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be looked up to in vain. ftcot oa the progress, cexmot be mistaken as ?o the rmutef thie ?? America* system." It is in vain that the foroeof argument is with us; the hand of power begem* us end I we ere within lu grasp, end nothing vmmatlon ud OecMou can prevent m the progress of this system for beck, and oak y oy rsel ves, ban not of ye your oppcewuts beeu suc beyond their owe, expectations? ercry a Ctfitfttll H<w not every amnion enfeebled your opposi te la ?ot the proposed sppUcation to tlio next Congress, the most daring anil unjust of tbo ooetnpU hitherto made? And yet,, which ofyou can doubt of its succtfcs? Once i more Ut.me a* the very Important que*, tion, it this measure can be carried against you, what mcaturt cannot be carried? | If you suppose that the efforts of the man- : nlacturers will ever be stopped till the firtncl- ; /Ur ofprotec ting dutiesbS altogether abandon- j od in our national legislature, you will be mis- j taken. Manufacture is a Hydra. You are! net freed from applications because you have rt^ooted e dosen or two. The uiutto of a mamtfiscturer now and always, here and eve ry where, is, moxotoly: to uut down ell i competition, and tp commend cjcciustve/y every market. To compel every one to buy at the monuCacturers price* uud to sell at the manufacturers pricc. Such is the re sult of European experience: have wc found it different here? A few words more as to congressional management. It is a fact well known to the mer?h?*rs of 1833 and 1&4* that the com mittee, of which Mr. Todd waa made chair man, because he was a fit persbn to do as he was bid, received all their information, and all their instruction from the manufacturers within the house, and their lobby friends without: that the manufacturing interest acting for themselves and not for (Tie nation, carried thetariff of that year: that Mr. Todd, the chairman who had become a political, not well succeeding as a practising lawyer, was sent there by the iron masters of Bed ford, Somerset and Alleghany counties, him self not having an idea on the subject but what was supplied by the persons whose cause he was sent thert to advocate: it was those persons sir who took tiie no small trouble with this man, to 14 nang him fu' of knowledge." That Mr. Ualdwin, who with far more talent preceedcd him, was a lawyer sent by the manufacturers of Pitts burgh, and whose practice depended greatly on them. Thete gentlemen must be consid ered as lawyers employed by local commu nities and pleading the causc of particular interests* not as independent advocates for great national rights, or strictly what they ought have been, national representatives. 1 impute to them no misdemeanour in thus acting. 1 see not how it is possible to gel rid of this difficulty In legislating?this too natural attempt, to push forward partial and local interests under the stolen garb of pat riotism, at the cxpcncc of national rights and generaiexpedieme. But although wc may f*6t be able to get ?M?( it in practice, wc may be permitted to allow for it in the course of argiment; and to rank, it among the causes by which votes are influenced, and partial views preferred to general good: for the fact itself, is too well Known to !>e denied. 1 do not therefore consider'that Tariff* as having been pasted by our nat ional representatives in Congress at Washington, hut by the manufacturers and the represen tatives of the manufacturers. That this is a true account of the matter, I dare venture to appeal to our members ot the House of Rep resentatives then at Washington. On that occasion sir, HfcVn v Clay at that1 time a manufacturer of cotton-bugging from Kentucky?at present, manufacturer of Pre sidents, coalition-monger, and comptroller of governmental presses, moved for a duty on cotton-bagging so heavy, that his brother manufacturers became alarmed, and refus ed to go the whole length with this truly dis interested aAd national representative.! They did however agree in conformity to the general plan, to lay a duty tho* less In amount on cotton-bagging. The effect of that duty 1 beg leave to state frftm the " Natchcs Arier' of the beginning of June 1827. Cotton Bagging.? A writer in the Natches Artel on the subject of bagging, says?"By the operation of the Tariff; the Scotch bag ging Is nearly excluded from our market, and 1 ?e are forced