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THE VOL XIX. >r THE GREAT THEME OF THE THK SUFFRAGE QUESTION. The Women Will Not Vote-The Main laane Geta Before the Convention. Th* amendment offered by Mr. Clay ton to confer upon women the right to vote was defeated by 121 to 26. The eloeine discus ion of woman suffrage was participated in by W. J. Talbert, Geo. D. Tillman, Geo. E. Prince, John J. McMahan,i J. P. K. Bryan and Others. At the conclusion of Mr examine the record of the Richland court the record oi the executive offlco of this State and the record of the United States Supremo Court. 1 would not rise now if I honestly be lieved that the majority of the good feeling. gentlemen of this convention tolerated or believed what he states. Because if they did there would be but one thing to do* and that would BARNWELL S. C., THURSDAY. NOVEMBER 7, 1895. South, which needed defense rather than slander. Replying to Mr. Patton, he said in 1875 he was a member of the Legisla ture with Col. Sloan and called upon him to say whether the black phalanx in that body did not rally under Mem- minger to establish financial reform. He referred to the thirty negro mem bers of the Legislature in 1876, who be to expel the two members to whom Lcame to the rescue of those white this convention. 1 elected here by hon- counted fairly and Bryan’s speech a direct vote was taken on Mr. Clayton’s amendment, on which the ayes and noes were called, result ing as follows: Yeas^Clayton, Cooper, Cunning ham, Dudley. Ellerbe, W. D. Evans, Hemphill, Wllie Jones, Keltt, McMa han, Meares, Mfiller, J. D. Montgom ery, Moore, Nicholson, I’arler, Ros- borough, Shuler, W7C. Smith, Stack- house, Taylor, G. D. Tillman, Timmer man, Whipper, Wigg. Nays—Governor John Gary Evans,. President, Aldrich, Alexander, An derson, Ashe, Atkinson, Austin, Bar ker, Barton, Bates, l^ehre, Bellinger, Bobo, Bowen, Bowman, Bradbam, Breazeaie, J. S. Brice, T. W. Brice, Bryan, Buist. Burns, Cantey, Carver, Connor, DeHay, Dennis, D;nt. Der- bam, Douglass. Doyle, Eflrd. Farrow, Field, Fitch, Floyd, Fraser, Gamble. Garris, Gary. Gilland, J. L. Glenn. J. P. Glenn, Gooding, Graham. Gray, Gunter, Hamel, Harris, Harrison, Hay, Haynsworth, D. S. Henderson. Henry, Houser, Hutson, Irby, Jervey, T. E. Johnston, George Johnstone, 1. B. Jones, E. J. Kennedy, J: ‘-W.' Kennedy, Klugh, Lee, Lowman Ly brand. McCalla, McCaslan, Mc- Cown, McDermotte, McGowan. Me Kagen, McMakin. McWhite, Mat thews, Mitchell, Morrison, Mower. Murray, Nash, Otts, Parrott, Patter son, Patton, Peake Perritte Prince, Ragsdale, J. H. Head, Redfearn, T. R. Heed, Rowland, Russell, Sheppard, Singletary, Sligh, Sloan, Smalls, A. J. Smith, Jeremiah Smith, R. F. Smith, Smoak, Stokes, Striblin*. Sullivan, Talbert, B. R. Tillman. VonKolnitz, Waters, Watson, Wharton, A. H. * White, S. E. White, Wiggins, Stan- yarne Wilson, W. B. Wilson, Winkler, Woodward. Mr. Sligh introduced an amendment to the effect that the General Assem bly after January, 1898, may provide that female citizens of the State not otherwise disqualified by this consti tution and who in addition pay taxes on $300 worth ol property, may . be granted the right of suffrage. This amendment was debated by Mr. Sligh, D. S. Henderson and others, and was laid on the table by a volt of 99 to 42. This brought down the question to the main section of the report from the suffrage committee, when Mr. Pat ton offered the following as a substi tute : 1. Every male citiz m of the State of South Carolina of the age of twenty- one years, not laboring under dlsabiii- tlee named in this constitution, who shall have resided in the State two years, and in the county in which he offers to vote ninety days next-prece ding any election, and who shall have , paid all poll or other tax due by him to the State for the fiscal year prece ding that in which he shall offer to vote; and who, -in addition thereto, (a) shall be able to read ^he constitu tion in English print and sign his name; or (b) shall own in his own name and return for taxation property in this State to the amount of three hundred dollars ; or (0) shall have been engaged in the active military ar naval service of the v late Confederate States of America; f or (d) shall be the jawful lineal descend ant of a person who was engaged in such service, and shall be alive at the ’time of the adoption of this constitu tion, Shall be a qualified elector of this State, and. when duly registered, shall be entitled to vote for all officers that are now or may hereafter be elected by the | -•opic ttnd upon all questiqas submit ed to 1 le elect any election. 2. The General Ane nbly shall 1 just and equal lew* for the accurate registry of the qualified electors of this-State, and tbey thall ainoestab lish convenient, fair and impartial tribunals to pass upm and determine the qualifications of persons offering tbemselves for registration as quali fied electors. 