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- . ; - - - A' ~ ' 4I- 4 t te -- . - - .. .. ..:. - .._- .. - DEVOTED TO SOUTHERN RIGHTS, DEMOCRACY, NEWS, LITERATURE SCIENCE AND THE ARTS M M'.I. J. FIRANCIS, Proprietor. Our usit(tio 14,106.ERM--To .-. -. -- - - --.--. .. _- - R D r 2 4 10 OL * I. SUMYTERVILL E, S. O., FIEBRUARY 24, 1852. .. --- POLITICAL. SPEECH O TIHE HON. A. W. VENA BLE, OF NORTiH-CARO.INA, On the Printing qf the Seventh Cenusm, 9 deli'ered in the Hiouse qf Represenl tatives, JUauary 20, 18512. 'The follouing joint resolution, re ported, flrot the Committee on Public Printing, being under con sideration Be it reso!ved by the Senate and -hoase of Repreentatives of the United States of America in Con gress assembled, That the Joint Com mnittee on Printing be directed to contract with Messrs. Dunelson & Armstrong for printing and binding the Census on such terms as they may think reasonable and proper, khp work to be executed under the direction of the Secretary of the Interior, and to bo paid for as it pro. gress by the bead of the Census Bureau, with power to abate fron the amount stipulated if the work when executed shall prove deficient or below the standard which may be agreed upon. Mr. Evans moved to amend by striking out "Dunelson & Arnstron g,' and to insert "the lowest bider for cash, the Government furnishing the paper." Mr. Venable said: -Mr. Speaker: This discussion is entirely unexpoected to mte. A few minutes since I came into the hlouse, having been called away by business, and found my friend from Maryland [Mr. Evans] opposing the resolution of- the Committee on Printing. I an very uch grat'lied nt - being present during the dis cussion. To have been absent, and thu's derived of an opportunity of pk Ws 'and L i r vote, would have been a subject of sincere regret. In saying this, I do not presume that any expression of opinion I may make, will the action of this House. But, sir, I have been at all times unwilling that this subjeot of public printing should pass from before this Ihouse until the country should understand, and fully understand, all that was meant by this corruption fund. We have heard gentlemen make great ob jections to letting the printing out to to the lowest bidder, which has been denounced all around this 1ouse as a miserable failure; and, by way of an 'rding it it is proposed to let it ous 6O the highest bidder-f,>r the committee are bound to contract with designated individuals, and instructed by the resolution to contract with no other. Competition is excluded, and the powers of the committee limited in the negotiation to such terms as they may be able to make with the editors of the Union. Now, I would suppose- - Mr. Gorman. The contract is to be made upon such terms, as the committee shall deem reasonable. I ask my honorable friend fron North Carolina if he supposes the gentlemen composing the Committee on Printing will make the contract Suvon terms unreasonable unjust to theo country and the Government? Mr. Venable. My gallant friend is a pure and fair-mainded man. I know his purposes are correct. I am confident that the same is true with regard to the other members of the committee, but why not authorize them to contract with any responsible person, being a practical printer, to execute this portion of the public printing? What claims have they upon us, or upon the country? Mr. Donelson has been called the ad ministrator of General Jackson's opinions. I say, he is administrator not only in his wrong, but in Gener al Jackson's wrong. Aye, sir, lhe has no claims upon me, or upon those whom I represent. I felt the in'luen:e of his power the last sum mer. I will never pay a man to whip me. I can get it done cheaper. [Laughter.] The Union newspaper contains the highest Federal doetrines -doctrines with which I never had any sympathy, and never can have, and therefore it has no claims upon me. As an individual, I have no personal complaiut to make; but sathe asaults continually made by the Ufnion upon those who asserted thM rights of the States, were fe'!t is open political hostility to the wile class.. Denominated agitators, and associated with fanaties--do. nominated as disloyal to the Gov ernment, and described as in co-op eration with Abolitionists, our re miniscences are by no menus agree ble, and the sense of