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.♦AGE SIX THE CLINTON CHRONICLE, CLINTON, SOUTH CAROLINA THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 21, 1924 ■i 3 WEAR X jf UNION MADE X UNION LABELED X •PRI^E m 3 $3.50, $4.5<T“ d $5.00 L B. DILLARD ■ S WILLIAM JENNINGS BRYAN on “THE CAMPAIGN OF 1924” Come to The Clinton. Bakery For The Following Foods: BREAD ' ROLLS MINCE PIES PEACH PIES APPLE PIES APRICOT PIES COCOANtJT PIES RAISIN PIES BLACKBERRY PIES POUND CAKE RAISIN POUND CAKE RAISIN WINE CAKE COCOANUT CREAM LAYERS ORANGE LAYERS < CHOCOLATE LAYERS S ■Wz ll HOW WE MIX OUR LAYER CAKES: 20 lbs. White Granulated Sugar 6 lbs. Butter 6 lbs. Swift Jewel Shortening 5 quarts Eggs 1 gallon Sweet Milk 2 ounces Baking Powder “The Taste is in the Pudding”—Try it and see The Clinton Bakery Phone 124 “Get It At Your wwwB ■ 3 y/' % Written Specially for The Chronicle (Through Autocaeter Service) I shall not discuss the relative merits of candidates. It is difficult to deckle between candidates until the issues are clearly outlined. Condi tions make issues and issues make candidates. Before taking up the issues of the coming campaign, permit me to say the country is to be congratulated upon the fact that our campaigns have been lifted to a higher plane than those of the preceding cam paigns. There is less abuse of men and more charity of opinion; not less convic tion or courage in expression, but more courtesy. It is well that it is so. The two great parties do not differ in purpose of it* patriotism but in opinion and point of view. And so with public men. They differ, not so much in character as in fundamental bias, which—though often uncqn- rmines^^eir views ' on public questions. Where a public man leans toward the side of “Big business” or the side of the people, is to be determined not by what he says but by what he does. The issues now before the coun try test the bias of leaders and,the point of view of the parties. The difference in bias and point of yiew is so pronounced that the coming campaign seems likely to be the most hotly contested campaign in many- years. The paramount issue at this time seems quite sure to be the ques tion of taxation, and includes the policy of the government on the in come tax and on the tariff question. Secretary Mellon has laid his pro posed revenue bill before the Com mittee and the discussion has already resulted in an alignment in Congress that ignores partv lines. If you will take the two bins, the Mellon bill and the Democratic substitute, you will find that the Mellon bill gives less reduction *in taxation and favors those with large incomes over those with small incomes. The Democratic substitute not only makes a greater reduction in taxation, and thus brings more relief to the tax-payers, but the reductions proposed discriminate in favor of the masses, instead of the holders of large incomes. Congressman Hull, * Chairman of the Democratic National Commit tee, has made a comparison of the rates and pointed out that the Demo cratic substitute gives more relief than the Mellon bill’ to over six mil lion taxpayers while the Mellon bill gives more relief than the Democratic hill to only twelve thousand taxpay ers—and these twelve thousand are oersons with larire.incomes.' : No bill could better illustrate the difference 'in the policy of the two parties, the Democratic party favor ing reduction for all, both rich and poor, while the Republican bill fav-1 over to a farmer’s party or ors more relief to the rich than to laboring man’s party, the poor. The revenue measure when , How can the Republican party ob- passes Congress and reaches the , ject consistently to a government by President will bear more resemblance 1 large groups, such as farmers and to the Democratic substitute than to i laborers,, when it has been willing in agriculture hut to an unconscious bias in favor of great commercial interests whose claims for special privilege are antagonistic to the farmers’ demand for justice. The laborer finds the Republican party unsympathetic, not because it dislikes the laboring men as much, but because the big employers are closer to Republican leaders, and cre ate .the public opinion which impress es these leaders. Humanity demands remedial legislation and this legisla tion, though it may be delayed, can not be prevented by reactionary sen timent in Congress or in the court. Society must move^forward even if it is necessary to amend the Constitu tion. It is likely that both parties will find it necessary to declare in favor of an amendment to the Constitution requiring six or seven judges to con cur in the nullifying of legislation, just as both parties are likely to de clare in favor of an amendment per mitting the