3i A populargoveru nent cannot ex ist wilhout a ptire ballot: the General Assembly, therefore, sh^ll enact stringent laws for the '-egulation of the registry and eh ctions of this State, with severe Densities for the viola tion of the same. Any person who i shall willfully violate such laws shall, upon conviction, in addition to such penalties as the General Assembly may impoec, be forever disqualified from voting and debarred from hold ing public office in this State : ami the disabilities imposed by this section shall not be removed by the pardon of thg Governor or by Act of the General Assembly. Mr. Patton made a long and able speech In advocacy of his plan, in the course of which he alluded to the con- ( i viotion of Robert Smalls for taking a * bribe in the. days of Radicalism. This part of the speech caused Mr. Smalls totise to a question of privilege, when he spoke as follows: Mr. President, and gentlemen of this convention: I raid a few days ago that I would content myself with the vote that I should cast upon the re maining sections of this suffrage bill, and I did not, sir, intend to do other wise, and would not on this occasion had not the gentleman from Richland . gave as one of his reasons why this amendment of bis should nass, and as a proof of the unfitness of the negroes to, vote was the cause of the representa tives sent herefrom Beaufort County, that if the p* ople had examined the rec ord of the Richland court, one of Beau fort’s representatives (wh|pb is myself! would not have been here. I regret that tha gentleman himself did aot >« 1 u can it'ice s*t llenact he refers, from claim, sir, 1 am est, legal votes, honorably. Mr. Patton: I have not disputed that. Mr. Smalls: (addressing Mr: Patton) I am a» honorable in every particular as the gentleman from Richland. (Laughter.) 1 stand here tonight as the gentleman from Richland, with nothing, sir, ggainst me. I was tried in Richland court on a charge made by a thleT—Josephus Woodruff, wTib acknowledged that he had robbed the State out 01 $225;000, and he was granted Immunity by the State if he would convict me. checks or to Robert He tbftified that of twenty which he had given to “ cash ” “ bearer,’’ one was given to Smalls. WbysoV Simply because they found that 1 had deposited in the banking and trust company $5,000 on the 18th day of January, 1873. But when tbejMvent to examine tne record they found that the check was drawn on the 19th of said month. On examining the calen dar they found that the 19th day of January was Sunday and that if the check was given me on that day I could not have deposited it until the 20th. ,\ . The case was appealed from court to court and was docketed in the United Slates Supreme Court under section 657. Without my consent or knowl edge the (governor sent me, a free par don to Beaufort. The Attorney ^Gen eral went to the Supreme Court and asked that the case be thrown out on account of it having been adjudicated in this State. 1 tried my best to get a hearing. Gentlemen just like this gentleman tonight (Mr. Patton) have caused more trouble in South Carolina than anything that has ever hap pened. 'Those kind of speeches, those inuendoes have caused today all the trouble we have had. It carried this State into t^e war. I tell him here that I have never since I was born tver defrauded South Carolina out of a penny. Mr. Patton: I have never charged it. Mr. Smalls : Yes. you did. I am to night as clean a citizen as you are, for yoUr own court gave up the case against me, but thank God for South Carolina you are^like myself in this convention, for ^whatever you offer goes down. (Great laughter.) Mr. Haynsworth said it seemed that we are being fired on from two quar ters. First from Beaufort and then from Richl md. The gentleman from Beaufort chargee that there is a fraud in this bill. They wont read this bill section for section and say so. The gentleman from Richland reads it and reads between the lines and claims there would be fraud. \\ > . The committee was actuated alone by South Carolina’s good. Our object was to establish such . a system of elections as would be a credit to her and at the same time secure white supremacy. They who rule this land and bought it by blood were turned over just after the war to the keeping of their slaves. We had the supremacy of thieves and rogues, backed by black votes and yet we are told it was not negro supremacy. Years of bitter Ex perience has taught us a lesson that we will never forget as long as the sun Shines. The negro force» can be marshaied as long as matters stand now as they do and the only thing that stands, between us and a repeti tion of the scenes of corruption was fraud afad the shotgun. The commit tee did not want to see* hat perpetuat ed and our object was to give the State a clean sod pure election law. ^ Speaking of the general scheme, he said it was the scheme to have a gen eral . registration of those who can read or write or all who own $.'100 or more of property after 1898. The elec tions are to be open and free. A scheme more honest than this cannot be devised. - Thai objection that white men will be registered up to J*898 by fraud is not correct. It is only a uisc> iinina- tion. Mr. Patton’s intent is the same asours and if fraud is in the intent of one U is no freer from it than another. A man can be registered if he under stands a clause in the- constitution. It must not be all but only a clause. We can’t obtain white supremacy toy keeping our hands tied. The white illiterates must be taught to master a clause of the constitution and under this be will be entitled to vote. The law is no subterfuge. It is