University of South Carolina Libraries
----. -- fl'4IT 81 II r r A DEVOTED TO SOUTHERN RIGHTS, DEMOCRACY, NEWS, LITERATURE, SCIENCE AND THE ARTS M. J. FRAIVCIS, Proprietor. *1 I -OTERurS-Two Do tars Per VOL. V.. SUTERVILLE, S. C. JULY 2, 181. - - -O- g i - Substance of Thle Amrksi of the Ron. M. W. Barnwel, Oelivered on the 7th May before the Con iention.of Southern Rights Associations in Charleston. (Messrs. Editors: In preparing for ication the views submitted be 6 iT have not conformed, with any strictness, to the Address made by tne'to the- Convention of Southern ights Associations assembled in Oi#rleston. In fact I could not do e for I am altogether without notes, tinci ny, memory serves me very badly in such matters.) I could have wished, Mr. Presi lent- that this Convention had de UArminod, #fter the free conference, to tefrain-from the expression of any heison0 in the form of resolutions, as well, because in this way, differences of.opinions between those who have heretofore acted together might not have been precipitated into party di visions, as because the question of dearate State action, which your Addtesa and resolutions assume to determine, have already been referr ed by the Legislature to a Convention ofthe people; and I cannot but think that your interference will diminish rather than strengthen the moral force of the judgment which that tri bunal. may pronounce- My experi. ence teaches me that habit strength. ens obedience, and that we submit knore certainly and cheerfully to an authority to which we are accustomed than to that of extraordinary assem blie, eonvened for special purposes. And 'Ithink it therefore unwise to expos* sudh assemblies to the suspi cion of actin under the control and pro ~ unary arty u ai am .aware, sir, that a m fe.asls not counsels from a minori s to its course of proceed ing, nor do I complain that those up on whom the responsibility of a measure rests should determine for themselves the mode by which they may most surely secure its adoption. I pass now to the consideration of the main subject which engrosses our attention. It is with unfeigned re luctance that I addreAs you, for the point upon which I differ from many ot "iiy dearest friends is of such mo rnent, that I cannot be blind to the separation which impends its discus tion-before the people, If my wishes could have controlled my convictions, I'should still be with them, and as the issue of the contest brings to me only that common weal or woe of which every citizen of the State must partake, I strove to hope even against hope, that the progress of political events might keep us in action, as I 'sincerely believe we are in purpose, .ntirely united. But the policy now avowed and zealously pressed into execution, of exciting South Carolina ict6 a separate nation, seems to me so wide a departure from our past course, and so fraught with danger to the institution which all desire to de fend, that I cannot refrain from ex pressing, as briefly as I may, my ear nest dissent from it. I have endeavored, Mr. President, to keep steadfastly in view the essen tial element in the great sectional con~fict which now agitates and dis tracts this country, the institution of slavery, the dangers whieb menace &t, and the means by which they may be averted. This institution of slave ry within the Southern States, con stitutes not only an interest, the mag nitude of which cannot be easily over estimated, being the very basis of all their industrial pursuits; but it lies at the very foundation of their civiliza tion, and is the law of the social rela tion of two deeply marked divisions of the human race, permanently con joined in local position. I do not besi ?ate to assert that it binds together the geople of the slaveholding States, by ties which are deeper and more to be regarded than the artificial liga muents of civil policy. I do not dis guise'to myself, I cannot, if I would, conceal from you, that this institution Is now most dangerously menaced, the danger not the less to be dreaded, because the mode of its approach is most inbiudious. The chief danger which now threatens African slavery, is the operation of an almost univer sal sentiment of condemnation under which ib.labors in all countries where SIt does not exist. In its relation to our position, it matters little from whlat source of policy or feeling this spmtment has sprung, and is now do Vendent. It existu, it deepens, has become more passionate, and presses more urgently into exhibition, into ac tion, a formidable foe smiting at a dis tance, penetrating by the chords of sympathy the very hearts of its oppo nents, and paralyzing resistance, ere the battle is begun. But to meet this combination of a philosophy and phil anthropy wiich can only consummate their purpose by the desolation of prosperous and civilized communities, the drying up of the sources of com fort, even of living, to large portions of mankind, and in the utter misery and final destruction of the very peo ple they pretend to relieve, stand placed, as I believe by God himself, in deadly antagonism, the people of the slaveholding States of this confed eracy. Of a race trained to self re liance and a somewhat haughty re pulsion to any exterior influences, in telligent, skilful, courageous, they constitute a nation, fit to contend with and subdue the wild storm of fanaticism, rave it never so fiercely. Here then is the sufficient safe guard of one institution, the energy of the slaveholding States compressed into united action. Thus united, they possess physical force amply sufficient to ensure the respect of all other na tions, and thus to fortify and exalt their own self respect. The public sentiment of such people, sustained Yy a just regard to its nost vital inter. ests, is not likely to be overborne by any foreign influence. Nor is our cause without vindication from abroad God seems to have smitten our fier cest foes in the very temple of their worship. . That spirit of equality, which they have evoked and strength ened for destruction, stands among them, an object of terroar and ilarm. giving themn f, r thepronr tr ing for the future an Ava;ar of pihm.