Columbia telescope. (Columbia, S.C.) 1819-1821, July 06, 1827, Image 1
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Column* ?rtmo#c;
KTIM rtiou
BY sirbr fry it sum.
PrinHnto tk* Hmmpf R*prtHnWm* y
'Jhrom M# Monthly Magazine.
0! *?k not. imp* thoo.not too much
Of ijrmpetby below;
JT?tv nrttlMi Mwti when once tone touch
Bid* iIm iwt*t inoantaiu tow;
7n<r?end tar still oonftktiag iiowtri
? forbidden her* to moat?
tJuth lie**ould make thit life of our'*
.Too fair for aught to I
St mey bathat thy brother'* eye,
See* not ?? thine, which turn*
in Meh deep revere nee to the iky,
Where the rich wMet t*irn?;
i-wpfiwo'ef'HijftfWl nan bring
A dream, t<? lib unknown.
The tunc thalapeakiof other Urn**?
. A *o?tuwfill delight!
The melody of diitant clime*.
The touiid of wave* by night:
The wind that with *o many* a tone,
Some chord within eeo th/ill?
Them may have language all thine own,
To Aim a mystery ktill.
Yet icnrn thon not for tbb, the true
And iteedfeit love of yenra;
The kindly, thet from ehlldbood grew,
Hie fnhnful to thy teer*!
If theie bit one that o'er the dead
bed
Math la thy grief born part,
And watched through etebneee by tby
Call M? n kindred heart!
Bel for thoae bond* all perfect nude,
Wherein bright api(tu blend,
Like ?Utar flowere of one ewe el shade,
With the tame breeae thai bend.
K??r that fell bill* of thought allied,
Never to morteli given?
Oil! ley the lovely dream* aaide, , *
Oh! lift tham opto heaven. s F. II.
TARIFF MEETING.
Charlestoni June 12, 1897.
Dear Kir?At a meeting of the Chamber
of Commerce, held last evening, an exten
sive view of the conscquoncca expected to
result from the adoption of the proposed in
treat on the duty of molten* was taken,
and the sentiment* of the chamber have
been embodied In a memorial to Congress,
upon the ?ub)ecti-~but, a* this is a matter
which concerns the planter, as well as the
merchant, and indeed in some degree or
other, every other description of persons in
the community, the chamber have rirected
mc to suggest to you the propriety ot calling
a, general meeting of the clttscns upon the
occusiou, at some early day; that, thereby,
an expression of the sentiments of the cltl
tens of Charleston, generally, may be ob.
talned. Attentive' a* fM chambers of com
merer are bound to be, to the interests of
trade, it must not oe understood, because
the chamber of commerce have taken the
lead in this business, that they by any means,
wish to dictate either to yourself or their
feilow>eitlaenSj whrtt Is proper to be done
in opposition to the measure in question*
r, however cc
fcllow-citlzens, whrtt Is proper to be done
in opposition to the measure In question;
they, however conceive, that a general ex
pression off the opinion of the citUcris ot
Charleston at large, will have more weight
throughout the Mate, in inducing the coun
try towns and districts to take up the subject,
than if it waa confined to any particutar u?
..ociiitiationor public bodies ot the city.
Under thli conviction, and forthe purpose
of saving both timo and trouble, 1 am fur
ther instructed to say, that should the citi
zens meet, and thlftlc proper to adopt the
memorial which lias been agreed to by the
cliamber, even with modifications or amend
ments. the members of the chamber will
che?rfut1y nniti* with them by adding their
u cliamber commerce, to transmit the mem
orial to Congtos* themselves, as the act of
the chamber alone.
/ In behalf of the Charleston chambcr of
I'ommcrcc, I have the honor to be, with
l;rcafc rrupcct, dear sir, your most obedient
avrvuiit, DAVID ALEXANDER,
Prctld mt.
To the Hon. Jotrfih John?on,
Inteutlant of the city of Charleston. ?
MEMORIAL TO CONGRESS.
