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INITIATIVE, REFERENDUM AND RECALL NO FIELD 1 IN NATIONAL POLITICS &FPRFSFNTATIVF fiOVFRNMFMT AS miM. VMI 1 I I I I ! VI V I Ul II 1IIIUM I j I IV Wl 1 CEIVED BY FRAMERS OF CONSTITUTION, ONLY SAFE BULWARK OF CIVIL LIBERTY Danger of Departing from Path Established by the Fathers SPEECH DELIVERED BY MR. UNDERWOOD BEFORE CATHOLIC CLUB OF NEW YORK CITY DECEMBER 19, 1911. The main purpose of government is the protection oi life, liberty and property. The safe-guarding of property rights is essential to the advancement of our civilization. Men do not always awake to the realization that the just enforcement of the law is more essential to good government than the enactment of new statutes. Less than a century and a half ago the Federal Constitution was written; it become the pattern in its fundamental features for our State Constitutions. The world had experimented with almost every conceivable method of government for thousands of years before the birth of our republic. The statesmen who created the form of the new government were essentially students of the theories of government and lovers of the liberties of the people. Most of them had offered their lives and their fortunes in the struggle for their country's independence. No man can justly charge them with either lack of information regarding the essential principles of government, or want of honesty of purpose to create a government that would secure to themselves and their children "a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to themselves and their Posterity." World's First Written Constitution. They proclaimed to the world its first written Constitution, created a government of law in absolute contradistinction to a government of men. The framers of the Federal Constitution were familiar with the repeated failures of governments based on the principle of a direct democracy, where the people were the direct law-making power and in some instances the ultimate judicial power of the country. Dangers of a Direct Democracy. They knew from the history of the past that those governments had failed r.i. their purpose; that the liberties of the people had been destroyed by the .extremes and excesses which marked the administration of a government where the laws were made in the forum by the assembled multitude, and were not the ; mature product of selected men especially trained for the work in hand. They knew that the failure of every direct Democracy was due not to the lack of honesty or purpose on the part of the aggregate citizenship assembled in the forum, but to the fact that they were often swayed by their desires, passions, and prejudices, and lacked intimate knnwledorp r*_ sultant effect of their actions. No honest man in his individual entity will controvert the Golden Rule .that all men should do unig others as they would be done by, but it is rarely -She case that the assembled populace can divorce itself from its selfish desires and^ deal out abstract justice to those who may be temporarily in the mir^ity. " itr tile' will of' d&majorityln tne ^actoen^rt&eHaw"of t?eTan<l.^ ^ * ' < Ours a Representative Form of Government To accomplish this end, they established a representative form of government designed to create a law-making power responsive to the will of the people, and at the same time they wrote in the Constitution certain checks and balances intended to prevent the more brutal force of a majority from destroying the liberty and property rights of the individual. It must always be borne in mind that the framers of our Constitution were not attempting to establish freedom of Government, for they created a Government with only certain delegated powers expressly given to the Nation bj the States, reserving to the States the right to make most of the laws thai affected the liberties of the citizen. The underlying principle of the Constitution Was to guarantee the liberty of the citizen and the protection of his property rights against the power of the Government itself. Independent Judiciary Established. To guard and protect these rights, an independent judiciary was established to see that neither the Executive nor the Legislative branches of the Government encroached upon the guaranteed rights of the individual. It is evident that the framers of the Constitution were unwilling to trusl a selected legislative body, held in check by the veto power of the Executive; fearing even then an unbridled abuse of the power, they established Constitutional guarantees of liberty that a majority of the people could not trample upon or the Government itself destroy. Some may say that a majority of the people will not endanger the liberties and rights of the individual. I