plainly written. What are the objections to Mr. Pat ton’s plan ? It is at variance with the genius of the American people. Not only is it discrimination, but it fs dis crimination that will briag down upon us the wrath of the Northern people, the very thing he seeks to avoid. It is class legislation It maices a class of these gentlemen. Mr. Patton: “Is the pension law class legislation. Mr. Haynsworth replied that the pen sion legislation was a reward for ser vices. Hut this gives a classs of citi zens rights and privileges that other citizens do not enjoy. Mr-Wigg: “ What is the difference between a man who steals a vote and one who steals a dollar?” Mr. .Haynsworth sq^id that whatever of fraud was committeed in South Carolina was occassioned by the very race to which Mr. Wigg belonged. They brought about a period of cor ruption and fraud unparalleled in the history of the world. « Mr. Wigg: “ We admit our sins and f iray the good Lord to forgive us.” Laughter.) Mr. Miller daid he thought the white people had selected a very extraor dinary championi when Mr. Patton •aid ho bad been asked to reply to the statements of the delegates from Beaufort. He had been charged with slandering, the State in hj» figures f :iven relative to soldiers ifi the Revo- utlonary War. He get his figures from the man who stood Jeff Davis’s bond -Horaoe Greeley. He would not intentionally alaadar his State or iha tlemAn of the convention, do not bi frightened from voting for this substi tute because they claim that it is un constitutional, for they can not sub mit your authority for it. We desire to give the right of suffrage to men who have sacrificed tfceir InBod for it. Jefferson said that men who had fought for their oountry should, have the right to vote. I am reminded of a tale told by a Confederate soldier who lost bis leg at Chickamauga. After Mr. Cleveland presented his free trade message this gentleman, who had been a Democrat ever since’the war, went to the chairman of the Republi can club and told him to enroll his name, that he could not stand this free trade business. The next day he went to him and toid him to take his name off of that clutt roll: The chairman asked him why, and the gentleman replied f " Because 1 had a dream last night. 1 dreamed that I visited Sk 1 aart asd if ^3V| t gahtsajam ts i 1 in*x tx m rl DauwiOlitStu Ttt AjrttitytrtrtiitlrttfJtfcy -****« as l stood upon the spot where T stood that day, upon the spot where I saw my old captain stand to his poet, and felt the touch of the elbow of my com rades on the right and left, the spot where 1 lost my leg, and where I saw around me the bodies of my friends, and I much distressed by the re collection of that day ; as I stood there I saw a leg come’hopping over the field toward me. I saw that it was the leg I had left upon that field, traces of blood upon it, and 1 desired to get away Yrom those memories, and I fled I came to a fence and ieapeu over it, and the leg 1 followed me, by one gigantic effort : clearing the fence, and began kicking j me, and it kicked me three miles be cause I had gone back on the inemo- ' ries of my Confederate friends and com- | rades.” *_ ait was a strange coincidence that the after members bent on financial reform, but who would have failed but for that negro vote. . ^ Miller went on to laud the Republi can party, wben Maj. Barker raised a point of order that the question at issue was not the relative merits of the Republican party. The chair ruled that the point was well taken, but at Miller’s earnest request he was in dulged to continue. He claimed finally 'that' the negro was now fully com petent to exercise the right of suf- eandcioBedbydenyhrgthatrfae had any intention whatever 01 slander ing the State. ; -r'- The chair was about to put the vote on the substitute when Mr. Patton moved that further debate on it be adjourned. He said he did this be cause a number of members had told him that they bad not given the bill that careful study that it deservrek because the amendment had never been printed except in the journal of the fifth day. He said that under the plan adopted by the convention of not printing these amendments in bill . , form the mejjjbers could not pot^jblyj and the leg pursued me. give them that study and eonsioera-’ ' 1 11 tion which tfieyk deserved. He thought members should be given an opportu nity to. look into it toefore they voted. Senator Tillmap gaid the committee can’t be accused of being illiberal in giving every one a chance to speak and he announced bis intention to call the previous question to-morrow some speaker who took the floor just time, and he asked that all members ! Governor Shepimrd bad concluded Ms who have a plan or any ainendtr.ents one-leg story was Mr. Bradbam, a Con or substitutes to offer, to offer them to-j federate veteran with only one arm. , He >poke on the committee's side said in substance : night so that they could be printed. Mr. W. D. Evans said bedidn t think the chairman ought to call the previ ous question. This was a most impor tant question and debate should not be limited.