Yunr memorialists, members of the cham
ber of commerce of Charleston, united with
its cillteiit generally, approach your honora
ble body to oiler their solemn remonstrant c
on a subject in which they cannot hut take
the deepest interest and feel the deepest so
licitude. Your memorialists allude to the
latu bill for an inefeaae of the duty on wool
lens, and whieh they have reAson to believe
will be again brought td the view of Congress
ut the upproaching session. Itls against the
provisions* not lest than the principle of that
bill, th.it your memorialist* would most
earnestly retnonsftfite, and Implore your
: the d?.
iur1
leenl
legal
oiuri
, ?? d?.< Hint
rkticoe is go Incorporated
to constitute a part of
My tppfni to
lesson of history to
WftrWtfn oa this subject, the
w itt progres on the other side of
bet went rivul interests establUh
iw? afford a solemn admonition to
?ohave not yet encumbered their
onward course with restrictive regulations.
Your memorialists do not rest their opp
sitioo to the contemplated set, on ;
sjvely sectional consi de rations o7|
IMill
iVen common
suits, would place them in a hostile
to each other?that would ai^o the agricul
turist of 000 section-of the oawtty again*
the manufacturer ot * different section. If
these interests will not harmonise by the
slow and natural operation of circumstan
ces, they can neve* be forced In to an alliance
bylaw.
There are two leading aspects In which
the subject presents itselxto your memorial
ists: ? ?!
1. As the duties contemplated in the bill
must constitute an aggravation of an al
ready unequal and burthensome taJc on
the consumption o| the southern states* and
0, As they must have an encreasing ten
dency. tolimU,4hf).l9r^Sn market for their
staple*.
- On the first of these points the allegation
of your memOritltsts is susceptible of the
readiest proof?the evidence is accessible to
all who will seek it In the spirit of Impartiali
ty- The duty on that class of woollens con
sumed by the slave, constitutes an Impost on
capital, under the guise of a tax on the con
sumption of the slave?it is one that cannot
be got rid of, even under the most romantic 1
state of things} nor does the burthen admit
of diminution, as in other taxes on consump
tion, by a reduction of expenditure; the ex
pense of clothing the slave is brought v. it hi n
the narrowest limits of an economy that is
consistent with humanity. All duties, there
fore, will enhance the cost ofclot liing thtf slave
aud will fall with unmitigated pressure on
his owner, lu this view of their effcct*, they
partake of the essential features of a direct
assessment, and the distinction between un
import in thi* fur in and a capitation tax on
the slave, Is one more in name than i? sub
stance. The slaves of tho southern cultiva
tor constitute the greater portion of his capi
tal?4iis land forms but a small part of nls
productive means. The entire southern re
gion, which afford*, in the produce of its
soil, the means of maintenance to thousands,
north as well as south, would becomca bar*
rcit wustu without tiint species of labor by
which it is now rendered productive. To
assess the cultivator in the only means at his
command, to effect the mo*t profitable re
sults from cultivation, from the unfettered
use of his whole capital, is to impose a pen
alty in the fortu of a duty on southern im
provements.
Your mcmorialista are persuaded that the
burthen in this form borne by the southern
stAtea, since the tariff of 1826, would, in its
aggregate, constitute a grout deduction from
their productive mean*, and, in its annual
amount, u heavy per centagc on individual
capitul. They believe that accurate calcu
lation would show that on that portion in*
vested and held in slave*, the present duty
on woollens is equal to fin assessment of three
sixteenths per ccnt on such capital, and that
South Carolina, assuming that one half only
of her slave population are clothed in foreign
woollens, now pays and has since 1*16, an
annual tax between 60 and 70 thousand dol
lars, on that portion only of her consumption
of her artielc of woollen* which is limited to
her slaves.
It will be obvious on the least consideration
that this b a duty distinct in its effects from
that paid by the free pprtion of the popula
tion ni general. The latter is a part of that
contingent to the general fund which the
southern planter contributes in common with
all other classes of American society?the
duty on the coarser description of woollens is
an additional burthen op him, in the ratio of
the number of slaves he employs in cultiva
tion. In eases a4 hired services the burthen
of taxes on consumption is borne in part by
the emp!oyer, when labor is high?but that
burthen Is sustained exclusively by the la
borer, in the diminution dt his comforts,
when such labor is low; hut the prise of
maintenance, however high, for Involuntary
services, being paid without the possibility
of relief or mitigation?as the burthen ud
mito of being neither shifted or divided, it
constitutes in the opinion of your memorial
1st*, an unanswerable argument against the
policy (not to say any thing of the justice) of
aggravating by luwthiaalready t cry unequal
pressure. It will he icc.oller.ted that this
reasoning applies to the very coarsest des
cription, of woollens which forms scarcely
any part of the consumption of the laboring
and poorer class*'* of iliofrtltM' it ales, and as
relates to the existing duty.