to rely on thefriends of thnt' measure, oar neighbors in Kentucky, ex clusively for our supplies. They may put' what price they please on It, and wc must. pay it, to long ?h they know we cannot be , supplied through other channels. Hence sve fin J speculators from that state buying Up the article at the enormous price of 20 cents per yard, and with a reasonable hope, too, of realising trom four tn six cents per yard. It m.tv be said, the time has been jvhen we paid 40 cents without ever mur muring: true, that wss when cotton brought 90 and 33 cents per pound." When I state sir, that If. Clay was en gaged in a manufacture of cotton-buguing, 1 Jtate what was'generally suid und believed at that time; and which has never that I know of, been since doubted or denied. I am sor ty for it. It was a proftosal and a vote, by no means honourable Jo him hs a reprenta* tive; and not in harmony with his general carelessness as to iteeunisvy accumulation. Jkit Mr. Clay sir* who is a lawyer, ought to ?ave known,, that no man clothed wtth an ii'jwh|i nv (ruin iivifiru wh/i wrl* Jbr the benefit of another, ihaft be it for tht benefit of himself. le of equity more wisely, e la no principl honestly, or try ' more permanently settled, j T. ^ to heaven H had been written in 4 luge characters and hung over the speak* er*s chair! lam not sure of its effective ope ration, hot It would be one among the orin ?iptesnf honour and honesty which nave been strangely forgotten in that house. A years ago, air. Brougham moved In the iof Commons that no member should > it ted to vote upon a bill in whose " i was personally Interested. No t*kcn on the motion, because it considered at parliamentary ft* limitationsof a ? which there ?|? no time then to dis If it be not aand or drrsofthe home, It " * that ?n honost lOWftguMsnr*. twrtf Mi a* this m first fram niotives to its adoption wm to prwrtnt om stiste taking advtatageof another by inequalities b the custom house duties. \Henoe the rale of osr fedeni ?oo stitetfon, that??o puhmtt ahaU be by any regulation of commerce end to the ports of one state over those er. It is true, we conform to this In the letter, bat we muek it In -.Can any nun to the north ot a enough to deny that the munopol set king in fact, that advantage over the south, which the plain meaning of the con stitution has forbidden? If Imposts must bt laid fa 'Mr benefit, and we are to pay them, can they call such a regulation of custom house duties, xqUALtTV? bir, 1 do nut wish to occupy the fatiguing hours of this day, by saying all that may be said uttd properly said on this momentous question, other gentlemen must have time Us moke their observations also, and to sup , ply my omissions. It Is neccssary however, [ whatever we may thereafter do, to show to I the public in the first instance, that justice and t ight arc on our side} and for this pur pose the resolution! have been drawn up, so as to embrace the leading principles we rely on. I hohr, they may 'have a tendency (with out much expecting itwowever) to check the hasty, headlong current of representative in*> justice: and to shew, thut it ta not n republi can system in any case, to sacrifice the right* of the minority to the Intern.fe of the majo rity. Least of all is it an American sys tem. Sir, X have frequently heard phrases of what is called orthodox theology, so much approaching to my conceptions of blasphe my, that 1 have shuddered when they met my ear. Something of thin kind of feeling affects me, when 1 near the manufacturerti phrase of Ameuican system. Sir, t have always deemed that oar American system was in direct hostility with the European sys tems: that liberty, equality, andhone&ty \\ere our bonds of union, and constituted the i>er vadingspiritofour Amkkic an system. That equality of rights, equality of duties, equali ty of burthens, equality oi protection, equali ty of laws, constituted tbe prevailing fea tures of our happy institutions; bet I am now sir to learn for the first time, that in the canting, cheating, cajoling slang of these monopolists, the American system, is a system, by which the earnings of the south are to be transferred to north by which the many Are sacrificed to the few?under which power* are usurped that were never conceded?by which ine quality of rights, inequality of burthens, ine quality of protection, unequal laws and Une qual tuxes are to be enacted and rendered permanent?