equalization of the burdens of taxation and honmest competition, in my judgment, are economic truths; they are not permsitted today by the laws of our' country, we must face toward thrn and net away from them. What I have said does not mean that I am In favor of goin to free trade eenditions or of being so radical In our legislation as to Inure legitimate business, but I de mean that the period of exclusion has passed and the era of honeet camspatltion- is here. Let us appmeseh the setution of the pr6blem Involved with the determination to de 1ra is right, whtat Is safe and what Is reasonable. Birmingham hew s Supports Underwood In many quarters there has arisen a demand that Oscar W. Underwood be named the standard bearer of the Demo cratic party in the campaign that will be waged for the presidency in 1912. It is the earnest hope of The Birming ham News that this may come alout. Should the banner be entrusted to the keeping of Oscar W. Underwood, The Birmingham News thoroughly believes that by him it will be carried to glo rious victory, and that it will never be stained by compromise with wrong or. sullied by collusion with privilege.-The Birmingham News, Thursday, November 23, 1911. A NATIONAL REPI Wil Underwood is probably the greatest authority on the tariff in the House of Representatives, or, for that matter, in Congress. "What do you think of Underwood?" I asked Senator Bailey. "Underwood," said Bailey, "is the only man in either house of Congress who could be locked in a hermetically scaled room for a week and emerge from it with a perfectly good tariff bill." Underwood is the strongest example in modern times of a thoroughly modest man getting a reputation without going after it. Politics is a noisy game; you have to have a trunipet and a bugle in WHY I AM FOR .OSC (1) Because he is the strongest all round man in the field; (2) Becnuse he is old enough to have learned a great deal, and young enough to learn more; (3) Because he is a constructive, practical statesman; (4) Because he fathered the Farm ers' Free List Bill, which was an im mense stride toward free trade, and a measure that would have been magically beneficial to our over-taxed people; (5) Because he proposed and put through Congress a drastic reform of the infamous woolen tariff; and also a sweeping reduction in the cotton goods schedule; (6) Because he had the manhood to defy the Birmingham Board of Trade, when it tried to intimidate him as to tariff reduction; (7) Because he has introduced a bill to cut the steel and iron schedule from 30 to 50 per cent; (8) Because he had the courage to oppose the Sherwood pension grab; which the shirkers and skulkers, and deserters, and bounty-jumpers demand. Champ Clark voted for the grab: Bryan has not had the pluck to say a word against it, nor has Woodrow Wilson. (9) Because he has the sanity and the spunk to tell the people that all this talk about the initiative, referendum and recall, in national politics, is tommy-rot. Everybody should know that the Constitution of the United States would have to be radically UNDERWOOD A In Mr. Underwood's candidacy the South for the first time in 60 years comes forward with a man with a rea son-a man with a valid claim on Democracy for signal recognition. If unselfish devotion, high performance, Nation-wide breadth of view, and rare qualities for leadership entitle a man to sympathy and support in his aspir ations, the nomination of Mr. Under wood would be a testimonial logically bestowed. The Southern Democracy never wants, in or out of Congress, for powerful champions of party politics, men who conme in for honorable men tion when the Presidential year rolls round, but in Mr. Underwvood's case A SOUTHERNER Oscar W. Underwood of Alabama is unquestionably of presidential size. His leadership of the Democratic majority on the floor of the House has never been excelled for skill, force and definite di rection. It is a respectful hearing from all over the country which Senator Bankhead of the same State will have ini naming him for the Democratic nom in at ion. H-as the time come when it is expe dient for the Democracy to nominate a Southerner living in the South for the presidency? It has not been thought so since the, civil war. It has not even been thought expedient to give the South second place on the ticket. The nearest approach to this was the naming on the WIDE APPEAI~,.0F UNE] That Representative Oscar W. Un derwood is rapidly crowding to thme wall all other aspirants for the Democratic presidential nomination, is the informa tion that comes from sottrces close to the Alabama leader to-day. In fact, it is now a subject of open gossip about the H-ouse that New York State is veer ing toward the Alabama member and that Clark, Wilson and Harmon are los ing ground in the chief pivotal State of the Union. A member of the New York delega tion in the House, who is not person ally an advocate of the candidacy of Mr. Underwood, admitted in confidence to-day that the trend of sentiment in New York city and New York State how favors the Alabama leader. From Representative Henry D. Clayton, of O'SHAUNESSY BO( Mr. O'Shiaunessy's declaration fol lowed the Underwood demonstratIon in the House. Mr. O'Shannesy said: "I believe Mr. Underwood is the right man for the presidency. He has won derful executive ability, a. shown by his The South and the Presidenoy ThIs constant reference to' pn alleged "dead line" when It comes to the sedec tion of a candidate for the presidency is out of place. It'is a pecui ar fact that we bear more of it right here in the South than anywhere else in the coun try. We are getting to be painfully self-conscious about this supposed politi cal bar sinister. Not only that, but we act on the assumption that it would be politically inexpedlent for us to support any man who is -Southern born and bred. It is folly of the worst kind and only serves to keep alive the dying em bers of sectionalism.