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:TA' ?<???*????, _ ? >f Column* ?rtmo#c; KTIM rtiou BY sirbr fry it sum. PrinHnto tk* Hmmpf R*prtHnWm* y 'Jhrom M# Monthly Magazine. 0! *?k not. imp* thoo.not too much Of ijrmpetby below; JT?tv nrttlMi Mwti when once tone touch Bid* iIm iwt*t inoantaiu tow; 7n<r?end tar still oonftktiag iiowtri ? forbidden her* to moat? tJuth lie**ould make thit life of our'* .Too fair for aught to I St mey bathat thy brother'* eye, See* not ?? thine, which turn* in Meh deep revere nee to the iky, Where the rich wMet t*irn?; i-wpfiwo'ef'HijftfWl nan bring A dream, t<? lib unknown. The tunc thalapeakiof other Urn**? . A *o?tuwfill delight! The melody of diitant clime*. The touiid of wave* by night: The wind that with *o many* a tone, Some chord within eeo th/ill? Them may have language all thine own, To Aim a mystery ktill. Yet icnrn thon not for tbb, the true And iteedfeit love of yenra; The kindly, thet from ehlldbood grew, Hie fnhnful to thy teer*! If theie bit one that o'er the dead bed Math la thy grief born part, And watched through etebneee by tby Call M? n kindred heart! Bel for thoae bond* all perfect nude, Wherein bright api(tu blend, Like ?Utar flowere of one ewe el shade, With the tame breeae thai bend. K??r that fell bill* of thought allied, Never to morteli given? Oil! ley the lovely dream* aaide, , * Oh! lift tham opto heaven. s F. II. TARIFF MEETING. Charlestoni June 12, 1897. Dear Kir?At a meeting of the Chamber of Commerce, held last evening, an exten sive view of the conscquoncca expected to result from the adoption of the proposed in treat on the duty of molten* was taken, and the sentiment* of the chamber have been embodied In a memorial to Congress, upon the ?ub)ecti-~but, a* this is a matter which concerns the planter, as well as the merchant, and indeed in some degree or other, every other description of persons in the community, the chamber have rirected mc to suggest to you the propriety ot calling a, general meeting of the clttscns upon the occusiou, at some early day; that, thereby, an expression of the sentiments of the cltl tens of Charleston, generally, may be ob. talned. Attentive' a* fM chambers of com merer are bound to be, to the interests of trade, it must not oe understood, because the chamber of commerce have taken the lead in this business, that they by any means, wish to dictate either to yourself or their feilow>eitlaenSj whrtt Is proper to be done in opposition to the measure in question* r, however cc fcllow-citlzens, whrtt Is proper to be done in opposition to the measure In question; they, however conceive, that a general ex pression off the opinion of the citUcris ot Charleston at large, will have more weight throughout the Mate, in inducing the coun try towns and districts to take up the subject, than if it waa confined to any particutar u? ..ociiitiationor public bodies ot the city. Under thli conviction, and forthe purpose of saving both timo and trouble, 1 am fur ther instructed to say, that should the citi zens meet, and thlftlc proper to adopt the memorial which lias been agreed to by the cliamber, even with modifications or amend ments. the members of the chamber will che?rfut1y nniti* with them by adding their u cliamber commerce, to transmit the mem orial to Congtos* themselves, as the act of the chamber alone. / In behalf of the Charleston chambcr of I'ommcrcc, I have the honor to be, with l;rcafc rrupcct, dear sir, your most obedient avrvuiit, DAVID ALEXANDER, Prctld mt. To the Hon. Jotrfih John?on, Inteutlant of the city of Charleston. ? MEMORIAL TO CONGRESS. Yunr memorialists, members of the cham ber of commerce of Charleston, united with its cillteiit generally, approach your honora ble body to oiler their solemn remonstrant c on a subject in which they cannot hut take the deepest interest and feel the deepest so licitude. Your memorialists allude to the latu bill for an inefeaae of the duty on wool lens, and whieh they have reAson to believe will be again brought td the view of Congress ut the upproaching session. Itls against the provisions* not lest than the principle of that bill, th.it your memorialist* would most earnestly retnonsftfite, and Implore your : the d?. iur1 leenl legal oiuri , ?? d?.