Nor would your memorialist* omit to urge
such views (if they had not Ihhii ulreudy
stated with glen' force and truth) which go
show that the propojed nu'Vfre of duties
must hear \?iilt a vei y unrqu/d prusure on
tint diffcren: i lawies of Aiiiedi ait society?
asburtlietting the poor in piojH.t t on to their
8overt;. urn! n; oxemptmjf the wealthy in
le ratio of ?) ric.hc., fv#ch duties arc
! widely vurian; irom the two intent *f?d j;ene
irtrtift Mopu < i cur iiir.titutioi.N. which lyoli to
thu cotir.l <lh-<ril?ii*.toit of public burtlivii i a*
the tardea, i ilukyixlation. vrlrtthtf
relates tv ti imposition o? d.itks of
appoint it.cut ? ?' taxes Yewr inc.
Lto a i.niv that tic* homo -titie ,<
xvpplahfed the fWrelgi) i
ti1.': pottw of lyuihl tv,;- hp
* n u% hitfh duties, w
\mr
tkk, becomes hero again the Interest}**
problem, whicl* ifc- national iegisUture,
having * paternal regard to i
tawlY?4 in the issue, is calls
It may be alleged that thi
has, by the pnx*ss of U
greatly rwluceUlhtprlce, as"
ed in quality; but the i
consumer, hi the spore'
ortalUt*. U the com
home anQ foreign ait
Ht at May antecedent pe
On the other branch of thi
ket for the southern staple*, they
up views that are not familw to the intclll
gence of the legislature/of the uolon. There
Is no principle netter established In commer
cial Intercourse, than that W Nations will not
buy, they cannot sell. The effect of our
legislation is to deprive us gradually of our
steadiest and wealthiest customers. There
Is no magic nor mystery In the pursuit* of
trade?its laws are as situplo au its ends are
beneficent. , The exchanges which mutual
ly enrich nations are those of barter, and the
great dictate of nature, with the law of hu
man wants and human necessities, teach this
ffttw, that legislators cannot ereate the etc
incuts of individual wealth and public pros
perity, but they may prevent their full de
vclopemvnt and healthy action by artificial
combination* Mndupnatoral arangements. It
Is impossible to foretell to what precise ex
tent we may be deprived of tilti foreign de
mand for our staples, by our persistence in
thd fatal policy oi high duties. The de
pression from a contracted market is readi
ed by successive* steps to thft artificial ca
reer. The connexions of business are not
suddenly dissolved?the arrangement* of
commerce are not without some difficulty1
broken up; but nations will not, any more
than individuals, continue to trade on une
qual terms. We m.-.y profit for ths I'unpent
by our prohibiting pdRcy-t-vvcni.iy sell with
out purchasing, until fr?sli markets .ire
sought and.ppcned; Init the law i. i?>t more
certain that brings fluid* to their level, than
that natRifucnmwt permanently ami piofita
bly trude together, unless it is bv the recip
rocal mtcichuuge v-t"r'iirir reapcc.ive ; n>Uuc
tions.
Your mcmoi-ialinnnrrt: of spm'.on, tlmt if
ttie principal of legislation l.Ucly xct uj?, as.