-that the planter and the farmcr under this vystem, are to be eousidered iu> inferior beings to the spinner, the bleacher and the dyer?that we of the south hold our plantations under this system, as the Serfs and operatives of the north: subject to the order*, and labouring for the benefit of the master minds of Massachusetts tbe l.o t\s ol the spinning-jenny, and Peer* of tbe |?ower loom? who nave a right to *ax our earning* for their emolument, and to burthen our pov erty to swell their riches. This is the AMr.mr.AN system these gentlemen are pleased to hold up as the idol of the day; a* the golden image, which they indeed may well he content to worship. To call this system of fraud, robbery nnd usurpatic ., the vtmerirun system, will sound to your ears as it does to mine, a base libel on the American character. Sir, we hear a great deal of the prodi giously extensive market these manufactu re i> mean to afford to the farmer: how much cotton they already take off; how much wool they are to consume. Their false and exaggerated statements on these subjects, are absolutely nauseating. Sir, there is no proof that the cotton manufacturers to the north, eonsumc one tenth part of our pro duce. We have no objection to sell to them, but their custom is a bagatelle. Sir, in the year 1825, Great Britain and France, inclu ding Switzerland with the latter, purchased 51,000 bags of cotton more than the Un'/tcd States raised in that year, when our export was 750,000 bags. The cotton trade of France and Switserland is prodigiously en creasing. In 1825 it was 230, in 1896, 280 thousand bags: more than half the consump tion of Great Britain. We thank the north for their custom upon ftar ctw>mary terms, and no other: if not, we ca)^A|kith out them: and if they wish it, we wuL uut of all the cajoling*, commend me to the ratal ings of the woollen manufacturers; to whose misrepresentations if the farmers accede, they will be dupes, beyond what I should suspect cajolery could make them. We ean only reason from what we know: we can judge of the future only by the past. Permit me to repeat the brief history oi the woollen manufacture of Oreat Britain, in the language of tny original revolutions: Hint, Ilia nretcnce of the woollen manufactu rer* to afford a home market lor the wool grown in tb? United States?and that it It for the inter* I c?t of in* farmer to content to protecting duties Hi | their fuvor,!? a fallacious and fraudulent fireUnce; I lnn?mtith a* it li the manifest inter*?l of the ' farmer to Imv* all markets op*-n to liis choice, 1 and to sell where he ean procure the I*?*? price* for hit commodity whether at home or abroad- i The Interest and object of tba home manufacturer Is monopoly In tniylng and monopoly In selling 1 he oppressive and fraudulent conduct of the woollen manufacture of Clival Britain towards the farmers of that countpc* is very lu?tructlve, to shew (tie fri?adty^M)?o*itlon of the diuiiu. fsetuier lowaid the wo6l-grow er. Until tho feign of Reward 111. wool might tie sold at hums or he espotted abroad M the will of the agriculturist. This was about AOO years ago; since that time, th? woollen manufacture has h**n f?rdingiHii< a vampire on the honest prodt of the farmer, ??y interdicting him from every market lu?t one. Thr first set procured i>\ the woollen manu facturers hi m<?nftf>olt*e the ?>oma?p|tHi Wool at their own |trice*, was lh? II Kd. 8,18t7. which made it felony to esport wool. Bt tm.1l, nona shall wear cloth, but *uch as l< made In Kit gland. By Ch. 8, no cloth made ahrond, ihsll In) brought her* Bjrat Kd 8, (1308,) it is made felony In aay Englishman, Irishman or Walihman to esport wool. By Cb. 87 of the same act, tha punishment i? declared for this offrnce In thosa contleted of it before the last act 88 Kd 8 Ch <t changes the punishment of death into One. at.d forfeiture of goods and chattels, lands and tenement*. ? This last puaUhmeat ft declared any person eiponlnf, rams, Aeep or ft Kl eh 8, ao foreign wool cards to be I99?| eh. 14. By 1? Ob OCh. Beeper 2 art. Woollen Maaelaeturer. By 88 Qm. 8 eh. 38 ?S.lhef?lonyefiGillUCIi^l?irwi6wly?beiir odWolnaaadlaiiwIweeaaafteod aoktoartaaaa llsttlmatoa wool-grow. ^sjtssxit&mwir. Ilam, and lately by 86 Geo. 8 e*. 11. Aid tbe Admiralty Is required fey ft. Geo. 8cb81,to keep employed tltwe tmtd ships of tbe tilth nit, Bud algh? armod slooos to prevent the exportation of wool from inland, to auy other eountry tbaa Cnf ?W" . 