< Hint rkticoe is go Incorporated to constitute a part of My tppfni to lesson of history to WftrWtfn oa this subject, the w itt progres on the other side of bet went rivul interests establUh iw? afford a solemn admonition to ?ohave not yet encumbered their onward course with restrictive regulations. Your memorialists do not rest their opp sitioo to the contemplated set, on ; sjvely sectional consi de rations o7| IMill iVen common suits, would place them in a hostile to each other?that would ai^o the agricul turist of 000 section-of the oawtty again* the manufacturer ot * different section. If these interests will not harmonise by the slow and natural operation of circumstan ces, they can neve* be forced In to an alliance bylaw. There are two leading aspects In which the subject presents itselxto your memorial ists: ? ?! 1. As the duties contemplated in the bill must constitute an aggravation of an al ready unequal and burthensome taJc on the consumption o| the southern states* and 0, As they must have an encreasing ten dency. tolimU,4hf).l9r^Sn market for their staple*. - On the first of these points the allegation of your memOritltsts is susceptible of the readiest proof?the evidence is accessible to all who will seek it In the spirit of Impartiali ty- The duty on that class of woollens con sumed by the slave, constitutes an Impost on capital, under the guise of a tax on the con sumption of the slave?it is one that cannot be got rid of, even under the most romantic 1 state of things} nor does the burthen admit of diminution, as in other taxes on consump tion, by a reduction of expenditure; the ex pense of clothing the slave is brought v. it hi n the narrowest limits of an economy that is consistent with humanity. All duties, there fore, will enhance the cost ofclot liing thtf slave aud will fall with unmitigated pressure on his owner, lu this view of their effcct*, they partake of the essential features of a direct assessment, and the distinction between un import in thi* fur in and a capitation tax on the slave, Is one more in name than i? sub stance. The slaves of tho southern cultiva tor constitute the greater portion of his capi tal?4iis land forms but a small part of nls productive means. The entire southern re gion, which afford*, in the produce of its soil, the means of maintenance to thousands, north as well as south, would becomca bar* rcit wustu without tiint species of labor by which it is now rendered productive. To assess the cultivator in the only means at his command, to effect the mo*t profitable re sults from cultivation, from the unfettered use of his whole capital, is to impose a pen alty in the fortu of a duty on southern im provements. Your mcmorialista are persuaded that the burthen in this form borne by the southern stAtea, since the tariff of 1826, would, in its aggregate, constitute a grout deduction from their productive mean*, and, in its annual amount, u heavy per centagc on individual capitul. They believe that accurate calcu lation would show that on that portion in* vested and held in slave*, the present duty on woollens is equal to fin assessment of three sixteenths per ccnt on such capital, and that South Carolina, assuming that one half only of her slave population are clothed in foreign woollens, now pays and has since 1*16, an annual tax between 60 and 70 thousand dol lars, on that portion only of her consumption of her artielc of woollen* which is limited to her slaves. It will be obvious on the least consideration that this b a duty distinct in its effects from that paid by the free pprtion of the popula tion ni general. The latter is a part of that contingent to the general fund which the southern planter contributes in common with all other classes of American society?the duty on the coarser description of woollens is an additional burthen op him, in the ratio of the number of slaves he employs in cultiva tion. In eases a4 hired services the burthen of taxes on consumption is borne in part by the emp!oyer, when labor is high?but that burthen Is sustained exclusively by the la borer, in the diminution dt his comforts, when such labor is low; hut the prise of maintenance, however high, for Involuntary services, being paid without the possibility of relief or mitigation?as the burthen ud mito of being neither shifted or divided, it constitutes in the opinion of your memorial 1st*, an unanswerable argument against the policy (not to say any thing of the justice) of aggravating by luwthiaalready t cry unequal pressure. It will he icc.oller.ted that this reasoning applies to