wish that this were true, but the history oi every government has shown that at times the people, when unchecked bj constitutional guarantees, have destroyed individual rights and individual liberty. Unwise Changes Now Proposed. It is now proposed by some that we shall in part abandon the representative .government enacted by our Revolutionary fathers, and adopt a system that 3ie end would establish a direct democracy when the ultimate power to maxe laws would be placed directly in the hands of all the people, and the independent judiciary intended to protect the Constitutional guarantees of individual liberty would become subservient to the will of the majority through political compulsion. We may forget that Madison and Hamilton, soldiers in the war for American Independence, brought their great minds and mature judgments to the framing of the Constitution of the United States, but there is one whose sincere judgment will not be doubted as to the value of a representative government as compared with a direct one, even by those who doubt the sincerity of purpose and the honesty of opinion of other men. Jefferson's Wise Views. in speaking ot tne equal rignts 01 man, 1 nomas Jetterson declared: "Modern times have the signal advantage, too, of having discovered the only device by which these rights can be secured, to wit: Government by the people, acting not in person, but'by representatives chosen by themselves." The author of the Declaration of Independence, knowing that all popular government before his time, resting on the direct decisions of the people, had failed and ultimately had reverted into uncontrolled despotism, rejoiced that the hour had come when a representative government could express the will of a free people. It is now proposed to abandon the representative principle of government established by our fathers and revert to the direct action of the people, to the principle of an Athenian democracy adapted to modern conditions. Representative Government Only Check on Excesses and Passion. Our representative government was established to guard against the excesses which had brought the ancient direct popular government to destruction, and because our government does not at all times immediately respond to public sentiment, there are some who insist that the principle of government is at fault and must be changed. They do not reflect that at times they may misiudjye real nublic sentiment, that at other times the instrument of the erovern ment (the representative whom the people can change at recurring periods) is at fault and not the basic principle of the government itself. My experience as a legislator leads me to believe that the Congress of the United States will always ultimately respond to the enlightened and matured sentiment of the people. With the changing tides of public sentiment, we have repeatedly experienced .changes in the exercise of the taxing powers. We have seen the legislative branch of the government in direct response to public sentiment in recent years enact railroad rate legislation, pure food laws, provide for the publicity of campaign funds, national quarantine, irrigate the arid West and build the Tsthmian Canal. Can it be truthfully said that the Congress has failed ultimately to place on the statute books the laws that a majority of the American people were in favor of as a result of their permanent and deliberate judgment (Continued on Next Column.) s. h * OUTOBP 1 rtTVP YTmE TO ABi UNWO The most humiliating paradox in c American politics to-day is the shrink- t ing attitude of some of our own people i toward the presidential possibilities of i Southern men. c The civil war, the memories of which ( furnished the nursery for this indefensi- 4 ble sectional abasement, is 50 years at j our back. Ninety per cent of the Amer- i ican voters who elect a president re- c member this war and its dividing rancor 1 only as history. With outstretched < 'hands, having given every proof of view- c ing Mason and Dixon's line as no more t a political barrier than the Mississippi t or the Rockies, the dominant generation t at the North invites the South, its pub- $ lie men, by right of citizenship and by t right of demonstrated ability, into full 1 fellowship in the nation's counsels. < South Wanting in Boldness What has been the answer of the < South?at least, the answer that may be interpreted by the silence or the difh- i dence of hundreds of thousands of rep- i resentative Southerners ? i Obsessed by the ghosts of half a cen- i tlirv n<rr> Olliltv r?f an fmKo rri ccmAnt . and a self-consciousness that is nothing t short of arrant sectional cowardice, { there is a feeling among many South- i erners that the wraiths of the sixties i still stand