-The people of the State as well as members of the convention would demand that this subject should be debated as fully and as freely as other subjects. * Senator Tillman replied that it was not his intention to cut off debate, but He “ | am not a lawyer and do not know the constitutionality of this nor of any other measure, but I do know some thing of the people of my county. I do know something otthe Confederate sol dier* If, as my friend from Horry re marked, the dead soldiers could arise from the battlefields of Virginia, I would meet them and with that greet ing that can only be understood by to facilitate matters and keep the plan i c . omrade8 w h 0 have shed their blood from being fought quarters and keep week or more. from unexpected the debate up a PATTON’S PLAN DEFEATED. Only a Corporal's Guard Favored the Substitute—Senator Tillman De fends the HiifiTrage Committee’s Re port. The debate on Mr. Patton's substi tute for the main article on suffrage was one of the strongest yet witnessed in the convention. Mr. McGowan got the fioor at the outset and stated that in his opinion the attack on the report was uncalled for. The committee had worked hard for three weeks and they had given it the most careful consideration. The Conservatives and Reformers had all agreed and reported the matter unani mously. t He proposed to show jthat the attack was unwarranted in every re spect he wanted to show that Mr. Patton was wrong in his facts and bis law. I deny that the committee con templates that the plan shall be fraud ulently enforced. The object was to enfranchise illit erate white men. I don’t care who knows it! And we can do it without trouble. He denied that it was the in tention of the committee to have the requirement enforced dishonestly. Mr. Patton had said nine-tenths of the poor white people would be disfran chised. I deny this ; I can say that they can understand. If they know so little that they can not understand, they are bordering on idlocyand lunacy. This clause should and will be admin istered honestly. My friend based his entire argument on this “impossibili ty to understand.” I say that be has built his argument on a false basis. His purpose is to get these men in who should not be disqualifiud. The State's old soldiers had been called off to war when they should'have been learning to re&d and write. The argument of my friend must fall to the ground. It can not stand. - Mr. Patton bad no right to Hissume that the committee intended that the plan should be enforced dis honestly. This assumption was not borne out by the facts, so far as be could ascertain. In 99 cases out of 100 the white man could understand, while the negro could not. The white man associated with other intelligent white people and became intelligent by contact. The negro, on the other hand, associated with the more igno rant class of his own race. Governor Sheppard said but for this question of the negro this convention would never have been called. They were frank in admitting what they proposed to do. They ought not to find difficulty in displaying the most perfect good faith in. the exercise of their judgment. He was compiimen tary to the committee on its painstak ing work. His objection to the com mittee's article he could state in brief. He would say that he would vote for any plan that will leave it to a board or to any man to determine the quali fication of any man for suffrage. I have said invariably since I came here, and before I came here, that I would never vote for any provision that would leave the right, of voting to any official. I believe that the plan reported by the committee is constitu tional, and I believe that the plan pro posed by the substitute is also consti- tutiooal. The only question is which lan is to accomplish the purpose most accordance with (be laws of the United States. Mr. President, I call‘the attention of this convention to tbs fact that there is no discrimination on account of race, color or previous condition of servitude. Both races were in the war; both colors were in the .war. As a matter of fact there is no discrimina tion in it. Mr. Farrow, (ft Charleston, says that at that time a class of our people were not citizens and oould not be. As, Mr. President, - that is ad dressed to the substitute, 1 ask if it does not also address itself to the re port of the committee as well . For at that time not 10 per cent, of the same i together in defence of their country, I would say by the measure proposed by the suffrage committee every Confed erate soldier is provided for. As one, a part of whose body is buried in Vir ginia, I would say that I would lose my other arm before I would consent to i disfranchise any one of them. 1 “ My first objection to Mr. Patton’s plan is that all white voters who were too young to go let; the war and whose fathers did not, and cannot read and write, would be disfranchised. “My second is that the sons of men who died before the war and who were too young themselves to go into it. will be denied the ballot. “ My third objection is that those whose fathers were invalids and could not go into the war will be disfran chised. “My fourth is that those whose fathers were too old to go into the war and alt good people who have moved into the State since the ^var and can not read aad write will be shut out. “ The better element of negroes do not want tne ignorant and vicious ne gro to vote. — “ 1 remember when a bov in going to Charleston with a load