obligation for such services not remarkably strong. But this is not the chief reason of iy opposition to the resolution before the House. If the doctrines of that journal were ever so acceptable to me-if the political principles in culcated by it were ever so sound, the claims upon me, and those whom I represent, would not be in any degree strengthened. I am opposed to the principle by which the offer of this printing concern. Gentlemen who are decided free-traders, opposed to restrictions and protective policy -they are zealous for the broadest. competition in all other operations founded upon contracts- let tmo ask them why this case constitutes ani ex ception? An increase of price must he the consequence. Would you so legislate as to compel all who were in want of bread to purchase from a single individual whilst there were hundreds who could furiish this in dispensable article? This would be considered unfair and oppressive Ieg. ishition, and of course unjust. Do gentlemen manage their 1 rivate cou tracts in this manner? The mere statement of the proposition suggests the appropriate answer. Vhy, thten, are Donclson & Armnstiong selected? De we propose to give av-ny the public printing as a pension? To give bounties in this form the lublic Treasury-and whilst condemning the present systcn, of letting it to the lowest bidder, adopt a substitute which must greatly increase the ex pense to the coniitrY? I desire to understand the principle uprion wlicl this propo sitioni rests. I can differ With geitlem-..n umponi a p inciple wityont a. : . iy respect for them. T'k *' m a ,, incere whnirer of th:It .Lb2,ideVnce of minid and heart uhieh assrts and de fends tie convictions of the under standing. But I cain feel no sym. patily, no toleration when it becomes a qucs:ion of plunder. I know where it begins, but not where it ends. I repeat the inquiry, why is the committee to be restricted to the editors of the Union alone? This cannot be done with propriety unless they have sonic claims upon us- sonic great public services rendered, and which aro still without coin pensation. If so, let them be ascertaimned-let the country know the amount of the pension to which they are entitled, aId thus, by fixing the sin, we shall be able to make the settlement and know when we are done paying. It is always wise that we should know the extent of our obligations, and pay them as a matter of business. Bounties for services and compent sation for labor should never he so intermingled as to render it diflicalt to discriminate the one from the other. 1f the contract for printing is to open it to world, open it to all competition, and give the coin mittee the discretion to make thme contract with individuals who shall execute it in the best manner and for the least sum. 1 will go with my friend from Maryland [Mr-. Evans] in the proposition that the Gzov ei-nment should furnish paper, and we should leaving but the mechaiiical work to the printer-pay the printer what his work is worthi, aiid give him fair rates. I shall never con sent to make a sort of contract wvherc no man in this llouse but a practical printer ever, knows how miuch is to be dramn from the Treasury for the purpose of filling the pockets of one who has, for the time, thme favor of a majority here. Theli remarks made by my friend from Maryland [Mr. Evans] deserve thorough cornsider-a tion. I have seen men made public printers, the organs of piarties, and thus fixed upon them, of whom the fabled story of Sinbad the Sailor's "Old Man of the Sea" is a very striking illustration: ie first rode by charity, and ended in demanding to ride by right. They are right at first, but there is no getting rid of them at last. You will find them very accommodating in their first es says in playing a tune, bat soon give you those in which you can perceive no harmony, and to the measure of which it is a great inconvenience to be compelled to dance. I cannot consent that the funds collected for the use of the Government from a tax-paying people should be taken for snlendid nonsions for narty or. vices. While I am unwillng to pension the soldier, and take care of h-s widow and orphans-the reward of actual services-while I am willing to allow all claims of that kind, I am not willing to select any individual and give him the means of becoming wealthy