3 In tbe year IW.m attempt we* made by the wooden manufacturer* to Introduce Into pariB* inent, a bill of )Mte< Pn4 fnu*ltUt, *eqoeetriwg the woollen property of all the wool mw?n,(lM f*rm*r?l llvlnjt flUilo-??ll? oflM *ea*coa*t, converting (be oflloes mid even tbe boot* of tbe farmer, if wool wa* therein lodged, loto o king'? warehwue, liable to be entered and loppeoted at nil Hinea uader Inirdwisome, eruel,and ensnar ing penalties. Thl* wa* propoeedto bo done not In noBvsqoence ofeny.preeloo?oANine,bot on the bare niggeiiloti of lb* luanofantnrnre, lUt tlie wool grow i with! Income guilty of tbe highly criminal a?t of celling Id* wool to oaf other than tbOM monopolists. 1 itv scheme fatted at (bat tlo?e Bat tbn cruel ?|4rH of monopoly wai reputed, not etilnguitfeM.' ft laluteiided, and notion thereof hat been lately given iu the Ltitator Journal of England, to la* traduce another Mi into the now aitting parlia m*?t ot Grrai Britain, itlil furthrr-feneingiiie pro hibition o| aiporiio# sheep and wool, and mooring tbe mononohr of the raw material raited at boo?. tn the Bmhrinanufacturers. See thu Albion or June 8,1887, p. 414. Such la the preten' state of tbe liberal conduct of the wool (rowers of England, toward tbo op* pressed and njutd agriculturist* of thnt country; whoao legUtiuire bat been made tbe constant dapea of fraudulent rrpreaantatlon*. What bap* pen* there, li kfcely to happen here; and I think it right Ihui peblkly to atate (acta ao authentic, and ao well calculated to open the eye* of tbo ! destined vlctiaiof manufacturing monopoly. It is f/ilr to susriect what may happen, from what A'i* happened dating a continued experience of COO years, Is il not drendlai that we nro to bn forced back into the policv of the dark age*, and compelled to i adopt n conflicting *>slein of restriction* and prohibitions whu?e impolicy and absurdity bare revolted even tbe prejudice* of Gieat Britain? That nation l? at this moment throwing off the fetters of seldibaeM aud ienorance, wlilab our Congress are %o anxious wa Mould wear! Whether the motives of.our national renresenta tives, are of tb? one dot-ription or the other, their proceeding* in ttna ie?p<sct, are indeed a national disgrace. God help us it thes?i hack nildlii)ra into the follies oi tbe olden time shall oo)itlnu?! To what point o( degradation wc ntiall fall, who can rav in making thr'.r remarks air, I would ucithei lie understood to disparage the wool len or uuy other manufacture! they ore equally entitled ??/ cm rurugement ana pro tection with any other honc&t pursuit, but no more; if 1 did, tUe sentiment* and feeling* of thin meeting would not aupport me. We are all of ut? as friendly to the manufacturing a* we arc to the planting and farming inter cat*. .Wc ahouid he gl.nl to tec manufac turers of all kind* flourishing throughout our country. .We are neither iuaentiblc to their utility, or to the vai ious science involved in and connected with them. At equal quail .te* and equal prices we would urefer the home on all occasion* to the foreign manu facture. Whenever our fellow-citixen thinks he can do better with hi* skill and hit capital as a manufacturer than as a planter, let him do so; our good withes attend him, and wc all any, success to his endeavours. Rut we tee no reason for protecting him beyond our selves?forgiving him ndvantugca which we cannot in conscience apply for. If he cannot make goodt as cheap and ot at good quality os other* can, is that a reason why hit defi ciencies should be made gocd out of our pocket, by compelling us to pay cxhorbilant prices? Suppose n farmer in Pennsylvania should take it into his head to raise sugar and the scheme should fail in point of profit; would the Massachusetts manufacturer con sent to make up the low of this injudicious speculation? No: a firm or or a planter like a manufacturer must invest his skill and capita) on his own responsibility?at hit own risk; and not at the risk of those who are with equal injustice and absurdity called upon to share the losi, without beta* intitled to share the profit. Equality it equity, says ?hf law. What equality it their between us, if you takf all tlie profit and I take all the loss* Nor It K any wonder that establish mcntt so profitable at those of Walt ham and Low/, should