thv rule 01 conduct on litis subjcct for I'.on
greis, is to b? acted on ?u??t c..rritu out in
practice to its full extent, agenertd depres
sion and deterioration uf ??ro|?erty in the cot*
tun growing states, may imj prcbcti.l a.-, tin.*
Gasitive results. That prinuiulc is, that
ongrcss possesses the (tower <i clle-cilng u
new distribution ot the national capital, and
by forcing it into channels different from
those into which it would natutally ilow, to
produce a corresponding change in the unlus
rtripus pursuits of the citizen. Against such
an uscicise of p??wcr yout memorial*
isU solemnly protest. Commercial retali
ation has been limited in the previous
practice of the national government, to the
vindication of the dignity or konor of the
country, or with the view to prsducethc re
laxation of foreign edicts or itatutcs that
did violence to some principle of commer
cial reciprocity. Hut the exercise of the
right to retaliate, as relates to countries
which may choose to close tkeir markets
against a certain description of oar produce,
would involve the power to rrdsoe to a com
mon level of poverty or misfortune those who
still preserve the foreign market for their
productions, and those who by the revolu
tions of trade, originating in the accidents of
politics or the changes of foreign legislation,
nave unfortunately lost that market. It
would be to make a portion i.f the people of
thfe union bear the burthen, to u certain ex
tent, of the British corn law?*-to visit, in
short, on a large division of our population,
the pains and penalties of British legislation,
ll Mich a sacrifice were necessary to assert
or ?.i.dicate the national honor, or (o sustain
any interest intimately connected with na
tional dcfcncc, it would be submitted to bv
your memorialists, with the rvkt of their
fellow-citizens us a couimou burthen for a
common benefit. They connot, therefore,
conceive the propriety or justice of the plea
which is employed to justify an interference
that will lead to the depression of one Inter
est for the relief of another. The umthern
agriculturist had no agency in producing thut
state of la w or of circumstance abroad which,
changing the channels of trade, left the
western nnd northern cultivator to struggle
with contracted mnrkcu and reduccd pi ices.
But it is a fact which doe* not admit of deni
al, that whep the : i-nirrr of the middle ahd
western states was in the enjoyment of open
markets and profitable price*, the -dantcrof
the rbuth had almost reached the i.i..t ebb of
his fortunes, from tbecio'.m,' <jf the ordinary
vent a for hi* produce* He claimed no pro
tcetion when lie saw Mn?*elf at the brink of
! ruin-?his estates mortgaged and the produce
of hi* plantations pcri/hmg on his hands,
f??oni the severe visitation of the accidents
<?f war us felt in llu-sc . hanges of, !h?
channels of trade whirh invaii.vblo folio v in
their tram.
Yonr memorlslUt., would br;? leave to *ug
gcjit, whether it would i <* bo wuinn the
proper province, and legitiiturtc purposes ol
state legislation, to ?fleet \ hat more equal
division atcapita) and employ inert, b-.-tveen
?'igi'itulture and inanufactur*s i*i tijove states
whic'.t are desirous o? ppMhirii)?*..r.-.'li n re
*utt. This !f>Hjht he rfacted by n bounty or
W<;niiu'in"bn inanufac-jrcd produce, within
the local jurisdiction? in:(the subsisting ar
rumo moats in the oth< r /.wes would not be
ofl^seil to di?t?rti;i'i.> *. Thesi?, urrangc
l.-.ving their origin in that master
l?rir>.lpV* cf Improvement?the sagacity of
If inters*, In ilrscrying the tns> oath t?
for the future, as for tiik- past,
? ie vnluotarv and unfettered ao
fame primiploi
'Mfi ? ^ <WK .? '
?ft?
forewe.r.u.oJttplvcommUtcdioth.lf.lvc
**d ftN policy. ' They fotlAMviiiwd that
the British wont only ft colorable pretext of
retaliation to impose couatervallutg duties
which will alike reaeh the eastern *
owners,^ the southern agriculturist.
WU against w bich your Memorial lets protest,
*Dl moat aptly afford this pretext. The
Commercial convention of IBM. between fh Is
country end Greet Britain, expiree, by its
own limitation ui October 1890. 1* it not to
wlllrcfuae to renew thit coevewon* TIm
principle of that treaty, your hon
* know a, btbemutual abolition of
Mr dutle?, as regards the inter
course with British ports In Europe, on the
shipe and commodities of the parties respec
tively to that compact. We, however, pos
sess the Utgest share of advantages from
that arrangement The carrying trade be
tween the ports of Great Britain and those
of the United States, is enioyod principally
by American shipping, A higher duty on |
American cotton imported Into British ports,
in American than in British shlpp* will!
be .in* effect a discriminating duty m ta?