out of the public purse, and to place him in a position in which he has an opportunity to form public opinion, simply because hc is an editor of a leading journal dissem ated extensively throughout the country. I want no man to make public opinion for n.e, nor do my constituents desire it. I hope 'I shall never see the time -Ahen party ties and party allegiance shall be so strongly fixed upon me that I shall be willing to sacrifice principle for the purpose of advancing the position or standing of any one. I do not meanl, under any circumstances, to give a vote in which I shall have to part with principle for the purpose of promoting the aspirations of any man to the Presidency. I am thankful that I am foot-loose from any such bonds. I represent a con stituency that require me to be foot-loose, who have returned me by by a large majority. I am foot-loose, and bound by no party ties or ob ligations which I have asserted. I will take occasion to say, while I abhor the consolidation doctrines which have spread every sheet of the Union newspaper, whilst I naturally abhor and eschew them, if the editors, will do the printim any cheaper than anybody else, they are welcome to do it. If a Mahoimctan or Mornion will do tie printing better and cheaper than anybody else, I am willing to l ay for it. I trust there will be a decided effort in this House, to keep this printing out of the hands of any men Xyho will be likely to make use of so great a power in the presidential campaign. I prefer a practical printer who is not an editor; and I hope we will not he called ipont to give fuel to a fire that will give power to any ma ehitiary which may generald a imasna over the whole length and breadth of the couitrv. I take this occasion, anad am gladl of the op portunity, to say, that in regard to the vote which I shall give upon this question I consider myself us de tached from any sort of obligations to sustuin any man's pretensions for the printing; neither will I vote dor any iai for the presidency who des not inhis IavOWel opinionJlLS come ill) to my views of what a patriotic, constitutional American statesman ought to hold and adhere to. I have been much entertained as well as amused, within the last few (lays, by the revelations made inl the discussion between several represen tatives from Massachusetts. There was disclosed by the recrimination be twCeeii those accomplices in aboiition hIlat I always believed-that both the Whigs and Democrats, as a party, in that State were deeply hosti'e to the )Cculiar institutions of the South. I had no interest in such a contest, except for the inufor mation of thme people whoum I repre sent. I shall take occasion to ci:' culate those speeches freely amongst them, that they may have the highest evidence of the correctness of thiose conclusions with which I had madle them familiar in my intercourse with them. It was a battle in whichi I desired the full exhibitionm of' prowess on both sidles, and that at the close of the combat, bystanders would have to do the kind ofiee of burying the dead. Gov. Rloutwell carried thme State because lie and his friends bid higher than their comn petitors at the auction. A h'id~ of one quarter of a dollar mior-e by the other- side would have carried the day against aigainn~ thiemi. 'lie p-ice was the consideration; the oflices and~ emnluments were irre sistible. Did the Lemocracv coalesce with the Abolitionists? Let thiose representatives of that State who here dlenounice them, say why they votedl for- Mr. Winthrop? TIhey pro fess to be satisfied with the comipr-o misc, and yet supp~ort Mr. Winthrop, who withmin a few (lays aftner the passage of those measur-es, voted in thme Senate for a bill abolishing sla very in the District of Colunibia. lie bid for the Abolitionists of Mas sachusetts; endeavored to revive aig itation on the slavery question, amid upon that achievement was nomina ted as a candidate for Governor. IIe did not hid cnonah but shm.w.1 a willing mind. Those who supported him have but little cause to complain of any tampering with Abolitionists or combinations with them for pow. er. He spread the banner of ag itation to the breeze, and was sus tained by the Whigs of his State. I have nio interest in the matter further than the truth of history is concerned, and as a recorded evi. dence of what sort