entice a disproportionate and exorbitant amount of capital into similar in vestments. The manufacturers boast of the railloea spas millions that have within these two or three years been employed in manu facturing establishments. It this not proof undeniable, that before they were overdone ?before they were suddenly and imprudent ly glutted with capital, the manufacture needed ne protection? It not it clear that the profit was exorbitant? or how came capitalists to embark to largely in expecta tion of this profit? That sums so enormous, so uirtilcnly brought on the race course, khouhl ( ross and jostle and interfere with each other, and in great part defeat their own intentions, it in the usual, natural course of things: but must we be compelled to fur nish thisovergrown capital with profits equal to the sfuiguine expectations of the wealthy lawyers and merchants who have invested it? Gentlemen who without skill or previ ous education, ignorant of all manufacture are nevertheless determined to bccome on a sudden manufacturing nabobs?the founders of a powerful and overwhelming mottled aris tocracy? Sir, I can sec no justice or com mon sense, or republican exuedicftce, in these intprudentspeculatiofisand magnificent expectations of our northern friends. But fwe are told) the British have taken off their tax on imported wool since 1834. and can now undersell ua. What then? Whenever the eon sunt train England, are ex onerated from an oppresive duty, it it to be laid by Con grew on the consume** here? It that the argument? If it be not the ar gument of these monopolists, it l? at least the fair conclusion (rem the argument they uses so that whenever Mr. Canning untaxes the people of England.* it a good and sufficient raa(Mit 11m 1 Hf afiatar fttfae {7 ? * reasons ror Mr. weosicr, nr. r?*eren, Mr. H. O. Otis and his cqtieafaes of the Hettfcfd Convent km, to tax the sbufch to who elemenUry truths, on which our eun miut ultimately mt But this a bard tasks bow Mi I to Drove tbe truth of propositions, mora plain than any argument can make themf" -? . : ? ? ? ? Will you call upon me to shew tbat the very bond and spirit of oar American union, equality ol laws, equali of burthens, equality protection? That in one eiftisca i? as good as nest industry as de i another* Do you prove this, before J* ?|^mato argu. ihigs are conjured out the pocket of a monopolist --.-Jiog but fisllaeious promises Weed I show to this meeting by any for mal deductions of reasoning, that no nation will be encouraged to sell, who obstinately refuses to buy? and that our best customers abroad, are likely to be provoked into justi fiable retaliation by the partial laws enacted at heme? Is it not clear as the sun at noon day, that if this provoked retaliation should take place, the monopolists will rejoice in the *10 cess of the scheme, whieh in its consequen ces gives them the monopoly also of the raw material? Our misforture will be their har vest. We shall then be completely la their power, not only as buyers, but as sellers. . What arguments are required tooonvince you that if ten dollars are forcibly taken out of your pocket at the will of another, with out an equivalent in return, that you are a tributary to that other? 1 will not say you are robbed and plundered of it, because it does not beoomeus on all occasions to use language commensurate with our unavoidable feeling?. Shall 1 prove to you that the power of lay lag ? these protecting duties is no where ex pressly given by our federal constitution? f hat the subject oou)d not have been tbought of ip that early day (1787) ? That the regu lation of commerce between u* and foreign nationt, is a different thing from taxing our own ekisens in favor of home manufactures? That the regulation of buying and selling abroad, is qnc thing?of buying and selling ut home, another? Can you by any means compel this after thought construction, to harmonise with the equal spirit of our repub lican institutions? Must I show you at full length, that the nation can hadly be the gainer by the Euro pean system, of taxing the mahy for the benefit of the few? The Holy Alliance, the British ministry, or the qombination of monopolists might perhaps succeed in mak ing out such a case, but I decline the task of refuting it. 1 will not argue this point with an American?1 will take it for granted here at least, that this cannot be an