the very coarsest des cription, of woollens which forms scarcely any part of the consumption of the laboring and poorer class*'* of iliofrtltM' it ales, and as relates to the existing duty. Nor would your memorialist* omit to urge such views (if they had not Ihhii ulreudy stated with glen' force and truth) which go show that the propojed nu'Vfre of duties must hear \?iilt a vei y unrqu/d prusure on tint diffcren: i lawies of Aiiiedi ait society? asburtlietting the poor in piojH.t t on to their 8overt;. urn! n; oxemptmjf the wealthy in le ratio of ?) ric.hc., fv#ch duties arc ! widely vurian; irom the two intent *f?d j;ene irtrtift Mopu < i cur iiir.titutioi.N. which lyoli to thu cotir.l <lh-<ril?ii*.toit of public burtlivii i a* the tardea, i ilukyixlation. vrlrtthtf relates tv ti imposition o? d.itks of appoint it.cut ? ?' taxes Yewr inc. Lto a i.niv that tic* homo -titie ,< xvpplahfed the fWrelgi) i ti1.': pottw of lyuihl tv,;- hp * n u% hitfh duties, w \mr tkk, becomes hero again the Interest}** problem, whicl* ifc- national iegisUture, having * paternal regard to i tawlY?4 in the issue, is calls It may be alleged that thi has, by the pnx*ss of U greatly rwluceUlhtprlce, as" ed in quality; but the i consumer, hi the spore' ortalUt*. U the com home anQ foreign ait Ht at May antecedent pe On the other branch of thi ket for the southern staple*, they up views that are not familw to the intclll gence of the legislature/of the uolon. There Is no principle netter established In commer cial Intercourse, than that W Nations will not buy, they cannot sell. The effect of our legislation is to deprive us gradually of our steadiest and wealthiest customers. There Is no magic nor mystery In the pursuit* of trade?its laws are as situplo au its ends are beneficent. , The exchanges which mutual ly enrich nations are those of barter, and the great dictate of nature, with the law of hu man wants and human necessities, teach this ffttw, that legislators cannot ereate the etc incuts of individual wealth and public pros perity, but they may prevent their full de vclopemvnt and healthy action by artificial combination* Mndupnatoral arangements. It Is impossible to foretell to what precise ex tent we may be deprived of tilti foreign de mand for our staples, by our persistence in thd fatal policy oi high duties. The de pression from a contracted market is readi ed by successive* steps to thft artificial ca reer. The connexions of business are not suddenly dissolved?the arrangement* of commerce are not without some difficulty1 broken up; but nations will not, any more than individuals, continue to trade on une qual terms. We m.-.y profit for ths I'unpent by our prohibiting pdRcy-t-vvcni.iy sell with out purchasing, until fr?sli markets .ire sought and.ppcned; Init the law i. i?>t more certain that brings fluid* to their level, than that natRifucnmwt permanently ami piofita bly trude together, unless it is bv the recip rocal mtcichuuge v-t"r'iirir reapcc.ive ; n>Uuc tions. Your mcmoi-ialinnnrrt: of spm'.on, tlmt if ttie principal of legislation l.Ucly xct uj?, as. thv rule 01 conduct on litis subjcct for I'.on greis, is to b? acted on ?u??t c..rritu out in practice to its full extent, agenertd depres sion and deterioration uf ??ro|?erty in the cot* tun growing states, may imj prcbcti.l a.-, tin.* Gasitive results. That prinuiulc is, that ongrcss possesses the (tower <i clle-cilng u new distribution ot the national capital, and by forcing it into channels different from those into which it would natutally ilow, to produce a corresponding change in the unlus rtripus pursuits of the citizen. Against such an uscicise of p??wcr yout memorial* isU solemnly protest. Commercial retali ation has been limited in the previous practice of the national government, to the vindication of the dignity or konor of the country, or with the view to prsducethc re laxation of foreign edicts or itatutcs that did violence to some principle of commer cial reciprocity. Hut the exercise of the right to retaliate, as relates to countries which may choose to close tkeir markets against a certain description of oar produce, would involve the power to rrdsoe to a com mon level of poverty or misfortune those who still preserve the foreign market for their productions, and those who by the revolu tions of trade, originating in the accidents of politics or the changes of foreign legislation, nave unfortunately lost that market. It would be to make a portion i.f the people of thfe union bear the burthen, to u certain ex tent, of the British corn law?