of materials we are called on to rely upon in the hour of trial. It will teach my con stituents that I am no alarmist, and that I have told them the tdth. It is evident, from all the circumstances, that both parties had a common pur pose, and neither party" had any feeling for us. I feel, sir, a deep in terest in all questions affecting the public welfare. I honor those who enilighten the minds of our country Men, and deeply deplore the effect of the propogation of unsound op inions. Like other men I am sen sitive to personal or political usage. The first I shall never bring to the notice of this House-it is only of the last that I shall speak here. I ain neither malignant nor resentful. If my temper is excitable, it is easily appeased; but there is one thing. which I never mean to do, and that is, to fawn upon the hand that strikes ine. No, sir, I will never do it. I will never be brought to sustain the pretensions of any ian for the Presidency who is not a , dblican; who does not distinctly acknowlcdge State sovereignty and t rights npon the principles of their great apostle, Mr. Jeerson; whI6dos not pledge himself to arrest .agtation of the slavery question, and - rY Put the fugitive slave law by allithe Nw er with lie is clothed. I pfake no compromise here. I o N - rv nenIrm nf.Jima late. except the fugitive slave aw; ancl regretted that I was not able to de feat all of them against which I vo ted. The State to which I owe my allegiance, and the people whom I represent, were willing to try the ex periment of these measures, as they had become a part of the laws of the land. They are a law-abiding peo pole, and I acknowledge th" authority of the will of my people. I voted tr the fugitive slave law; and it is the only one of the compromise measures for which I (lid vote. But though I acquiesce in them, n' man has a right to inquire as to whether I do siu cordially or not. I will say, that I have changed no opinion as to the character of these measures, and I feel now as I felt then. Mv con stituents feel now in regard to this subject, as every good citizen ought to feel, a strong desire for the repose of the public miind by a general ae quiescence inl and fitithlful execution of these laws. I am for preserving the G)vetli iient up'l he principles of tht, Conistittil itn, and ihr te3ldiencee to tile law in every part. o' the l'nited Stat es. So firl as I aint conceried. the reei -nt. of liay votle r Presideit, illust, he w% illing to aut the law of the land. I have no sympiathy~ with thxo e who a re disuiis its p2er se, anid haive never baen willing& to' reort toi the hiighie-t r eed wvitllo 't the most seri EVils clise antia lie Lfeeil aijiroation h oft a mlajorit of thm*l~ie whoi felt the grei valltee oIt il'stit-titiuil (al p rt S. si t. Whlenl I di tfer withI gent lu'ineni Iluu il leiii gle~ I can niudersrtiunI theutn. ait with genitlenwini with whom.i 1 dii-r ats ol~ tiieilillor tjuiestitits iit inivolv. Iig great Iiipjles. Bhit wi*hen~ it i petltlIy clear andit cou a-sivye idIca lion that the diff-ernc buette ni- will bat il.lio t iliilhaer. :ial i s haout prtin esplt--aboi ut the diispos 'it i':i, if thet olii thierte can lbe neithier elo-i perat 11ii nr confidenctie. I repr'esenit ai pilain, uniso p hikt leit ed, ariiel t tralh people ' t, who dho not looik tol tl(hiGvernmnt ihr anv-~ thling byv way, oft supporl't. Thley a'e thle carthi. They do noat loonk helie ihr laws toi pult laaaiey a intir- pockets, ntor to thle FtederialhTeasuliry t sitpplly their wanits. IThey bihori noit onily to stlihilv tlteiiselvts, hirt to aitIi i iatini taiintg her-e an elliint ad econoal - (izoveruntieli', ti' nuua~ge atlliia in which all t he States aire ciontcerned: and I cant vote for no mneasure which is to take the publ lic treasurC to suista;in a pap jer which sets i tself tup here ais the orgn ot a palrticular parlty. I will vote tu niiao miieasure whieb will p laice ant 11 innense mioney' p"ower int thle hands of metriopolitain editors. anid t hus aidd to their peculiar adtIvanttalges fotrI tr itng pubilic opuiniont itn any pre~sidenitil calivassh. But, sir, I do not wish to be mis understond. I must nsk th~e indul. gence of the House for a short time longer. Having been exceedingly unwell all the morning, I had not an ticipated this debate. Nothina would have induced