between the South and the j White House?the South and that par- i ticipation in the nation's voice, the na- : tion's destiny, to which the nation is I eager to admit us. ' 1 The consequences of this abnegation of < common manhood could not be more ] forcefully portrayed than in the words < of the Constitution's Washington correspondent, in a dispatch discussing the presidential status resulting from the Harvey-Wilson-Watterson episode. "If he," writes our correspondent, canvassing the possibilities of Oscar Underwood, the brilliant Alabamian, along with other Southerners, "pays the penalty of being a Southern man, it will be the South and not the North to exact it." Smith's Political Stage Fright That is also an accurate delineation A New Leader From the South "The President's veto, of course, destroyed the Free List Bill, as well as all the other features of the Demorratir platform. The special session, however, was not without far-reaching results. Its chief accomplishments were a reorganized Congress and a resurrected Democratic majority under a new leadership. It also emphasized the new part which the Southern States are now playing in national affairs. With a Southerner as Chief Justice, a Southerner as majority leader in Congress, and Southerners as prominent candidates for the D?#aocratic presidential nomination ?Clark, Underwood and Wilson?the nation is certainly more united than "St * I IM 90 Ml interested in the solidarity ot the fortyeight States than in the union of tne Democratic party."?Burton J. Hendrick in McClure's Magazine, February, 1912. ! Alabama's Candidate Mr. Underwood's service to the counr try during nine terms in the National : House of Representatives has been most distinguished, and has made his name a > household word in the homes of the people. For more than 20 years he has been in the very front of his party's battle line, a leader from his youth, and ever faithful to his party's principles I and candidates. No Democrat can find a flaw in his political record; no charge of desertion in any campaign; no accut sation of serving special interests can ; lie against him. His congressional colleagues respect : him for his sincerity, his high sense of honor, his sagacity and his acknowl; edged ability, and this in itself is an : infallible proof of his merit, for none r know so well the capabilities of a [ statesman as those who have served many years with him and noted his conduct in days of peace and those of political storm.?Cincinnati Enquirer, October 23, 1911. | (Continued from The response may not be as rapid, b there is certainly not as much danger c legislation. Cannot a committee of the Congi . initiate legislation, within the limitations : cesses and abuses, protect the rights of : majority, as well or better than the parti ; that they may accomplish one result, a . leave a wake of destruction as to collat Untrustworthine It is true that under the system pr< voters would first have to be obtained, often he has signed petitions to please c the paper, to determine what thought the average man who signs a petition. People Suffer More From Failure Lack of Prope Should I stop to criticise our governm far more from the failure to enforce th do from the lack of proper legislation, found on the statute books, that if fa : we complain against; but k is so much than to insist that our neighbor shall g ready have. If there are evils in our governmen organic form. It is due to the failure and justly perform the duties impos* and the way is clear. The people shoul responsibility the unfaithful servant and true to the trust imposed upon them. The People and th You tell me the people cannot elect h that the masses of the people are far 1 measures, and are far more likely to j measure. When you say that the voter cannot the will of the people in his office, and country, I say you reflect on the very misjudge the honesty and the intelligenc Our Constitution was born in the houi was ripe in the hearts of men. For a < war, greed, and intolerance; through tl disaster, it has protected the lives, liberl Let us elect honest men to public offic for the true interest of the Constitutii effect it may have on their personal for for a change of the fundamental princij ' ' " ' i unci? AN DON RTHY SECT A )f the manner in which the North views i he situation. We use Underwood only is an illustration, though his magnificent ecord as House leader during the spe:ial session would, as our correspondent < leclares, have assured his nomination 'with a sweep"?had he lived at the l\orth! To the North, it makes no difference where Underwood, or any other >ne of the galaxy being discussed, was jorn. The representative Northerner loes not bridle at mention of Bull Run )r