vor of British navigation, under the justifia
ble plea of retaliation, which would leave
us without the power of inflicting a corres
pondlagiqjwy,. ,Suchai!Us*rlminatipocould
not place the British ship owner in a worse |
position than he now occupies as regards his
share of the carrying trade between the two
countries?it. might improve that position.1
It would preserve a resemblance in the form
merely of duties, which profesa to counter
vail by inflicting an equivalent evil, but In
substance and effect It would operate a dou
ble injury to us It would, in tne face of an
abundant growth among ourselves and the
increasing competition of other countries,
depress the price of our cotton in proportion
to the British duty imjmscd on it, whilst by
lessening the employment for our shipping,
it would contract our mercantile marine, and
thus weaken 01;r principal arm of natiomd
defence. Holding out h boon to the shipping
interest of Great Britain, >t would be deemed
some compensation tor v",ie supposed pres
sure on that interest of Mr. iiuskisson's free
trade acts. Thut to this result our restric
rtivrrand prohibitory policy is likely to lead,
I > < >ui- memorialists iecI assured from un ntten-1
ii\c observation . recent events, and the
state of public opinion iu tiiat country. Your
| memorialists feel the strongest assurance,
therefore, that the persis'tance In cur bur
I thensomc duties, must lend, through coun
tervailing and retaliatory acts, to the depre
ciation of the produce and property of the
southern states, in a far greater degree than
it will benefit any considerable class or por
tion of tiie people of the United States.
Your tnemoi iallsts have not adverted to
the effect of excessive duties on the imports,
iu the future diminution of the national reve
nue But it requires no argument to con
vince the national legislature, that the expe
riment of direct taxes cannot be hazarded
but in support of a popular war. The ina<
- y of Ui
lger
wdl increase with the augmentation of the
billty of the southern states to pay its con
tingent to a general contribution in this form,
foreign duties; the power will, under such |
circumstances, be in the inverse ratio of the I
demands of government. Nothing short of
un arincd power could collect a direct im
post iu such a state of things. It remains
for the nntional legislature to sav whether
the revenue laws of the count? shall be en
forced, with resort to so dreadful an alterna
tive, und in the face of so imminent a peril
to the republic.
Your memorialists also feel it their duty to
express their dissent to iliu uticrtion of the
constitutional power of Congress to impose
duties ostensibly for revenue, but virtually
for protection. They fcci confident that
such is not the correct interpretation of this
p*rt of our national charter. Constructing
that instrument in conformity with lt? obvi
ous purposes, and in the spirit which per
vades the whole compact, your memorial
ists feel impressed with the truth, that the
I tower to impose duties for revenue would
?ave been expressely limited to this single
object, if the framers of the instrument could
have anticipated the course of our national
policy. Trie right to raise a revenue by im
posts, is unqualified-?bee owe your mcruori-1
alists conceive, that being a branch of the
taxing power, it would have been unwise to
have limited it?like the other branches of
the same power, it was judiciously left ih the
t.ouhd disc ret ion of responsible agents. They,
therefore, protest, in the absence of any ex
press limitation, and in the general sllevtceof
the instrument on the subject, h gainst the
assumption, that the power can be taken in
any other and larger tact of the commission
of any right of employing other legislative
measures for purposes of protection? It is
not fitmiliur tothe knowledge of your ehlight
onfcil body, that there is a choice of expedi
ents for this object? and that the favorers of
domestic Industry throughout Kuropc, in for
mer days, employed bounties on exportation,
in addition to the duties on importation, to af
r'lrdasimilarpnncctiontothatcl.iiinedfortlic
domestic industry of our own day and coun
try.' Why is the federal charter silt-lit also
as to bounties on production, which are more
directly sense than as a means to a single
end?*nd that end revenue, la not tltU
construction strengthened by the promotive
of the tame end? But we find a postft'e
prohibition in that instrument, both on Con*
grew and the states, to inux>*e duties tut ex
portation, for fear, evidently, th?t-tbe power
might be used to trammel commerce in too
great a degree, fro in excessive taxation,
whilst,such prohibitum forms the only re
striction rhrtfu* ftxing p*wer to be found i
the wnole'h??t foment. 'I It tmrftof oui
<-hart<-? co?cri\<tvi tt>ut it
,hhilEw,r? TT
tgSgsz&s
SSSfefi
taken from the power to impose < .,
memorialists cnw.ot conceive what tan
v?IMatt the plea for protection of i
other branches, b^T '
bountv either ?>n exj
tion, for any article wi.
manafecturcd in our widely
K vr
There remains but one other view of I
tu^ to Whkk your..***
*? ?*U ti?* earneat <
national legislature* and whith _
|>?>t press on the deep consideration of your
! ),_Jl ey wouW conceive their doty b5fc
??