--Shreveport Times, December, 1911. ITATION 'HOUT SEEKING IT order to make anybody hear your name. It is a tule to which there is.no excep tion that I know of except Underwood. lie sat back there quietly in Congress for sixteen years doing splendid work and never getting his name into the pa pers. Finally the crash came, the Demo crats carried the House, and from sheer merit and nothing else the quiet man from Alabama was made floor leader and put in charge of the party's tariff bill. And he so acquitted himself that within a month lie became a national figure, and now lie is quite likely to be nominated for President.-Charles Wil lis Thompson, in The Sunday Herald, Boston, October 22, 1911. AR UNDERWOOD changed, before the present system o' representative government and legisla tion could be changed for direct law making. When, do you suppose, we could elect a Congress that would give the people the opportunity to vote away the pre rogatives of Congress? When, do you suppose, there would be 34 States ready to adopt the new system? When, do you suppose, would the small Statos be willing to surrender their equality, in the Federal Govern ment? When Wilson and Bryan prate of a national initiative, referendum and re call, they make themselves demagogues. Can either of them tell us how Dit ect legislation can be applied, nationally, in such a manner as to preserve the sovereign equality of the small States? If either of them can, I should be glad to publish their plan. It will be time enough to talk about national- Direct legislation and the recall after we shall have tried it, in the States. (10) Lastly, I am for Oscar Under wood because his record, public and private, is unstained; his character ele vated and spotless; his leadership su perb; his work and purposes patriotic and, practical; his sympathies, for the oppressed. He doesn't stoop to dema gogy to win popular applause; and he doesn't cater to wealth and power, as the standpatters of both parties do. Tom Watson, in The Jeffersonian, Thomson, Ga., January 25, 1912. S A CANDIDATE there is added a genius for organiza tion and command not often observable in party leaders of his section. For candor compels a good word in acknowledgment of what he did in the way of harmonizing and knitting to gether the warring elements of his party in the House. Not in twenty years has there been in Democratic councils a leader who proved success ful in uniting all shades of opinion and presenting a solid front on practically every issue that came to a vote. For that reason, if for no other, Mr. Un derwood's availability would seem to merit careful consideration at the hands of the Democratic party.-Wash ington Post, October 3, 1911.. ON THE TICKET Parker ticket in 1904 of H~enry G. Davyis of West Virginia. But that is essen tially a Northern State. Carlisle of Kentucky had a few votes for President in the conventions of 1884 and 1892; Blackburn of Kentucky and Tihlman of South Carolina in 1896; Williams of Mississippi in 1904. But they were merely complimentary. Yet the war is over. A Southern Democrat and a formier Con federate soldier is Chief Justice of the United States Supreme Court by appointment of a Republican President. The (lay may not be so far off when the last traces of the sectional line will be oblit erated in American politics.-Thae New York World, October 24, 1911. ER WOOD'S CANDIDACY Alabama, also, comes confirmation of the fact that the Underwood boomers .are receiving most encouraging reports from New York. These reports go so far as to say that if the South will keep Representative Underwvood's name be fore the convention, New York State may be counted on to fall into line after the second or third ballot. If the South czn get over the ancient obsession that a Southern man cannot be nominated for President and if the South will keep, the name of Underwood before the convention, for a few ballots, there are many wise political observers in Washington and New York who arc confident that the New York delegation will swing into line for Underwood. Washington correspondence of the NaYshville Tennesseean, December 31, 1911. )MS UNDERWOOD sion, and except for hIs residence so far South, I feel that he is In every way suitable for the place. -I believe the Democrats could not nominate a more acceptable candidate."