Gettysburg. It remains for the South < o develop political stage fright over hese diminishing chapters in our his- : orv. The last smouldering embers of sectional acrimony were stamped out by he Spanish-American war. The last carriers between North and South were mumbled before the achievements of ? ~c u T - - ?J -r juc v> nccici, vi i" uziiugu i-.cc, anu 01 many of the younger generation on both fides. The most convincing evidence of this :act is the manner in which the nation eccived the announcement of the broad md patriotic action of President Taft n elevating Justice White, a Confederate veteran, t,o the Chief Justiceship of .he United States Supreme Court. A protesting snarl 'ose here and there i 'rom the irreconcilables. And the voices | most bitter in denunciation of that i jaundice came from?the Northern press! It is only essential for the occasional freak firebrand to rise and at:empt to wave the "bloody shirt," to be puried with ridicule, not only by his confreres, but as well by the newspapers of all sections of our common country. Not a Question of Expediency or Discretion In the face of these cumulative facts, there are some in the South who still question if, "on account of past offenses," it is "discreet" or "expedient" for a Southern man to offer himself for presidential honors! We insult ourselves, we debase our manhood, we surrender the rights the North is so willing to concede us, when we permit our, Underwood for President The argument that he lives too far South to be available is without weight. The country has reached that state of union?has been so closely drawn together by railroad and telegraph?that Alabama is brought to the door of New York. Massachusetts and Texas are near neighbors and even the two Portlands, of Maine and Oregon, stand within easy hailing distance of each other. So far as any feeling of sectionalism is concerned, or any prejudice against the selection of a Southern man for the presidency, Underwood is, like Lincoln, a native of Kentucky, and therefa|l* as much Northern as Southern, was born ^ ^r^y^courage'ous "man.?^Sntore Sun, ^u!y 26, 1911. Underwood Presidential Timber Mr. Underwood would make an ideal President. He is a broad-gauged, level-1 U~~a~A -:4: i? J l ucaucu *.iuz.cu, iic uoesn i sup nis cerebral cogs and go off at a tangent as a rabid exponent of revolutionary dogmas in an effort to popularize himself; he is uniformly courteous to all men; he believes in reducing the high cost of living in this country, not talking about it; he does not believe in destroying the industries of the United States while at the same time he is a thorough believer in the principles of tariff for revenue only. ******* There is no flub-dub about Mr. Underwood. He doesn't believe in shams. He is a big, brawny, brainy statesman, without his lightning rod out to attract the Democratic nomination for the presidency, and largely on that very account he is liable to be the very man that will get in the way of the bolt that may elevate him to the White House.?J. W. Flenner, in the Times-Democrat, Muskegee, Okla., October 28, 1911. First Column.) ut it is probably more permanent and )f enacting hasty, ill-considered or bad :ess, composed of representative men, of the Constitution, guard against exthe minority, voice the wishes of the san friends of a measure who, in order re tempted to reach so far that they ;eral matters the measure touches? ss of Petitions. oposed, a petition by a percentage of But let every man ask himself how >r get rid of the person who presented and deliberation will be exercised by of Law Enforcement Than From r Legislation. ent, I would say that the people suffer ie laws on the statute books than they How many remedial laws are to be irly enforced would remedy the evils i easier to cry out for new legislation ;o to jail for violating the law we alt as it exists today, it is not in its : of those in office to honestly, fairly ;d upon them. The remedy is plain [d drive from the places of power and I elect those who will be faithful and e Representatives. onest and faithful servants. I tell you )etter judges of men than they are of select an honest man than an honest select a public official who will reflect be faithful to the Constitution of his first principle of free government and e of the American people. when the love of liberty and freedom century it has withstood the storms of ie tempests of discontent, danger and ty and property of our people, e. men who have the courage to stand Dn they represent regardless of what tunes. There then will b? no demand iles of our government ; IONAL BASEMENT course, as a people, to be so interpreted. It is not in human nature to accord respect, where self-respect is absent. How, then, can