of cotton we passe(T~a place where a young man, while running a horse race, had been killed. His tombstone was by the side of the road and on it these lines : “ Ye living men as ye fiass by, As you are now so once was I; . As I am now, so you will be; Prepare for death and follow me ’’ “A man who was something of a wag, came along and after looting at it a while, wrote : “ And that is the way with ton^ plan ; we do not know wiiera “‘To follow you i am not con tent, Unless 1 know the road you went. For they do fork and no one can tell. Whether you have gone to heaven or hell. y with Mr. Pat- Vpow where it will lead us.” (Lena laughter.) ' Immediately nipon the assembling of the convention at night, a vote on the Patton substitite was taken. The yeas and nays being called, the substitute was rejected by a vote of 117 to 20, as follows : Yeas—Bates, T. W. Brice, Burn, Dent. Graham, Jervey, VVtiie Jones, Keitt, Klugb,* McDermotte, W. J. Montgomery, Pariott, Patton, Per ritte, J. H. Read, Russell, Sheppard, Jeremiah Smith, Stackhouse, Sullivan and Wigg. Nays—Gov. .Ino. Gary Evans, Presi dent, and Messrs. Alexander, Ander son, Austin, Barker, Barton, Bebre, Bellinger, Berry. Boboj Bowen, Bow man, Brabham, Breazealp,‘ J. S. Brice, Bryan, Buist, Cantey, Carver, Connor, Cooper, Cunninghkm, DeHay, Dennis, Doyle, Dudley, IJfird, Ellerbe, W. D. Evans, Farrow, Field, Fitch, Floyd, Fraser, Gage, Gamble, Garris, Gary. J. L. Glenn, J. P. Glefin,* Gooding, Gray, Gunter, Hamel, Harris, Harri son, Hay, Haynsworth, Hemphill, D. S. Henderson, Henryc- Houser, Hutson, Irby, T. E Johnson, George Johnstone, I. B. Jones, Keitt, J. W. Kennedy, Lee, Jjowrtmn, Lybrand, McCalla, Mc Caslan, M'oCown, McGowan, McKagen, McMakin, McWhite, Matthews, Meares, Miller, Mitchell, J. D. Mont gomery, Moore, Morrison. Mower, Murray, Nash, Nathans, Nicholson, Oliver, Otts, Parler, Patterson, Rags dale, Rosborough, Rowland, Scar borough, Shuler, Singletary, Sloan, Small, A. J. Smith. Jeremiah Smith, R. F. Smith, W. C. Smith, Smoak, Stokes, Stribling. Talbert, Taylor, B. R. Tillman, G. D. Tillman, VonKolnitz, Waters. Watson, Wells, Wharton. Whipper. A. H. White, S. E. White, Wiggins, Stanyarne Wilson, W. B. Wilson, Winkler and Woodward. Mr.- Stanyarne Wilson moved to strike out section (c) and inaprt the following : “(c) The person applying for regis tration must be able to read and write any sections of this constitution, or must be possessed of sufficient in telligence to understand and explain it when read to bim by the registra tion 6 (Boer.” 11U per cent. 01 tne same Mr. Wilson, in speaking oa his people eould read or write. No, gen-1 amsadnssst, a*id the objeet of •fry- body was to form a law which shall not come in conflict with ihe constitu tion. The committee has taken the Mississippi Plan as a basis, which, with fall amendment, would make their plan harmonize with the four teenth and fifteenth amendments. Ualess his amendment was adopted, there would be wrongs perpetrated that we could not remedy. Under any other gircumstanoes the passage of those amendments would have been pronounced the greatest crime against civilization in the history of the world. Ytou ,can scan all the history of the world and no crime will compare with ft—a crime at whleh ail in this en lightened age revolts. Men who were utterly incapable, who were just emerging f-om barbarism and savagery, were given thte ballot, and by every right we are entitled to re pudiate this crime whenever we can. t, for one, will never admit that the white people have beep guilty of fraud - vVe adopted the eight box law, and in his county he knows no manager who did not honestly enforce it. It Is easy to charge fraud, but be denied that South Carolina has been controlled by fraud. We have come to tbe point where something must be done. The eight box law cannot last always. We must make some provision which does not depend upon statutory provisions for its enforcement. We are here to frame a law constitutional and to render those amendments as harmless as possible in this State. A great mass of the colored people are unin telligent and not fit for suffrage^ He will not be frightened from doing his duty because the North did not like what we are going to do. Tbe great part of tbe negro race has been and for years will be unfit to exercise the suffrage. Tbe committee says un less a man can read or write or un derstand a clause in the coistitution or own $300 wortfaVut propert.'| , he can not vote. The idea is N all rtwht. but it goes too far. We mu-1 look at things as we see them. Three years from now, what will be the condition of the negro? They are being educated every day. They have great facilities. As long as the races are the white man will be superior in intellect. Why not avail oui selves of this superiority? Tbe negro can plfcce himself on an equality with tbe white man by educa tion. His amendment proposed to keep the condition forever m God In tended the two races to stand, it is bad policy to put them on an equal footing alter 1898, for lx>th will have the sarnie facilities for education. We must do right to the white men of this State. We owe a debt of grati tude to the poor man of this State. With nothing to fight for but princi ple, they gave five yea*^ of their life to the