--Representative O'Shaunesy, of Rhode Island. in The UNDERWOOD SOUIN VIEWS ON RECIF MERCHANT 1N RECIPROCiTy (I% the U. S..House of Representatives, April 21, 1911.) Our agricultural implements supply the farmers' wants beyond the seas. Our boots and shoes are worn by peo ple who speak many foreign languages and who tread the highways of the Occident and the Orient. The looms of our factories clothe the people of dis tant lands. The freight of our foreign rivals is carried to market on Amerloan rails, drawn by American engines, across chasms spanned by American-built bridges. [Applause.] The harvests of our farmers feed the toiling masses of Europe. We would be the unrivaled masters of production and industry in every land where free competition can be obtained if we would but strike off the shackles that bind us to the dead and unnecessary economic systerp main tained by the Republican Party, that creates false staindards arnd wasteful conditions at home. [Applause on the Democratic side.] ANTI-TRUST LEGISLATION (In Speech Before Pennsylvania So ciety of New York, Dec. 9, 1911.) "Is it not proper for all of us, irre spective of party, to insist that the time has come for us to join together in putting an end to this profitless agi tation and proposals for tinkering with the (Sherman) law? As the necessity arises, we can from time to time enforce the act, without fear or favor, but with out any disposition to get political cap ital out of what we may be called upon to do. Let our pilot be experience and accurate knowledge and high resolve, and not party expediency or misdi rected energy, whether proceeding from good or bad motives, and above all this let us not proceed upon a crude guess." AMERICAN MERCHANT MARINE (In the U. S. House of Representa tives, Feb. 26, 1910.) It is clear that there are no treaties that stand in our way to prevent us from enacting a discriminating tariff duty UNDERWOOD THE MAN OF THE HOUR But Mr. Underwood's rise in public favor has not been spectacular. His is not the kind of popularity that will decline. It dawned suddenly but its dawning was rather the awakening of recognition than the discovery of a new star. Mr. Underwood and his ability had been there all the time, ebut they had not been called into action. Op portunity revealed the man and the leader. His leadership and his qualities are of the stuff that will last. He may never be President of the United States. He may never be given the nomination by Jhis party, but his usefulness to the party and to the people will not be destroyed. Hie is hangmng no hopes on the reward that may conme to hinm from the party. * * * * * * * Mr. Underwood's public record is un usual for its clean brilliancy. It stands wvithout a flaw. Critics may search it through and through and Mr. Under wood's smile would never waver. His party record is just as clear. His pri vate life is without a blemish. lHe is peculiarly fitted by nature and training for the leadership of men and the administration of executive func tions. He comes of good stock, if that means anything in this people's repub lic. Hius education was thoroughly rounded. His character wvell poised. Hius training has becn broad an d wise. Hie is thoroughly practical. His aca demic education has been broadened by well directed experience and constant application to useful research.--Walter Unlrper in the B irmningham Age-Herald, January 7, 1912. UNDERWOOD OVER AGAIN The rapid rise of Oscar WV. Under wood in the discussion of Presidential possibilities is full of significance, and may well cause consternation in the Wilson, Clark and Harmon camps. As a distinctive Southerner, his boonm espe cially is a menace to Wilson, who ap pealed strongly to the sentiment of that section, in wvhich he was born and spent his early years. In the soundness of his Democracy, the statesmanlike judg ment and modleration lhe displays in dealing wvith the issues of the hour, Mvr. Underwood has no superior among his rivals. He avoids indorsing very questionlable issues to which Wilson commnittedl himself somewhat inconti nently.--The Troy Press, New York, November 28, 1911. THE I'IAN TO WIN The Mobile Register declares that the relief of ninety millions of people from tax extortion is the issue, and the issue is personified in Oscar Wv. Under wood. What more fitting, therefore, asks this paper, than that the man who is the personification of the issue should stand~ before the President wvho vetoed the bills drawni by Mr. Underwood seek ing to give relief to the American peo ple? What more fitting'that the cani didate should be Mr. Underwood, stand ing for tariff reduction as against Mr. Taft standling in defense of present tariff lawvs? What more fitting for the Demo cratic party to nominate a man who can wijn--for this is the time Democracy can wvin., Powerful political leaders of thought and those journalistic exponents of Democracy throughout the country should take note of Mr. Underwood. They should investigate; and with party loyalty firm-with sectional prejudice eliminated, learn to know the man and the principles for which he stands. The Southern press, especially, ahould rally with unhesitating vigor to support and use their influence for the man who has done more than any living Democrat to reunite Democracy, and who can, as a Southern Democrat in the White House, establish forever a reunited country. Richmond Journal, reprodm'ed in the A di'rtiser, Montgomery, Ala., January 20 1912. D Of ALL PUBlLIC I ROCITY, ANTI-TRU [ARINE, PUBLIC SE] in favor of