we expect the remainder of the nation to continue to respect us, when we grovel in the dust of a bygone era, and let go by default the rights inherent in American manhood? For virtually half a century the South has furnished the hewers of _>wood and drawers of water for the..democratic party. It has, faithfully \r?fh each recurrent four years, furnished the Democ- j racy's army and its line officers?cheerfully yielding command to other sections. With a smile, it has steadily forsworn the political loaves and fishes, content, for the sake of the party, that they go to doubtful States?time and again to States most of us knew at the time were steel-riveted Republican. Let Us Claim Our Birthright For 50 years we have eaten in the political kitchen. Consistently, we have waxed cheerful when denied even the dubious privilege of the second table. And to-dav, when the clock of destiny strikes, when the door of opportunity is wide ajar, when the North actually lives up to that prophetic utterance in the Senate of Ben Hill, "We are back in the , house of our fathers, and we are here to stay, thank God!"?a few of us are still blushing and stammering, still wearing political sackcloth and ashes, still up to the old "easy mark" game of doing all the drudgery, with none of the cakes and ale! Let's end this disgraceful farce! We furnish, have long furnished, the electoral votes, the powder and shot, the munitions, of the Democratic party. Let's assert those equal rights and privileges as American citizens, as the remainder of the nation fraternally bids us to do. Let's cease the stultification of informing the nation, by our actions, that we cannot bring forth a man capable for the presidency. For the sectional cowardice, here and there manifested, is equivalent to that shameful and ungrounded admission.?The Constitution, Atlanta, Ga., January 21, 1912. Southern Leaders "Naturally the men who have led the Democrats in the House of Representatives so successfully under trying conditions are freely mentioned at the prespnf timA nc ? xl V"k umv oo JJUOOIUIC ?_UlIUiU?lLCS> XOr tXIC presidential nomination by the Democratic Convention. These leaders are Champ Clark, Speaker of the House, and Oscar W. Underwood, a new and coming man. "Both are Southerners, by the way, but in my mind there is no reason in these days of broadening views and lessening prejudices why% Southerner should jipUj be nominated and elected to the presiRandolpf?-Hearst* in^tfie * New TZf\ American, Mos^ay, September 25, 19il J - 1 ] Takes Up Underwood The years since the Civil War have rolled too fast and far to permit it to be conceivable any longer that the circumstances of Southern birth should constitute in Northern judgment a disqualification in any degree whatever. Both as to nomination and as to election the Southerner will be rated in 1912 on his individual merits. As far as this particular Southerner, Mr. Oscar W. Underwood, is concerned, it is agreeable to note the absence of geography in the regard in which he is held in all parts of the Union.?New York Sun, 1911. A FALSE POSITION Rumors generally believed to have emanated from the camps of men who either are or have been considered as Democratic presidential possibilities, that Mr. Underwood, of Alabama, could not command the support of the North because of the fact that he is a Southerner, are not only poppycock, pure and simple, but they place the men of the North in a false position in the eyes of the people of the South and tend to revive sectional feeling which has been buried for many years. The effects of such rumors are nil in the North because the people of the North know they have not one iota of truth, but people in the South are apt to take them more seriously, and there is where they may prove harmful, not only because of their tendency to cause dissatisfaction on the part of Southern Democrats, but because of the effect they may have in giving rise to sectional prejudice through false representations of conditions which do not exist. No Northerner would hesitate to support Mr. Underwood because he comes from the South.?The Argus. Albanv, New York, November 23, 1911. UNDERWOOD THE 11AN We have been humbugged and scared off long enough by the bogy of Northern prejudice against a Southern candidate. Underwood stands for just those things which recent Northern majorities have declared they want?a revision of the tariff downward and the destruction of special privilege. His qualities of leadership have been tested and approved. In his personality he is solid, clean and sane, with the courage of a fighter and the clairvoyance of a true reformer, and if the South presents him as her candidate and the party ratifies her choice this fine, strong character