taxation of government bonds. , Another issue that is likely to bring out vejy clearly the tendencies of the two great parties is the issue em bodied in the authorization of tem porary Federal operation of railroads and coal mines whenever a strike or lock-out menaces the public welfare. The Democrats, giving preference to the needs of the genera! public, will probably favor vesting the pre sident with such power in emergen cies, while the Republican leaders, leaning to the side of “big business,” will be likely to oppose legislation objectionable to large corporations. The progressive Republicans will doubtless side with the Democrats, because on vital issues they are real ly nearer to the Democrats than they are to the controlling influences of the Republican party. It is impossible, at this time, to say just to what extent international questions will demand public atten tion. At present domestic issues overshadow international issues, hut the international issues cannot he ig nored. I believe one of the greatest needs of the voters is a national Bulletin, that will insure the information nec essary for intelligent consideration of issues. The radio will greatly aid in distributing information, but . we need the Bulletin as well. I have not discussed the prohiib- tion question because it will be an issue only to the extent necessary to insure enforcement. Prohibition is the permanent policy of the nation. The two great parties united in bring ing prohibition and should unite in enforcing it. I hope both partes will have 4ry platforms and dry candid dates. The Democratic party has ob jected to government by any class whatever, and therefore can consist ently oppose turning the government to a Careful Investors j That strapping big new Overland engine has everybody talking. It is all sinew and power. It sends ^ou zooming up the stillest climbs as nimbly as you please. Tliis is Overland Power Dem onstration week. Come in—take an Overland out and prove to yourself that it is the most automobile in the world for the money. Champion $695; Sedan $79S* Lab.Toledo. ELLIS MOTOR CO. X. V' I N Secretary Mellon’s original bill. The Democrats will also endeavor to aecure a reduction of the tariff and interests ? the Republican organization will in all probability oppose it. Here, too, the difference between the two par ties will be noticeable. The bonus presents another issue. The Democrats and many of the Re publicans will favor the bonus, while “big business” opposes it. Secretary Mellon attempted to make tax reduc tion dependent upon the defeat of the bonus. There is no reason why we should not have both tax reduction and the bonus! In fact, we should have more tax reduction than Sec retary Mellon proposed and we should also have the bonus. The money necessary to pay the bonus can be raised by special taxes that need not bear upon the masses at all. Then, too, the government might resort to a specific tax on war profits, such as was proposed two years ago. While nearly all of the people were suffering because of the war, a few men made enormous profits o'f the war. Why not make these war-rich profiteers pay the boys who took the risks while the profiteer stayed at home and made money ? ' The farmers have the greatest grievance against the profiteers. They are selling upon practically a pre-war level and buying on a level nearly fifty per cent, higher than the level on which they sell. The farmers constitute about thirty per cent, of the population. How can prosperity he as great as it ought to be when nearly one-third of the people can buy about two-thirds as much as they could before the war? Secretary Mellon has not only dis criminated against them in his tax recommendation but he waa opposed to their having a representative on the Federal Reserve Board. This was not due to any conscious hostility to the past to turn the government over to small groups representing special TARKINGTON’S “PENROD AND —SAM” COMING TO CLINTON “Penrod and Sam,” Booth Tarking- ton’s famous story of American boy life, was. produced at the Hollywood Studios by Associated First National Pictures, Inc. Encouraged by the marvelous re ception which the public tendered “Penrod,” which was filmed by Mar shall Neilan for First National re lease, the latter organization under took to put on an even more lavish American boy story from the pen of the famous Tarkington. Because of William Beaudine’s rec ognition in the art of directing chil dren, he was chosen to handle the directorial megaphone. Beaudine is also famous for his comedy. So uni versally is his ability recognized to handle children that he has been fre quently employed by many producers to make the “kid” sequences of pic tures which were under