the self byerct of the ettben in opposition
to his social obligations. To respect the
laws is one of the highest ol our moral
engagements, but there are limits to leg ?l
men is but too easily passed. The attach- " ^
mcm, in fact* which censtitnte* patriotism,
is not * blind dcvotkxL.but an enlightened
moral sentiment. It does not consist in a ,
contracted and bigottedMove for the soil on
Whfch .our lot is cast, wr in an iutelligent<\ ,
and cultivated affection for the institutfonefv
which afford impartial protection to prop<fe'"
?y as wtll a* petomi; and for ti\e laws wfuctt
look to the rule of equality in the dittribu* V
tion of the burthens (pecuniary and peno*
nal) of the states If in the delicate relation
in which the fdtlsen stands to his govem
mwK^ls found.the source of his highest
virtue* and most disinterested exertions, so
also In that relation will be discovered the.
origin of inme of the greatest mistakes ever ;?
committed by -statesmen?and none havte
been more conspicuous and remarkable than
presuming to tob great an extent on the un- <
diminished strength 0f that affection which
the citixen yields to his government, in the:;
unbought homage ?f bis voluntary respect
and liberal confidence.
All history proves that the spirit of oppo*
nition to laws which have their origin in
partial and narrow consideration*?which
depress one class of eltisens whilst they ,/
elevate another, first begins in expressions
of discontent and disapprobation merely, but'
the frequent repetition of the wrong produ
ces at lust the sense of slighted interest*, and
the allegiance of the citlsen is from that,
moment held by a very frail and insecure tie. *"
Obedience to law is then no longer volunta
ry, and veneration for compacts ceases to be (,
a cherished and hallowed feeling. The
general sense of injunr gathers force in the -C >
progress of that legislation which is parti*!/,
and deaf to the voice of remonstrance ana *,
entreaty. Laws incur the hazard, In suds ?
circumstance*, ot remaining a dead letter*-. V1
from the odium attached to their execution;
those who arc appointed to the trust* ? . y
administration, may find it a harsh as well
a* painful duty to discharge under the popu
lar exasperation. These topics not advert*
cd to by your memorialists, and thus pressed
on the attention of Congrey, to inflame, to
menace or to alarm. The cautions they
furnish are among the striking leMOOS of.
history, and tho familiar truth* of daily ex
perience. Your memorialist* look with
some apprehension to the growth of a spirit
of disaffection that may come toregard jthe
federal charter with alienated feelings, and
in any, even the most remote sense, as thi
source of unequal burthens. They hope It
may be long among the boasts of the parties
to that compact, that affcction for the instru
ment itself is bound up in the sentiment of
patriotism as to be Inseperable from it. But
your memorialist* would be wanting in one -
of the highest of the obligations which their
present office imposes on them, if ti%.; iid
not forwarn the legislature of the union
against a too confident dependence on the
unimpaired strength of that affection, whilst
tUere continues to be neither pause nor res*
to the spirit which has dictated our prohibi
tory and exclusive policy.
Bit lug Com/iarucn.?Sir, said * cotrtc
unilor looking nrvn In a corn?r, 44 the mu?*
quctoes we have in this country are not to be
compared to those in the south. Damme,
t,ir, they'll eat up a Yankee, as you would a
radish without salt in Georgia.' Talk about
thew little, sickly, calico-winged thittM/?
Why, sir, vhat wotild you think of aMo
Or leant musquctoc.' They fly about the
room as lurge n? u goose, and carry a brick*
but under their winy* to sharpen their bill
ondnmme!"
A celebrated wit made one of his happiest
jok? s when he heard that Bishop, tybb had
been sent to Portsmouth, preparatory to
transportation for life* had ewcaped??? Gad
sir," said he, ?? he must have been an -Arch
ftuhoft to do that, and yet his dislike to the
See i? quite unaccountable."
The facetious wng Talbot, meeting bio
friend Cspt. Garth, soon after a second ver
dict of one shilling damages, in ? Cite.
Con. cam: in the common pleas, exclaimed*
" What a lucky fellow you are Garth* to
obtain a life interval in the best box of jit
Iry't Amphitheatre on payment of one thll
llngotAy.
IrUh /Wivr//cr.?<The Germans sleep be
t?een two beds; and it is related, that an
1/sh traveller, upon finding a feather bed
thus l.ddovV him, took
you be
the people slept in
or, and said to the
..ood enough to icl
hat is to Tay n*,r
want to |6 to sleep.
, . to <eU the
is to Tay o^?!f me to make m**