interests of this State. If this law was passed after 1898, and a poor, illiterate white man should come and offer to register, and be should be re fused, be (Mr. Wilson) would hang his head in shame, if he bad any part in ftaming any such law. Ingratitude is sharper than a serpent’s tooth. Let not this convention do anything that looks like ingratitude to these people. There is another period—1876. They braved tbe dangers of prosecution, not for property, but simply to do their duty to the State. Shall one of those noble, grand, valiant men or their descendants be denied the right to vote after 1898 because they do not own $300 worth of property ? They can’t all be registered or accumulate $.100 worth of property by 1898. They have but little chance for education. They can’t go to school in tbe day time, nor at night, for there are no schools then. How can you ex them to be educated by 1898 ? can count young men in 1898 by tbe hundreds wno cannot read and write, and henceforth there will be no voting for those good citizens, if 'this provi sion is adopted. As to tbe $300 property qualification. He was opposed to such a Qualifica tion for manhood suffrage, it is not necessary for a man to be a good citi zen that be must own pioperty. Is there any reason why a man educated and possesses $.'100 should vote while bis neighbor cannot ? The poorer he is, the greater the necessity of him having his liberty preserved. I am, and always will be, opposed to a property qualification for suffrage. His amendment, he be lieved. would meet ail difficulties. Simply as a matter of convenience to the registration officer he would re tain the reading and writing clause. He would be willing to leave it to the understanding clause alone. He could not agree with Mr. Patton that tbe understbnding clause would disfranchise many white men. Many who can’t read or write have sufficient intelligence to do so. In bis county there are about 1,000 who can’t read. Of those. 900 are sufficiently intelli gent to understand. They often had no opportunity 1 to learn to read and write, but it was not from a lack of in telligence. As to tbe constitutionality of the law, he called the attention of the con vention to the opinions of Cooley and Knly, who sav that the (^OQntltutioD must not be interpreted in a technical way, but in a plain and ordinary ac ceptation. We have a law which has as one of its provhions a jury hynem based on the moral standing of tbe juror. That te as uncertain as tbe understanding aause., He did not be lieve any question would ever be raised as 'to this section being legal. He saw no reason why this convention should so far depart from the Missis sippi plan without good cause. There are thousands of our citizens who are watching us and our wora, and hoping and praying that they -will never be pul on the level of those enfranchised by the fourteenth amendment. Senator Tillman took the floor and instantly everybody thought he was going to make the speech the public nas been looking for, but be only rose to answer Mr. Wilson’s arguments. Senator Tillman made a strong reply to Mr. Wilson, contending that we are held up to the soorn of this nation by reason of the present registration and eight box law. He was ready to cast the poisoned cballoe from our lips, and afterwards put elections on a high plane. The committee proposes two years more, and then give’ every poor boy an opportunity toqualify him self to vote. The Wilson substitute was killed by a vote of IBB to 1&. HIS I BUY MAKES HIS FIGHT. lur OBJECTIONS TO THIS ». • ' • - • FKAGK PJLAN. U I® The Principles of the Reform Move- mem Are Violated—He Make# a . Direct Attack Upon Senator 1111- man. ^.... -~ ' Senator Irby took part in tne suf frage debate on Thursday, and bis speech is given in full herewith Mr. President:—I have been tick for two weeks and have, therefore, fioor, If tha poor aad porsrty strl people of this State, by wham rates you are bare today, bad dresaut that a plan of this sort had bean ouwooetod. They had Mr. Bryaa for whoa 1 hare tbe highest respect, aad of whea I bare been proud staoe wa lege together and be _ man, one of tha beat lawyers to tha State. They had bia behind a log with his rifle ready to blow my brat** out. After the Coaaarratlra bad aa. joyed themselres in defending Tills cpect You bad no opportunity to take part in tbit debate. Last night during my ab sence from indisposition, I under tend there were- some slurs by Mr. Wilton and others on this floor against my ’* inconsistency,” accusing me of op posing the measure I myself bad pro posed in caucus. Mr. Wilson, not withstanding tbe fixt that be praises the report of the committee with (his exception, suggested this very amend- meat in the committee, and 1 only re ply in defense of myself. He suggested this amendment. I promptly and frankly told bim that 1 would not vote for it, because it contained the wotds ‘read and write,’ and that under my pledge to tne people of Laurens County, and for that matter to tbe peo ple of South Carolina. I would stultify myself and betray their cause, if L voted for any such discrimination against the poor and illiterate in South Carolina. I say now, notwithstanding some slurs put upon me in my absence, that I am not "the ingrate who would ac- uept the highest office in South Caro lina from tbe poer and illiterate white men, and then tramp them beneath my feet. They have been my friends, sir, and so help me God ! I intend to lie their friend, and endeavor to pro tect them from what I believe to be an iniquity politically. I say that by wav of preface. Fearing to trust myself, indisposed an I have been. I have written what I conceive to be a pro test against tbe perpetration of this outrage. I have to say, sir, that I am not governed by what other men may do. Thank God ! 