me to make a single remark now, but that I had determined since the conintencement of the session that upon the very ear liest opportunity 1 would be distinct ly understood upon those great ques tions which now so much agitate. the public mind. In order that I may not be misunderstood, I ask gentle. inen to attend to the remark I am about make. When I say I want a fair, free fight in the next presiden. tial canvase, I mean that I desire that the people may have some hand in arranging the preliminaries and making the selection between the in dividuals presented as candidates for office. I am very far from objecting to a candidate because he is the noni noe of the Baltimore Convention. In deed such a nomination would highly recommend him to my choice. Such an expression of preference by that body would detbalid and receive my respect. If he should be sound, true# and capable, frank and honest in the declaration of his republican doc trines, desirous for the repose of the country, and the faithful execution of the laws, the fact of his nomination would recommend him to may confi dence and secure my zealous support. But, sir, the Baltimore Convention might make a nomination of those who do not answer-thIs-descril tion who do not possess these qualifica tions; and I will not support any such nominees. No party ties shall induce me to perform an act by which I lose my self respect. I am not ignorant that all liberty-all that is valuable in free goveirnments have teen often lost agreeably to the party iscijpin -. n emp-ado takes the place of substance -the power tranisfered to the few f-om the many, and the screus of party dis cipline nay be applied to crush all who have independence to speak the honest convictions of their own hearts. Should they nominate a man who dodges votes, and who is not to be found in his place when vital ques dons are to decided-whoso letters and communications require a second Daniel to interpret them--or, like the riddles of antiquity, give employ ment and reputation to a second (Edepus for his skill in unravelling the mysteries which they contain; or, like the Delphic oracle, which made response to a certain king, who in qui-ed whether lie should go to war with the Romans, in the following or acular words : "'l6s, -redibis, n1un quainque perbis''-or "You shall go, you shall niot return, you shall per ish." The inquiring king took the first interpretation-he went, lie lid not return, lie perished. Other fol lowers of the propounders of oracles have in recent times iCnewed the ex perience of this ancient king--they interpretel for themnselves-they went, and did return, but sadly beat en in the struggle. The handwrlv1itinig on thme w-all and the dream of Nebuchnadne-zzar were explainedl by the prophet; but in these days we are without pr-ophmets oi- preists. Experience must be our instruictor-, anid history our guidle. I desir-e a matte-of-fact man, whose heart delights in an honest dleclara tion of his opinionis; wuho will leave plain men, like myself, in no doubt as to his mneanimng. No convention can have author-itv to discharge a candlidate for- the highest ofhicc in the gilt of the people for- such a frank and open avowal of his views. Timn idity and ireser-vo p~resuippose a state of things which 'miust cr-eate distr-ust. No honiest politician dIreads the dhis elosurec of the fixed convictions of his umind. Tfhere is a cap)tivating beauty about the boldness of integi ity. Y ou see it in the fearlessness, in the deC mneanor even~ of a child who has nev er been depra-~ved by deception. Con scious purity of purpmose desir-es no concealment. A triumph of priinci ple binds honest men togeter-; but woe to that party who are united only by the system which der-ives its strength fr-oim the desir-e of plunder. Should that Convention give us the man who does not require and would scornm to have a new v-ersion put on his declai-atiouns-one who will not hesitate to declare that lie holds the republican doctrines of Mr. Jefferson, our acknowledged leader,--I say Mr. Jefferson, because I think it un wise to refreah ourselv-es at the branch wl)en we. can come at the spring. Besideb, sir, We .have had many mutations and interpolations in the creed since his day. Although having the hiihest confidence in the purity as well as the great ability of General Jackson, I