American ITITlMt Shall I prove to you that cur commerce, I that our revenue, that our navy, are paralysed by the*e attempts? That this is the way ir?t to irritate the. enemy and then to sell us to him: the merchants have already I made thtt too clear to be denied. Sliall I prove to you, that a protecting du ty once laid on, was never taken off with the consent of the manufacturer? Let the in stance be produced to the contrary by those who venture to assert the contrary. Sir, I will not condescend to waste either vourtiineor tny own, by any attempt at prov ing, what no mnn whose opinion is worth having, will be hardy enough to deny. I have said, thnt we thai) 'ere long be com pelled to calculate the value of our union) and to enquire of what use to us is this moat unequal alliance? by which the south has always been the loser, and the north always the gainerMs it worth our while to continue thisunion of states, where the north demand to | be our masters and we arc required to be their tributaries? Who with the most insulting mockery call the yoke they put upon our necks the Amkricam system! The ques tion however is fast approaching to tlie al ternative, of submission or separation. Most anxiously would every man who hears me wish on fair and equal terms to avoid it. But. if the monoplists are bent upon forcing the decision upon us, with themselves be the responsibility. Let us however apply to the feelings of truth and justice, and patriotism among our fellow citisens, while there are hopes of success. 1 would Cain believe it is not vet in vain. But at all events we must hold fast to firincifilc: if we compromise our njffitt, aad act from motivesof expediency we trust to a broken anchor, and all that Is worth preserving will be lrretrieveably lost. Sir, I move the adoption of the resotu-. tions ui published in the Telescope of last We have been politely favored with a copy of a pamphlet containing the memorial to Congress against the woollen's bill, lately adopted in this city, by the chamber of com merce and the cHwm, to whieh It prefixed a circular addressed to the people trf the different districts of the state, by the re* pecuble committee appointed at the nutt ing. We have alreaay published the memo rial?and in order vhat the circular of the committee may be diffused as speedily and cAU.tiively as possible, we have transferred It to our columns. Though brief, it is full of raatterof the most vahmble kind, and we CfUitettly commend it to the uttention of all, tjfAparticularly, of our conrttry friends. CfiurUtton Alercury. f$f (CIRCULAR.) L'Aarleiton, 2Stii June, 1827. Hi a?On the 14th June, hurt. the uitiaent of Charleston adopted a memorial, 10 bo pre* seated to the Congmsof the United State*, upon the subject of the increased dntie*, pro posed to be laid upon imported woollen goods. And, in order to promote the object of their memorial, a committee of corres pondence waa appointed, who in discharge of a duty of great interest, to the people at large* herewith transmit a copy of the memo* rial, so adopted by your fello w-cit lien* of this place. The committee, with feelings, which come home to their own tense of justice, and their conviction of your individual interest*, beg leave in torn your attention, and that? ? your district to the tari ftp roposed,and earned* to KatTftf Congress* at their last tenM^ ....... WW WMUHoppose. It provide*, 1st. That atflreported wool ten goods, under 10 cents per squareyard, ?hall be valued at 40 cento, and pay a duty of 3ft per cent, which duty variee of course froca 374 to rj per ceut and npwardi, in creasing as the broice price decreases. Sndly.. That all over 40, and under 1 50 cents, shall bo valued at 150. Duty from 37} to 139), in the like ratio. y. , 3dly. That all orer 1 50 te 9 50. Duty 374 to 03 per cent on the same principle. 