American ships. It was the policy of the fathers; it built up our mercharat marine from a point where it was carrying 17 per cent of our com merce to a point where it was carrying 90 per cent of American commerce in a period of seven years. It does not place additional burdens on the people; it is not a policy of doubtful constitu tionality; it is a policy that has been tried and Proven effective. It is a pol icy by which we can restore the Amer ican flag to the seas and the American ships to our commercial trade. It is a policy that will enable us to build up the export trade of the American peo ple. It is a policy that will enable us to find foreign markets for our surplus products in agriculture and -manufac ture. It is a policy that will restore the balance of commerce as well as trade to our Nation. It is a policy that will ultimately overoome the necessity of our paying a foreign balance in gold to European nations and will bring pros ptrity. tQ, all lines of industry. CONVICTIONS rORE POWER FUL THAN LOCAL PRESSURE (In the U. S. House of Representatives, April 21, 1911.) Two years ago, when the proposition came before the House to cut the tariff on iron and steel products, in many cases about half, I favored the proposi tion because I thought it was just and fair, but some of the protected interests in my district met and passed resolu tions, and resolved that they would re buke me if I voted to reduce the tax on iron and steel. I voted to make the reduction [applause on the Democratic side], but they did not turn me out of Congress [applause on the Democratic side], and they will not turn you out of Congress if you stand true to the people you represent. [Applause on the Democratic side.] The distinguished gentleman from Illinois [Mr. CANNONI, when lie addressed the House several days ago, stated that the United States Steel orporation was in favor of this bill and asked if I did not know it, or if that was not the reason why I favored it. As I then stated to the gentleman from Illinois, I was 'not in formed as to the wishes of the United UNDERWOOD'S RISE NO SURPRISE TO THOSE WHO KNOW HIrl For years Oscar Underwood has been recognized in his district as a man of marked ability. His broad knowledge of the tariff displayed time and again on the floor of Congress and in public utterances on the stump; his far-reach ing insight into large public questions under consideration in the national law making body; his skill in debate; his complete mastery of himself in times of political turbulence on the floor of Congress; his judgment as well as his tact, have all convinced his constituents that he was a man of force and achieve ment long before he became Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee with a tremendous task to perform.-Bir minghzam Ledger, 1912. ALABAMA AND FIR. UNDERWOOD But the present leader of the IHouse is not impulsive. In truth, that fact explains his leadership. He is a man of calculation. Had he not been, he could never have piloted his party through the difmiulties of the extra ses sion. His task then called for a calm vision and a single purpose. Had lie been a spellbinder and a scatterer he would have wasted his opportunity. Were Mr. Underwood to set his heart on the White House and maneuver for a stay under that famous roof he would play hobs with all the reputation he has just acquired. His vision would be come confused, and everything would go by the board. H-e could not serve two masters, and his work in the House has the first and highest claim on his at tention.. This does not mean that Mr. Under wood's name will, as the result of his reply to his House colleagues, disap pear from the Presidential speculation. Of course, it will not. It is there to stay, with the other names nowv on many pens and tongues. The matter of the nominee is in the lap of fate, and wve shall all have to wvait for the dleci sion.-Thae Washington Sunday St ar, December, 1911. UNDERWOOD Every public speech that Oscar WV. Underwood, Democratic leader of .the House of Representatives, makes brings him closer to the people as a presiden tial possibility. What Congressman Longworth, a Republican, said of him at the dinner of the Pennsylvania So ciety in Newv York on Saturday night is coming to be generally felt by the public. "Not for many years," said Colonel Roosevelt's son-in-law, "has so forceful a personality come to the front of ,his party as the present leader of the House. Not in my time, certainly, and not, as I believe, in modern times, has the Demo cratic party dleveloped a man possessing in so full degree the qualifications for real leadership as it has this year in the person of Oscar Underwvood."