*-to visit, in short, on a large division of our population, the pains and penalties of British legislation, ll Mich a sacrifice were necessary to assert or ?.i.dicate the national honor, or (o sustain any interest intimately connected with na tional dcfcncc, it would be submitted to bv your memorialists, with the rvkt of their fellow-citizens us a couimou burthen for a common benefit. They connot, therefore, conceive the propriety or justice of the plea which is employed to justify an interference that will lead to the depression of one Inter est for the relief of another. The umthern agriculturist had no agency in producing thut state of la w or of circumstance abroad which, changing the channels of trade, left the western nnd northern cultivator to struggle with contracted mnrkcu and reduccd pi ices. But it is a fact which doe* not admit of deni al, that whep the : i-nirrr of the middle ahd western states was in the enjoyment of open markets and profitable price*, the -dantcrof the rbuth had almost reached the i.i..t ebb of his fortunes, from tbecio'.m,' <jf the ordinary vent a for hi* produce* He claimed no pro tcetion when lie saw Mn?*elf at the brink of ! ruin-?his estates mortgaged and the produce of hi* plantations pcri/hmg on his hands, f??oni the severe visitation of the accidents <?f war us felt in llu-sc . hanges of, !h? channels of trade whirh invaii.vblo folio v in their tram. Yonr memorlslUt., would br;? leave to *ug gcjit, whether it would i <* bo wuinn the proper province, and legitiiturtc purposes ol state legislation, to ?fleet \ hat more equal division atcapita) and employ inert, b-.-tveen ?'igi'itulture and inanufactur*s i*i tijove states whic'.t are desirous o? ppMhirii)?*..r.-.'li n re *utt. This !f>Hjht he rfacted by n bounty or W<;niiu'in"bn inanufac-jrcd produce, within the local jurisdiction? in:(the subsisting ar rumo moats in the oth< r /.wes would not be ofl^seil to di?t?rti;i'i.> *. Thesi?, urrangc l.-.ving their origin in that master l?rir>.lpV* cf Improvement?the sagacity of If inters*, In ilrscrying the tns> oath t? for the future, as for tiik- past, ? ie vnluotarv and unfettered ao fame primiploi 'Mfi ? ^ <WK .? ' ?ft? forewe.r.u.oJttplvcommUtcdioth.lf.lvc **d ftN policy. ' They fotlAMviiiwd that the British wont only ft colorable pretext of retaliation to impose couatervallutg duties which will alike reaeh the eastern * owners,^ the southern agriculturist. WU against w bich your Memorial lets protest, *Dl moat aptly afford this pretext. The Commercial convention of IBM. between fh Is country end Greet Britain, expiree, by its own limitation ui October 1890. 1* it not to wlllrcfuae to renew thit coevewon* TIm principle of that treaty, your hon * know a, btbemutual abolition of Mr dutle?, as regards the inter course with British ports In Europe, on the shipe and commodities of the parties respec tively to that compact. We, however, pos sess the Utgest share of advantages from that arrangement The carrying trade be tween the ports of Great Britain and those of the United States, is enioyod principally by American shipping, A higher duty on | American cotton imported Into British ports, in American than in British shlpp* will! be .in* effect a discriminating duty m ta? vor of British navigation, under the justifia ble plea of retaliation, which would leave us without the power of inflicting a corres pondlagiqjwy,. ,Suchai!Us*rlminatipocould not place the British ship owner in a worse | position than he now occupies as regards his share of the carrying trade between the two countries?it. might improve that position.1 It would preserve a resemblance in the form merely of duties, which profesa to counter vail by inflicting an equivalent evil, but In substance and effect It would operate a dou ble injury to us It would, in tne face of an abundant growth among ourselves and the increasing competition of other countries, depress the price of our cotton in proportion to the British duty imjmscd on it, whilst by lessening the employment for our shipping, it would contract our mercantile marine, and thus weaken 01;r principal arm of natiomd defence. Holding out h boon to the shipping interest of Great Britain, >t would be deemed some compensation tor v",ie supposed pres sure on that interest