1 think and act for myself, and I stand here to-day to tell the members of this,convention that I will vote with the negroes when they propose to indefinitely postpone this bill. If we leave tbe conditions of Sec tion 4 as they are, I shall vote against the whole report, if I am the only white man on the floor who does so. 1 construe that to be my duty, sir, and in spite of anything to the contrary, I am willing to do it before tbe people of South Carolina and their verdict I can abide by. but I can not be fright ened, or ridiculed or driven from my position of honesty or gratitude, be cause tbe members of this convention think otherwise. But, Mr. President, with proper re spect, for I mean no disrespect in Any sense, of the right of this convention, individually or collectively, notwith standing this repudiation of this agree ment by the people, I am here to-day to tell you, sir, that this convention is dominated by men whose names are attached to that written agreement. Tbe Governor of our State is now the conventiun'a preaiding officer. The junior member of the United States Senate is the chairman of tbe com mittee of suffrage. The present speaker of tbe House of Representa tives is a vice-president of this conven tion. Members from Abbeville and Greenville Counties are also members of tbe suffrage committee. A member from Cdarleston, a distinguished lawyer, though not a party to this agreement, is the appointed attorney to represent the suffrage committee on this floor upon all legal questions A member from Charleston is the chairman of tbe committee on educa tion. A member who signed the agreement Is tbe chairman of the com mittee on corporations. I prefer political death, even a nat ural death, before I would strike the poor man this cruel blow. I will give an instance. When the war s(arted in 1861, the poor man rushed to tbe camp and the muster ground to arms. Tnere was a white boy who bad nothing but a strong arm and tbe clothes he were on nis back. He was one of the first who volunteered in the servtee of South Carolina. That man went to Virginia and fought for four years, without comfog home to see his wife and little ones. He made a record, sir, of wblch the whole of Laurens County la proud. He made a- good a soldier as far as he was concerned, as General Lee. To day he has sons who can not read and write. He is not able to buy the right to vote, he can not tell you wnat a bid of attainder is, or an-ex-post facto law is, but be is a Reformer of tbe deepest dye, and yet he and his sons are to go down beneath this ruin and dishonor. 1 need not mention that the factions are closer together than they might imagine. Some say that this will qualify 40,090 negroes. Now, Mr. President, I say I regret that this convention is dominated and controHed by the parties to this agree ment, for tbe reason that they signed in writing a pledge among themselves —officers, as many of them were, of tbe State government—by their influ ence to enforce white supremacy by the adoption of ibis constitution with out the disfranchisement of a single white man except for crime, which was in effect equivalent to advertising, ind they did advertise it to the worl^i. that negroes who were enfranchised under tde constitution of the United States should be disqualified. I say, sir, that alone is sufficient to question tbe validity of the constitu- uon as made by this convention, and whatever we do, whatever plan of suffrage is adopted by this body, is liable to be attacked in the United States court on the ground of a con spiracy to ip>h tbe negro of his elective franchise. However that may be, sir, that is not what impels me to say that I can not and wili not support the re port of tbe committe on suffrage, Mr. President, I dare to say that not one-tenth ef the Reformers of this convention oould have been elected if they bad bad this plan and advocated it before the people on tbe stump. This may be a guide to you. Ask yourselves as honest men, oould you have been elected if you bad frankly and boldly told the people N^bis was your BObenie of suffrage. ^ .. I dare further to say, sir. that the Convention could have not been called, and poesibly I have a greater right to know than any nu mber upon this joyeu tncraseives m aeienaingTlllinau and repudiating and kiUliur Irby and bis plan, Mr. Bryan was (sailed onrof 1 he bushes to complete tbe work. to complete tbe work. It. n done In the old way. It Is 1 same scheme always need whea nt is before a farmer’s jury, lawyer comes out and says tutlonal.” That is exactly whit I wanted him to say. 1 had beard Boa. George Tillman tell Senator Tilts and Governor Evans be did 1 whether their tlonal or not. They know it is oaly I porary, that tb*-y are stepping ft on stone