4thly. Al! orer8 5Qto 4. Duty 371 to 57 percent. Mo increase of duty is offered upon the finest clothesi and it ft>Uow?, that he who who wears the coareeat pays the highest duty j while the r?ch escape the additional burthen, la this, we ask. the disinterested' course of American policy? Can we discern In it. the equal rapra or the national coun cil, for the great unity of the nation? The committee will not multiply observations; or affect to go Into details, or general argu ments, upon the subject of such unwise res tHctrictions on commerce, and such unjun* bonds <m fair competition. But to all who wish to bo readily and correctly informed, of the true character and bearing of the tariff lately proposed, they respectfully recommend among others, the speech of Mr. Cambrel, eng, of New-York, of the 10th February last, and for a general demon station of the impolicy of such restrictions, they would re fer to that of Mr. Webster, of day of 1634. These arguments art selected. to avoid apparent sectional partiali ty: and the committee can but remark, with confidence, that aa consistency, and truth preserve inviolable,'Mr. Cambitleng's per spicuous exposition of the proposed tariff, so the deep-rooted argument ot Mr. Web ster, Cannot' now be shaken by any array of ingenuity, springing from a change of opinion, of interests; or at sides. Finally, the un dersigned respectfully ask, whether you will bear the unequal burthen, which must op press you, in case of the adoption, by'Con* grcss of the proposed measure, without * practical effort, on your part, and without distinctly wanting our brethren of the manu facturing class, who npw constitute the thriv log people of the U. States, of its .palpable injustice, and of the illiberality of their ob-. ject. Wc have heretofore, and with little com plaint, acquiesced in the tariff of 1810 and 1824^ pay a tax upon course cotton goods, scarce ly *hort ?"*-L ?*? ?' ?, unaer 23 cents n,* ' '' "vyr? ?och goods are now r"rrh? ?tft^m3dto4d^?Xg75SS5 i ?ng the duty, they are still valued 8ttf and wc actu*ll?r ? xc ?uu vained at 95 centsi and wc actually pay under the disguise of the fictitious valuation, instead of 33 per cent 50, 75 and 100 per cent. <* The races actu ally paid," as Mr. Cambrelcng correctly uoticcs, are as follows: *' On printed Cal * si 44 atari 89in wide, 61 pr et On Cum. Mu?. at M do. 85 do. db. 78 do. On fiol. Cam. si 8d de. 22do do. 88 'do On Cnt.Hblrt. at Od do. 84 do. do. 48 do. On DiptHy, si 60 do. ft do- do. 41 do. On tome d?*?i:rtijlions of Book Madia the duly would be 112 per cent ** Shall we not then, warn our manufacture ing brethren, in order that they may feel,~to due time, (at least for their own interest,) that in this way, to forbid the purchase of articles abroad, because,they may be purchu scd cheaper abroad, is folly) and is, tj cramp foreign commerce, by destroying the mate* rial, upon which its vital strength defends; is it net due to candour, to warn them, also, that If urged by continually increasing injustice, we will net be deceived, forever, by a system ot hidden extortion? Shall we not tell them, that we feel, ip common/With all candid men, that, injustice under th4cover of law, is not less injustice, on that account) that their system of pro. tec ting duties is one of perpetual tribute on ooc part:?an Insult to the impartial spirit, and esaentlal quality, of our constitution; and ought to be constitutionally counteracted. That under such convictions, and if we arc to live, under such a scheme of ever growing exactions, we may, and will in conformity with our own interests, calmly, and constitu tionally originate a course el domestic eco nomy, independent of their manufactures. Wc have the honor to be. Very rosneetfully,yourob't. aer'vto. N JOHN S. RICHAlfosON, Chairman JF.RKMlAfl A. TATK9, 1 KI.IAS IIORRY, I ?> A. J. TURNBlir.L. 11 CHRIHTOPHER JENKINS, f 1 JAMES A DOER, f JAMEg FUROUSON, j * Mr. Duponceau, of Philadelphia, has pub IlihriUnole inthe National Qasette.corrcrt ihgthe statement, which la now circulating throughout the country, that he had succeed* ed to the placc left vacant by the death of Mr. Jefferson in the National Institute of Franco. " I have, indeed,** layi he# "been honored by un election to a plac* of eorrea* , ponding number to one of the academies of' which the Irtsthite ia composed! but that is not the place which we* occupied by o?r illustrious Jefferson, lie waa one of only I elffAt member* who, by way of di*tincti<*). ) are styled forrlgn atwrfatet. This place it. Mill vacant, though nearly a year has elapsed since the death of that great man, wl fticlt shows how difficult it is to And a At successor to him, even In Europe, and with all the world to choose from.'* ? 0 # An infant Janut.~\ child was lately born in Ka? i?, which lived for a quarter of an hour; having two faces, and all the organs itelonglng to them, namely, those of taste, right* and smell, double. w*