of Mr. iiuskisson's free trade acts. Thut to this result our restric rtivrrand prohibitory policy is likely to lead, I > < >ui- memorialists iecI assured from un ntten-1 ii\c observation . recent events, and the state of public opinion iu tiiat country. Your | memorialists feel the strongest assurance, therefore, that the persis'tance In cur bur I thensomc duties, must lend, through coun tervailing and retaliatory acts, to the depre ciation of the produce and property of the southern states, in a far greater degree than it will benefit any considerable class or por tion of tiie people of the United States. Your tnemoi iallsts have not adverted to the effect of excessive duties on the imports, iu the future diminution of the national reve nue But it requires no argument to con vince the national legislature, that the expe riment of direct taxes cannot be hazarded but in support of a popular war. The ina< - y of Ui lger wdl increase with the augmentation of the billty of the southern states to pay its con tingent to a general contribution in this form, foreign duties; the power will, under such | circumstances, be in the inverse ratio of the I demands of government. Nothing short of un arincd power could collect a direct im post iu such a state of things. It remains for the nntional legislature to sav whether the revenue laws of the count? shall be en forced, with resort to so dreadful an alterna tive, und in the face of so imminent a peril to the republic. Your memorialists also feel it their duty to express their dissent to iliu uticrtion of the constitutional power of Congress to impose duties ostensibly for revenue, but virtually for protection. They fcci confident that such is not the correct interpretation of this p*rt of our national charter. Constructing that instrument in conformity with lt? obvi ous purposes, and in the spirit which per vades the whole compact, your memorial ists feel impressed with the truth, that the I tower to impose duties for revenue would ?ave been expressely limited to this single object, if the framers of the instrument could have anticipated the course of our national policy. Trie right to raise a revenue by im posts, is unqualified-?bee owe your mcruori-1 alists conceive, that being a branch of the taxing power, it would have been unwise to have limited it?like the other branches of the same power, it was judiciously left ih the t.ouhd disc ret ion of responsible agents. They, therefore, protest, in the absence of any ex press limitation, and in the general sllevtceof the instrument on the subject, h gainst the assumption, that the power can be taken in any other and larger tact of the commission of any right of employing other legislative measures for purposes of protection? It is not fitmiliur tothe knowledge of your ehlight onfcil body, that there is a choice of expedi ents for this object? and that the favorers of domestic Industry throughout Kuropc, in for mer days, employed bounties on exportation, in addition to the duties on importation, to af r'lrdasimilarpnncctiontothatcl.iiinedfortlic domestic industry of our own day and coun try.' Why is the federal charter silt-lit also as to bounties on production, which are more directly sense than as a means to a single end?*nd that end revenue, la not tltU construction strengthened by the promotive of the tame end? But we find a postft'e prohibition in that instrument, both on Con* grew and the states, to inux>*e duties tut ex portation, for fear, evidently, th?t-tbe power might be used to trammel commerce in too great a degree, fro in excessive taxation, whilst,such prohibitum forms the only re striction rhrtfu* ftxing p*wer to be found i the wnole'h??t foment. 'I It tmrftof oui <-hart<-? co?cri\<tvi tt>ut it ,hhilEw,r? TT tgSgsz&s SSSfefi taken from the power to impose < ., memorialists cnw.ot conceive what tan v?IMatt the plea for protection of i other branches, b^T ' bountv either ?>n exj tion, for any article wi. manafecturcd in our widely K vr There remains but one other view of I tu^ to Whkk your..*** *? ?*U ti?* earneat < national legislature* and whith _ |>?