of a new day in our annals will catch both the sentiment and the sober judgment of the North, sweep awav the last remaining debris of the dead old war and its dead issues and carry enough States in that section to give us the Presidencv.?Live Oak, Fla., Democrat, reprinted in the Montgomery Advertiser, January 17, 1912. FREE LIST BIL BYPRI DRAWN BY CHAIRMAN WAYS AND MEA A Bill of Direct Benefit ! I n ? a/\ \A//m* a 1^ r\ f\ i v nupes vvcit? uiaaij lican P MR. UNDERWOOD THE I MR. UNDERWOOD, FROM THE MEANS, SUBMITTED THE FOI [To accompany The Committee on Ways and Means, 4413) to place on the free list agriculti ties, leather, boots and shoes, saddlery ; flour, bread, timber, lumber, sewing mz had same under consideration report : ment and recommend that the bill do p It was expressly stated in the Democ promises of tariff reform made at that tardy recognition of the righteousness c tion, but that the people could not sz portant work to a party which is so c interests as is the Republican Party ****** Agricultural By this measure agricultural tools an on the free list, in order to remove 01 against our farmers in the prices of the on an equal footing with their competi mestic manufacturers of agricultural t< ery have grown to great proportions am and combinations. These organizations world, meeting and overcoming all c and, as a rule, ask for none. For a their products in foreign countries a so recently as 1907 agricultural assoc against this practice. The imports of significant; the value of all such impor to $122,302. The exports of these impi importance than the domestic trade, t $3,859,184 in 1890 to $28,124,033 in 1910 aided by the removal of duties from lur Bagging and It is of the greatest importance to o cultural commodities that the materials or otherwise packing these commodities may be available to the producers at tl out shelter for the exaction of unreaso of manufacturing interests. The bill, t articles on the free list, including cottoi butts, hemp, flax,. seg, tow, burlaps, an coverings, and bags or sacks made the: Wn or hoop or band steel for baling coverings for agricultural produce. Tl 'farmers and have served principally tc and combinations. 62d Congress, 1st Session. H. R. 4 agricultural implements, cotton bagging fence wire, meats, cereals, flour, bread, and other articles. Be it enacted by the Senate and ?H States of America in Congress assembk the passage of this Act the following a imported into the United States: Plows, tooth and disk harrows, heade and planters, mowers, horserakes, cult gins, farm wagons and farm carts and kind and description, whether specifics in whole or in parts, including repair p; Bagging for cotton, gunny cloth, and ings, suitable for covering and baling c jute, jute butts, hemp, flax, seg, Russ: tow, aloe, mill waste, cotton tares, or a covering cotton; and burlaps and bags < jute or burlaps or other material suita products. Hoop or band iron, or hoop or barn punched, or wholly or partly manufact coated with paint or any other preparai ings, for baling cotton or any other straw, and other agricultural products. Grain, buff, split, rough and sole leatl and shoes made wholly or in chief v; and cattle skins of whatever weight, oi calfskins; and harness, saddles, and sa unfinished, composed wholly or in chiei shoe uppers or vamps or other forms tured articles. Barbed fence wire, wire rods, wide manufactured for wire fencing, and ot including wire staples. Beef, veal, mutton, lamb, pork, and n dried, smoked, dressed or undressed, ] bacon, hams, shoulders, lard, lard sausage and sausage meats. Buckwheat flour, corn meal, wheat middlings, and other offals of grain, oa cereal foods; and biscuits, bread, waft Timber, hewn, sided, or squared, rot ing wharves, shingles, laths, fencing p other lumber, rough or dressed, except ber, of lignum-vitae, lancewood, ebony satinwood, and all other cabinet woods Sewing machines, and all parts thereo Salt, whether in bulk or in bags, sa Passed the House of Representatives Attest: UNDERWOOD A UNIFYING FORCE The Republicans cannot agree with his tariff views; the country, we are sure, will nevef put him into the presidency, but assuredly he must be conceded to be the ablest, the strongest, the most influential Democrat in Congress to-day, and he has shown a marvelous capacity for leadership. His party associates stand solidly behind him, and that could not have been said of any other man in recent years who led the Democrats in the House of Representatives. ******* The shrewd Republican politicians who predicted that the Democrats in the House would be split into a dozen bitterly fighting factions in less than a month, are now amazed at Underwood's success as a harmonizer and a unifying force. He