-The Jer sey Journal, Jersey City, N. J., Dcemi ber 11, 1911. SOUTH ELECTED CLEVELAND "It was dhue to the South that Grover Cleveland was nominated and elected," said Judge Parker. "It was due to the South that William J. Bryan was twice nominated, and in like manner the South wvas responsible for the nomination of a New Yorker, who speaks to you now. I still believe that the South is the' sec tion of otur country from which a presi dential nominee could be chosen who could qtuell the voices of all the Demo cratic factions and heal all breaches. When the Democratic National Conven tion sees fit to nominate a Southerner, I believe that the Northern Democrats w-ilt sunnort him with their ballots. Judge Alton B. Parker, in The Stale, UESTIO S ST LEGI ATIO RVICE, T ETAf States Steel Corp . of fact, I am interl A steel business my f T have in the worl O T H steel business exc with the United E tion. My people facturers. We m, Steel Corporation istence in a com industrial fields o (hrW h have not asked mq ts, tive tariff on iron L PROTECTIO . (In the U. S. Ho of Reprtoviae. April , 1911.) -. The protected i rests of this coun try know well th this. bill will make a break in the dik that whenever the protective tariff i removed and the Northern farmer s ids out alone with out pretense of pr ection to his prod ucts that lie can longer be counted on to stand in the nks of the inonopo listic interests of t s country. That is why they are afrai of it. It is not so much what is in th bill, but they know that the death kn of the protection system will hav'd snded-that protec tion that means th protection of enor mous profits and e creation, of to nopolies in this ottntry-when tiCe farmer understand and abandons the Republican Party t those alone who, have fattened upon s hard-earn'd dol- it lars. They are uisin, my friends, every effort in the district on that side of the I louse and in your listrict, my fellow Democrat and in t district to break the column. I hav protected interests in my district, but do not represent them. I represent tl great mass of my constituency who wa honest treatment and fair play. OSCAR UN ERWOOD The appearance of scar Underwood here last night, in ad cacy of the Dem ocratic principles he as done so much to advance, was an eN nt not only highly gratifying to his p ty associates in ~ouisville, but of exc tional interest to the community in ge .ral. It is not often that man returns to the scenes of his yo h to speak with such authority, from o commanding a position, won on his n merit. It has not been so long as th years ago-he is not yet 50-since Osca Underwood was a schoolboy here; lie -omes back now the recognized and ap auded leader of his party on the floor of the National Ilouse of Representati es, the head of the great committee N ich shapes the fiscal legislation of the country; a new chieftain of Democracyl'who has arisen at a crisis when the o I party seemed. all but leaderless. Bravo, Oscar Under :ood I Tt is a bright day for Democraz when they are fortunate to find and (tick to acclaim such a leader.-LouisvilpiCouricr-Jour nal, reprinted in Ag-I .rad, Birming ham, Ala., October 15, 1911. SOI'BT HINGl OF ALI.ABAL1A'S CANDIDATE FOR THlE PRESIDENCY Whoever was floor leader of the De mocracy was good enough for Mr, Un derwood during all the long years that party was in the minority, and day after (lay, whether that leader was Joseph WV. Bailey, of Texas, John Sharp Williams, of Mississippi, or Champ Clark, of Mis souri, the gentlemian from Alabama was alwvays at his leader's elbow, ready and eager to do anything he could to help. Other statesmen might try to black their party leader's eye, but Mr. Underwood was never knowvn to extend ainythiing but the helping hand.-George E. Miller, Staff Correspondent, in the Detro it News, October 24, 1911. WHOII SHALL THE . DBrIOCRATS NOrIINATE Congressman Underwood, as house leader of the Democrats and as chair man of the \Vays anid Means Commit tee, has measured up to the standard of true statesmanship. IHe has renderod in calculable service to the cause of honest tariff revision, the one great issue in the pending campaign, and by his splen did poise and mastery of affairs lhe has exalted his party's name in the minds of thiinking Amiericans.-AtIlanta Journal, Ja'nuary 7, 1912. UNDERWOOD AS A CANDIDATB If Oscar Underwood, when he wvas made Chairiian of the Ways and Meanis Commuittee, had been as well known throughout the country as Champ Clark or Judson Harmon or Woodrow Wilson he would have goiie into the Democratic convention far in the lead. He was at that time, however, little known and this fact may give to the Speaker a part of the prestige that Mr. Underwood otherwise would have had. Mr. Underwood is well known nowv, however, and will be better known he fore the convention meets or the States elect delegates. Taking it for granted that lie will conduct the tariff fight as well dulrinig the regular session as dur ing the extra sessioin, Mr. Underwood will he much stronger at the end of the regular session than lie is nowv. If we juldge by results we musttconclude that no0 Demiiocratic header has ever had his forces so well in hand as Mr. Under woodl had dlurinig the last session.-Thse Florida Times- Un ion, Jacksonville, Fla., October 24, 1911. AN EnlINENT PlAN "The dlestiny of the American nation, which I think is the most wmi'lerful in the whole history of the wvorld, is per fectly sate in the hands of such nmen as your Underwood. It is a pity that we cannot have more of his kind in Washington. He is one of the niost eminent men that the South has pro duced, anid I look with vast satisfaction upon the plans of his Alabama friends to give him their unanimous indorse ment for that high office-the prr dency.-Prof. Willis L. Moore, (Chi UT. S. Weather Bureau, in the It; l'am, Ala., Age-Herald, Oct' 1911.