>t press on the deep consideration of your ! ),_Jl ey wouW conceive their doty b5fc ?? the self byerct of the ettben in opposition to his social obligations. To respect the laws is one of the highest ol our moral engagements, but there are limits to leg ?l men is but too easily passed. The attach- " ^ mcm, in fact* which censtitnte* patriotism, is not * blind dcvotkxL.but an enlightened moral sentiment. It does not consist in a , contracted and bigottedMove for the soil on Whfch .our lot is cast, wr in an iutelligent<\ , and cultivated affection for the institutfonefv which afford impartial protection to prop<fe'" ?y as wtll a* petomi; and for ti\e laws wfuctt look to the rule of equality in the dittribu* V tion of the burthens (pecuniary and peno* nal) of the states If in the delicate relation in which the fdtlsen stands to his govem mwK^ls found.the source of his highest virtue* and most disinterested exertions, so also In that relation will be discovered the. origin of inme of the greatest mistakes ever ;? committed by -statesmen?and none havte been more conspicuous and remarkable than presuming to tob great an extent on the un- < diminished strength 0f that affection which the citixen yields to his government, in the:; unbought homage ?f bis voluntary respect and liberal confidence. All history proves that the spirit of oppo* nition to laws which have their origin in partial and narrow consideration*?which depress one class of eltisens whilst they ,/ elevate another, first begins in expressions of discontent and disapprobation merely, but' the frequent repetition of the wrong produ ces at lust the sense of slighted interest*, and the allegiance of the citlsen is from that, moment held by a very frail and insecure tie. *" Obedience to law is then no longer volunta ry, and veneration for compacts ceases to be (, a cherished and hallowed feeling. The general sense of injunr gathers force in the -C > progress of that legislation which is parti*!/, and deaf to the voice of remonstrance ana *, entreaty. Laws incur the hazard, In suds ? circumstance*, ot remaining a dead letter*-. V1 from the odium attached to their execution; those who arc appointed to the trust* ? . y administration, may find it a harsh as well a* painful duty to discharge under the popu lar exasperation. These topics not advert* cd to by your memorialists, and thus pressed on the attention of Congrey, to inflame, to menace or to alarm. The cautions they furnish are among the striking leMOOS of. history, and tho familiar truth* of daily ex perience. Your memorialist* look with some apprehension to the growth of a spirit of disaffection that may come toregard jthe federal charter with alienated feelings, and in any, even the most remote sense, as thi source of unequal burthens. They hope It may be long among the boasts of the parties to that compact, that affcction for the instru ment itself is bound up in the sentiment of patriotism as to be Inseperable from it. But your memorialist* would be wanting in one - of the highest of the obligations which their present office imposes on them, if ti%.; iid not forwarn the legislature of the union against a too confident dependence on the unimpaired strength of that affection, whilst tUere continues to be neither pause nor res* to the spirit which has dictated our prohibi tory and exclusive policy. Bit lug Com/iarucn.?Sir, said * cotrtc unilor looking nrvn In a corn?r, 44 the mu?* quctoes we have in this country are not to be compared to those in the south. Damme, t,ir, they'll eat up a Yankee, as you would a radish without salt in Georgia.' Talk about thew little, sickly, calico-winged thittM/? Why, sir, vhat wotild you think of aMo Or leant musquctoc.' They fly about the room as lurge n? u goose, and carry a brick* but under their winy* to sharpen their bill ondnmme!" A celebrated wit made one of his happiest jok? s when he heard that Bishop, tybb had been sent to Portsmouth, preparatory to transportation for life* had ewcaped??? Gad sir," said he, ?? he must have been an -Arch ftuhoft to do that, and yet his dislike to the See i? quite unaccountable." The facetious wng Talbot, meeting bio friend Cspt. Garth, soon after a second ver dict of one shilling damages, in ? Cite. Con. cam: in the common pleas, exclaimed* " What a lucky fellow you are Garth* to obtain a life interval in the best box of jit Iry't Amphitheatre on payment of one thll llngotAy. IrUh /Wivr//cr.?<The Germans sleep be t?een two beds; and it is related, that an 1/sh traveller, upon finding a feather bed thus l.ddovV him, took you be the people slept in or, and said to the ..ood enough to icl hat is to Tay n*,r want to |6 to sleep. , . to <eU the is to Tay o^?!f me to make m**