the direction of their own directors. The production is presented by J. K. McDonald and made under the personal supervision of William Beau dine. It stars Benny Alexander, pro tege of D. W. Griffith in the role of Penrod and Joe Butterworth as Sam Williams. Continuity was prepared by Hope Loring and Louis Leighton, in col laboration with Beaudine. “No expense or pains were spared in making this firm a faithful screen reproduction of American boyhood,” said Mr. McDonald. So faithful in fact every man who sees it will for get that he has grown up during the showing of the picture. It will be presented at the Casino | Your attention is called to the issue of Jacobs & Com pany 7% first mortgage coupon Gold Bonds, now of fered at par and accrued interest, from their date, Janu ary 1st, 1924. These bonds have the following advantages as an investment: 1st. The property securing the bonds is local fireproof property, directly under the observation of local invest ors. The Trustee for bond holders, M. S. Bailey & Son, Bankers, is also local and a hous,e of the highest finan cial standing. The underlying mortgage, insurance poli cies, abstracts of titles and attorneys’ reports are there fore locally available for examination by buyers of bonds. 2nd. The security'covered hy-fn3ftg®e1imv«r6rffir trustee for the bond holders is appraised at more than double the bond issue, while the issuing house has as sets liable for the debt of more than four times the ankount of the bond issue; and total liabilities not ex ceeding 35% of total assets. 3rd. The issuing house is one of Clinton’s leading and most valuable enterprises, bringing to Clinton about a third of a. million dollars of outside money annually, thereby helping to enrich the community in a large way. 4th. This bond issue will enable the expansion of this already large business, greatly to the interest of the entire community. There is no limit to its expansion except that of financial resources. 5th. The interest is payable semi-annually, each $17.50 coupon for six months interest on each $500.00 bond can be detached when due, January 1st and July 1st of each year and deposited with your bank just as you would deposit a check, making the simplest form of interest collection a great convenience to the investor. These bonds may be registered as to principal,- thereby protecting against theft, fire and loss. 6th. Additional to the mortgage security, protected by over $200,000.00 fire insurance, the property Ts backed by large going business, established over a quarter of a century, and owning besides its fixed assets and stocks a quantity of liquid assets consisting of accounts re ceivable and equity in contracts in process, amounting to more than three-fourths the entire bond issue; these quick assets in course of business are turned into cash at the average rate of over eleven hundred dollars per working day. X A 7th. The firm is a large one, consisting of experienced, capable people, whose lives are insured for more than the total of the bond issue. 8th. This business has been built from a capital of only $1350.00 January 1st, 1898 to its present size; has never defaulted on any obligation and is stronger today than ever before in its history. 9th. This bond issue will result in reduction of annual interest and principal sum payments* as compared with past methods of financing, and will therefore add to net earnings in future years. 10th. These bonds, with their underlying securities, have been approved by M. S. Bailey & Son, Bankers, as Trustee for the bond owners, and by their attorney, F. P. McGowan. M. S. Bailey & Son, Bankers, also recom mend them as a safe and well secured investment. I 11th. These bonds are issued in 15 series, maturing serially, 18 bonds each year, 1926 to 1940 inclusive. Ma turities of 1930 and 1940 have been completely subscrib- ed. Other series partially subscribed. Early subscribers may select any unsold maturities. ■* Make check payable to “M. S. Bailey & Son, Bankers, Trustee” for principal and accrued interest at 7% per annum from date of bonds, January 1,1924. Mark check with words, “For Jacobs & Company bonds,” making the check thereby an interim receipt. Bonds will be ready for delivery by February 25th. Subscriptions without cash payment and calling for future delivery of bonds will be accepted for delivery within ninety days, giving customer privilege of selected bonds of maturities de sired, if such maturities have not been previously taken up. Subscription blanks may be had at all Clinton banks or offices of Jacobs & Company. Any further information desired may be had of Jacobs & Company or of M. S. Bailey A Son, Bankers, Trustee for bond holders. theatre for Monday, February 25th.