has succeeded where everybody else failed; it seems likely that with the prestige of success he will grow larger and more powerful as time passes. We detest his political principles, but it would be folly to deny his strength and capacity?The Post Express, Rochester, N. Y., June 21, 1911. i ! L VETOED ESIDENT TAFT UNDERWOOD OF THE NS COMMITTEE to the Farmer, Whose )ated by a Repubresident FRIEND OF ALL CLASSES : COMMITTEE ON WAYS AND .LOWING REPORT (EXTRACTS). H. R. 4413.] ! to whom was referred the bill (H. R. ural implements, cotton bagging, cotton and harness, fence wire, meats, cereals, icHines, salt, and other articles, having it back to the House without amend- j ass. :ratic platform of 1908 that the belated time by the Republican Party were a >f the Democratic position on this quesifely intrust the execution of this imleeply obligated to the highly protected * * * * * Implements. id implements of every kind are placed to prevent any possible discrimination ;se necessary articles, and to place them itors elsewhere in the world. Our do)ols, implements, vehicles, and machind are largely organized into great trusts are selling their products all over the ompetition. They need no protection, i number of years they sold many of t lower prices than at home, and :iations in public resections protested these agricultural implements are ints, free and dutiable, in 1910, amounted lements*have become a matter of more he figures indicating an increase from , tu: _ r t .... . mis ioreign Dusmess will be greatly nber, as provided for in this bill. ? \ xing Materials. ur producers of cotton and other agrinecessary for bagging, sacking, baling, be made free from duty, so that they tie most favorable prices possible, withnable prices by trusts and combinations herefore, places all such materials and 1 bagging and cotton ties, jute and jute J d other materials or fibers suitable for 9 refrom, together with all hoop or band I I any dtSnmodity }nd wire for baling .cr. and materials fnr making coverings ntair^Rd unjust to continue duties on tese duties have a^&oyed and burdened > increare the profits of exacting trusts J 413. An Act to place on the free list ] ; cotton ties, leather, boots and shoes, | , timber, lumber, sewing machines, salt, ] ouse of Representatives of the United 1 id, That on and after the day following , rticles shall be exempt from duty when : ' al rs, harvesters, reapers, agricultural drills ivators, threshing machines and cotton all other agricultural implements of any illy mentioned herein or not, whether arts. all similar fabrics, materials, or coverotton, composed in whole or in part of ian seg, New Zealand tow, Norwegian ny other materials or fibers suitable for or sacks composed wholly or in part of ble for bagging or sacking agricultural v d steel, cut to lengths - 0 , r UUl , ured into hoops or ties, coated or not 1 tion, with or without buckles or fastencommodity; and wire for baling hay, ? ler, band, bend, or belting leather, boots due of leather made from cattle hides E cattle of the bovine species, including ddlery, in sets or in parts, finished or I value of leather; and leather cut into suitable for conversion into manufac- 1 strands or wire rope, wire woven or her kinds of wire suitable for fencing, aeats of all kinds, fresh, salted, pickled, prepared or preserved in any manner; compounds and lard * substitutes; and flour and semolina, rye flour, bran, itmeal and rolled oats, and all prepared ;rs, and similar articles not sweetened, ind timber used for spars or in buildosts, sawed boards, planks, deals, and : boards, planks, deals, and other lum, box, granadilla, mahogany, rosewood, f. cks, barrels, or other packages. May 8, 1911. South Trimble, Clerk. I FORAKER ON UNDERWOOD Mr. John Temple Graves will be in town soon to make us a speech. He was in Birmingham the other night and The Age-Herald printed an interview with the former Georgian, in which that gentleman discussed Mr. Underwood as a presidential candidate. Mr. Graves said: "Mr. Foraker used to be very bitterly opposed to the South, but softened a great deal after his elevation to the Senate. I asked Mr. Foraker if in case Mr. Underwood is nominated for President, will it make any difference to you that he is a Southern man ?" "'Absolutely none,' said Mr. Foraker. 'Of course, I cannot vote for him, as I am a Republican, but if any Republican should get up and denounce him because he is from the South, I would take the stump in Underwood's defense.'" That reads well, coming as it does from a man whose antagonistic attitude towards the South in other days gave him the appellation of "Fire Alarm" Foraker.?Montgomery (Alabama) Advertiser, reprinted in the Birmingham, Ala., Age-Herald, January, 1912.