to stone across the stream I am no lawyer, but I have always believed this " understand tag” nianen to be unconstitutional. Mr. Bryaa comes forward and says tone: ’’Your plan is unconsttlati nal.” Let us taka up his under*tending clause aad eaa what he says of it. And even aow, I dare say (hat they would be reedy to shout, as Cromwell did to the bouse of lords, “Getyoa gone and give place to hoeester 1 N'ltwlthtfteadiag, sir, that been urged under the whip of tbe Reform leaders sinoe 1810, w'tth the greatest vigor and veheo people, the poor people of the two weeks before the election 1 it and refused to vote it upon ground that they might be disfraa- cbised—many of whom broke party lines, unwilling to toast the leaders, end voted against the calling ef a con stitutional convention. By a slim ma jority of lees than 2,000 votes ta tha whole State—so slim indeed that tha enemies of the Democratic party charged manipulation and the oonventioa was called. N^r. President, in visa of all things, the the 1 views I this State like a saow storm last fail, what is the situation f Wo have, sir, a suffrage plan presented to this < It If. President, in view of all those ngs, these pledges to the people npoa stump this spring, aad the later- ws and circulars that swept over > State like a saow storm last fall. tion, composed of distinguished men, a plan, sir, that Instead of distraachisiag one man, will aad can aad mast dis franchise many people of our St of the beet aad But, Mr. President, it Is all right to quality the lawyers, your hankers, aad your scholars aad your educated peo- J le. You are perfectly willing to give aem a blanket that ia full of wool; bat, sir, you are offering to tbejoor man a blanket of cotton to protect him from the cold, that will be,/) sir. sat aside. Even if it was not set aside, it Is ao* fair to make the diacrimlaatloa. Mr. Patton in hie argument thaa$har night said it was either to be honestly or dishonestly administered. He was right. That is the only way yea eaa look at it. If it ia honestly administer ed nine-tenths of the illiterate man ia this State will fall behlad the dead lias and be disfranchised, and there is ao use for any intelligent man to deaf U. by the Governor neb *«y able to la- ye “say.” 1$ e so per vis or If the man It puts It in the power of the suporvU- ing officer, appointed " of the State, to disfranchise white or black, who ia not terpret every seotion of tion. When the report says ' only means, sir, any that the 1 may see fit to propound, who presents himself belongs to the same political faction that tha super visor does, when party llnasare tightly drawn and partisan spirit runs high, it will matter little whether he ex plains It or not he will get bis oertlfl- cate. On the contrary, if he ts upoa tha ap posing side he will be given a section in tbe constitution that would stump even a lawyer, and the supervisor oould honestly say be did not explain It aad refuse him the right to register, bo be white or black. No doubt about It. This has been dona; It eaa be done aad it will be done in South Carolina before, two years roll away as sure as tbe sparks fly upward If the cod mittee’s pLm is adopted. IMt ia to be olahoaesV iy administered aad the man who can’t explain the section receives his certifi cate then, sir, you demabd a commis sion of a crime by the supervisors of election which sooner or later will re flect upon aad disgrace South Caro lina. Then where, sir, is the promise that not a single white mao shall bn dis franchised? Where is the promise that has been made to tbe wbito peo ple in this State, that aot oaa of them should be disfranchised? Again, Mr. President, I am guilt no breach of confidence or is S en I tail you that • plan, even if every white Stan ia this State oould explain every provi sion of the constitution, will mean tha disfraochlsemmt of 15,000 or 20,000 of the people for another reason. Mr. Bryan, a member of the committee aad one of the ablest lawyers la tha Slate, has said that we would not stead upon a rock and that our house was built upon sand until 1806, aad when I pre sented a proposition placing all mm upon an equal footing and requiring all parties from the chief justice to the bumbles! man in the State to explain tbe constitution, he coo tended that this wee unconstitutional, aad whea asked shout tbe understanding clause ia the committee report spoke la a way aa if be doubted it and called atteattoo to the fact that Louisiana refused to fol low the lead of Mieeiaslppi la this re spect because she regarded it as constitutional. The provision of being able to and write is intended for the proteotlea of that claae who are educated. It is unconstitutional beyond a doubt. If you qualify the 15,000 or 20.000 people in this State who cannot read ana write under your understanding nlsnss. ham estly or dishonestly, your supervisor may be enjoined, this question may ba carried before toe Supreme Court of the U sited States aad will be ami tha Supreme Court may strike it out as urn- constitutional. Then where, sir, ia tha promise that not a single white men should be disqualified? It will baton late thee, because tola oonventioa will have adjourned. 1 don’t people of this State will ev« un guilty of mpropnety adoption of [OOMTDnmD OH •J