never adopted or approved of triany of the doctrines of the proclandtion. I adhered to him, however, and none feel a more pro found reverence fur his services and his memory than myself. J would not aVandon him (as some did) with whor I agreed about evie-ythihg but some' doctrines od the proclamation, and go over to a party with whom I disagreed about everything, and the proclamation too. Those who did so, were placed in.a false position. The explanations of the Globe of that day and the .conversations with Mr. Riteife in some measure softened the sternnps of the text, but it left a la gy fog in the atmosphere which caused small objects to loom in the distance. You have experienced thisi sir, doubtless, where in a inorning mist a cow would seem to be as large as an elephant. I prefdr a return to the clear bright 1-epublican days of Mr. Jefferson, for whom General Jackson cherished the most profound regard. We iust return to that Bimple unsophisticated republicanism of the pure-and palny days of our country, before the distribution of fifty millions of money, and whole empires of land gave the means of temptation and corruption and placed in the hands of Congress the control of jobs by which opulence miy be at tained in a few months or a year. To such a candidate (and there are many such men in tho Democratic party) who believes in the sovereign ty of the States, I care not whether he approved- or disapprovcd of the' of measures called the 01 - execute the laws and preserve the repose of the country, there will be uch a gathering as we have not seen for many years. To endeavor now to agitate the public mind on the measures of the last session would be the extreme of frllv. The most of them are res per frecta. California is a State. Tex is has accepted the ten millions. Utah and New Mexico are complete n their organization as Territories. and he other laws stand on the statute book. Who would engage in the pu rile, as well as wicked purpose of igain agitating the public mind, with )IIt any prospect of a good result ? And whilkt I do not approve of a poli : which would assume the necessity i sustaining those laws of last session iv a buttress of resolutions this session, mId whilst 1 (10 not perceive the wis loin of making a declaration that a nere statute is unrepealable, and of ligher dignity than the Constition it elf, while both recogidzes its imperfec ions and provides fih- its own amend ients, 1 11111 utterly averse to any ,ourse which would renew agitation or evive discontent. Mr. Polk, (interrupting.) I call the entlemman to order. Mr. 3enerable. Wil the gentle nan state his point of order ? Mir. Polk. My point (if order is his: Tlhat I cannmot see what coalition ni Massachuset ts, and the State-rights boet rines have to do with passintg a re ;ouit ion abiout public~ printing; and1( as genieral charige, that he is laying abhout o loose that I caninot see what he is it mtyselt. [ I daughter.] Thle Speaker-. 'The Chair, in obedi eie to whiat see-med to be the desire ithe Illouse, did not feel at liberty ri arrest the course of reimark made bv hec geintlemanut from North Carolinai. lie ihair, htowever-, the point being -aiised, feels called upoii to say, that, in its opiniont. the gentlemain is wander nyg fronm the question before t ho Ilouise. Ai-. Venerabhle. I think I canI satis 'y the- Spe-aker- that I anm no~t waindecr ilg lionl t lie tjiestioni. T[he Speaker. The Chauir is very svell satisfied that the remarks of the enltleman have been irrelevaiit. Mr. John WV. Ilowe. Will the ieitain from i North Cai-olinai al lowv ine to ask himu a qluestion ! Mr. Venerale. I wanit first to putL rnlyself right with the Speaker. Ar. llowe. I merely watit to ask she uther we aie to understand that you wVill niot vote for Cassi or Douiglais - [Laumghter.] 'The Speaker. The Chair decides ;hat t ho tremarks oft he gentleman from N~orth Carolina tare not ini order. Mi-. Venerable. And 1 prop~ose to <how~ that theO course ot remar-k which was pursuig Mir. Sweetser, (it t rrupt'ng ) I ask 'or thle enfo~rcemntt of the rile. The zentleman from Notrth Carolina being mileud to oirder. and the Chanir having decided that lie is o'ut of oideNi 4at take his seat, under the'rule. 'The Speaker. The Chi es that the gentleinnn fri . na is not at libertyun'fez ie ito dis4uss thecresidentia qu a the proposition now ietfo thid' and that his remarks we e't. ly irrelevant. ' Mr. Venable. I hope i . lceed to proceed in order. Mr. Wilcox. I hope.the t l-6 n will be permitted toprocped-.Mij .his renarks, and that tlhqmbae--titudedf debate will be extende. trothran .. Mr. Clingman. I moved: thibe thy colleague have leave to proceed Jro br The Speaker. Is there obje~ttn-t the proposition? Mr. Sweetser objetted- r The question was then tAk6h bn kr. Clingiman's inbhlon; and it was agreed to. Mr. Venable, (resuming- .)LIO foundly regret that I should he beba SO uzifortunaifi lo eQt s unoth un Presenting riy * ifgs, as that an~y entlema, orthe. Chair, should have supposed that" V was -t of order. I was arguing.i.te "t my objection to the proposition t'o-ite this printing to the particular nidiv"u als named in the resolution, mighigil color to the charge that this Hoide Wr6 sustaining a press with the vib*"f ing it weight in the coming presdentfal election; that this Congress was-makifig themselves a party to such an-arrange nient, and identifying themselves with a part.y struggle by pensioningpreds, which would be active in- theofdrmaa tion of public opinion. It seeuAto m that this was relevant, as an4angumet why the printing shonid not, n giv to Donelson & Armstrong; -aui-e, the House, however, that I hadio pdr& pose to say anything that wasinot di rectly relevant to the subject before ils, But suppose that thi" propositino..as is not the case-lnit the to bargain with a DotrI ly in order to say that tle r n was wrong, because it lirnitedthe cona mittee to bargain with a've yitri ble person. . And that was thes hoe drift of remarks. Such a pres**dbyfa the Government out of they olibfio Treasury, might succeed in feming up4 on the country one who was ndt suita able for the object in view.: Thecor mittee, in no event, should be tlimited by a vote of this House to any paitta ular individual, inasmuch- as It burrdo. ed down the field of selection,. and must result, in the progress of. efoits, in a system of favoritisn, whit Wei. ther the principles of justice nor the good sense of the people wonld toler ate. When called to order by thd gen6 tlenian fron Tennessee, [Mr.P:OLI,] I had yielded the floor to the"gentle min from Pennsylvania, [Mr.'Ho**, who asked me whether I would vote for General Cass or Mr. Douglas' ' I hope it is not out of order to be- re spectful to the gentleman, and U reply -that I drew a character - for"whom I would not vote; if It fits no pason it damages no one; if it does, It la .is fiult, not mine; but I decline to make a personal application of my remarks upon tho call he has made. 1 have now said what I intended to r-afrl.. tive to the Presidency, and -what I have said was legitimately connected with the subject-matter before the llouse. I have said it because- I think i dhue to the country, .that its rep~resentatives should not adopt' sah indirect system of pensioningethee press. No editors of the jour-nals of' the country should be enabled by jobs thrown in their way to 'nisieea thrtune out the Treasury 'for rme'e party purposes. I appeal Ato this II oisc to say whether it is prop'r that this job should be appropriate inm the manner which this resol ution'proposes, merely because a majority, of this Ilouse have the power to do it. If the H ouse desires to elect a public prin.. ter, let it be done, and the rates id compensation fixed. But it is abhain. ly wrong to do so by ;Indirection. Every man should have ~his !js diies. But ifit is a -bad planW to iet out the public printing to the oo. est bidder, do not. adopt thos*6ther extreme, of letting it out to the: high est bidder! If. we pass this resolutiobi, and give the contract to 'Donesn* & Armstrong, we exclude ebmpetlon; and if they will not do it at what the committee consider 'a reasoniable price, you will have no priatingsdefte, or you wvill have this subject back in this House for disotssion;' Te whole matter will have" ettother hearing and another - decisloir. J trust the time is negar for asito'ave a printing bureau, as a part of oumr or ganization, arid thme printing executed by our own entplayers-wh't&lie whole work shall be done by "us,'Mad the entire matter be under ^ml*t'i*n control-that the time is.4teer 'When we shall get rid of this job wotkY.tis lnedIinr the Treasury in ordel'to (lb