-'I der and of blood. If this Southern nation could but see its danger, and exercise its power, cast off the bonds of enemies, foreign or domestic, re assert its rightful control of its own destiny, and bo indeed a fre'e State ! But we are a divided people, and therefore our enemies triumph over us. The allurements of office, the bland ishments of party have hoodwinked large portions of our people, and danger lours in vair. before blinded eyes. And, now what-is trio temedy which it is proposel should be applied to this great evil. We suffer from temporary divisions, it is proposed to make the divis'ons permanent. South Carolina has been isolated within the Union by the acts of our enemies, and we propose to complete and perpetuate that isolation, by drawing between her and the other slaveholding States, the deeply mark ed lines of a separate, national exist ence. This seems to me to be a fa tal error. Not an onward move ment, but disastrously retrograde; and, I (1o not hesitate to express my conviction, that those who most de sire our ruin have it not in their power to inflict so dangerous a wound to the institution of slavery, as we shall inflict, when we sever Soutfl' Carolina from the slaveholding States of this Confederacy. I know that it is argued that this separation is but tempor-ary. and leads to a firmer and miore permanent union hereafter, but those who argue are compelled to admlit, all are compelled to acknowl edge that no slaveholding State will at this time voluntarily unite with us in the proposed secession. Sonme suppose that the desire of sharing in prosperity will hereafter draw them to our sides; others, that sympathy with our sufferings will produce this result, hut all admit that for the pres ent, and as far as our power extends, we and they become separate Nations. In the view which I take of this mat ter, the question of peace or wvar en suing upon our secession, becomes of subordinate importance. I do not disregard the evils of war, especially of civil war, but such is my opinion of the wvrongs already done us, and the far greater mischief which impend over us, so clear, and of such deep, impor-tance do I consider the right of secession, that the necessity of re sorting to arms to maintain our just cause, ought not, I think, deter the States froem acting. I contend against it because I am convinced that the separate secession itself, however ac complished, is disastrous, introducing discord strife and permanet alineation among those whose united force consti tute our only sure reliance for the de fence of' nn institution naailed hysunn. a formidable concentration of public opinion. It seems to me that th6 effect which our separate national division, will certainly produce be. tween the Southern States, especially those upon our border and ourselves, has not been sufficiently considered. South Carolina is even now unfortun ately but too much separated -from them, how much more entire must this separation be rendered when she has become to them a foreign nation. Even now, how numerous are the provocations to rivalry and discord : then with what a fatal proclivity will these provocations tend to bloodshed and to war. The more especially as a foreign alliance, and an illicit com merce, are the channels through which our future prosperity are ex pected to flow. I enter with reluc tance upon the processes through which we aro to attain the condition of a separate nation, and as they have been fully treated by others, I turn to them chiefly to illustrate, that sep arate secession in the present condi tion of the country, if effected, will end in the permanent division of the slaveholding States. Admit that the Federal Government acknowledging the right of secession, attempts no in terference with South Carolina, and she peaceably becomes an independ ent State, it is apparent that she must resort to duties on imports for the support of her new government; now, as not more than one-fourth of the imports of the State are consumed within her borders, three-fourtbs of icr fair trade is at once cut off. For whatever be the amount of the duty evied by us, it must operate as to the toods consumed in other States, as a liscriminating duty in favor of S 1 annt and aginst our Own ports. t'his (Aicultg lw:.av~. ImfeipaTN" and is met b'y tho admission that we must depend upon an illicit trade to sustain and enlarge the commerce of our State. I waive all other objec tions to this scheme (not without reat weight in morals and policy,) and consider it merely in respect to ts tendency to divide the slavehold nug States. Do we not perceive that prosperity thus procured for Charles ton must necessarily bring decay and ruin upon the neighboring city of Savannah, and is it reasonable to ex pect that she will quietly brook that icr commerce should be thus destroy ed, not by a fair competition but by an illicit traffic ? Do we not here re cognize a fruitful source of bitter riv aIry, fierce altercntions and speedy violence ? But I dwell not upon so sad a picture. These speculations upon the future may be of little worth, but reason I think justifies the assumption that years of separation (for to develope and exhibit the pros perity which is to draw the other slaveholding States into the confede racy with us, years must elapse) will leave us in interest and sentiment, far less prepared for union than we are at present. But suppose, as I believe, that the Federal government will not acknowledge our right of se cession, (for according to the views expressed by almost every leading politician, who is likely to influence the action of the government, to ac knowledge the right of secession is to abdicate all authority,) aiid tile Pres identI attemplts to enforce the laws of the United States, will Congress sup. port him ? Tfhe passage of the force bill, under circumstances strictly an alagous. (for it was against the right of accession as well as nullification that that measure was adopted,) seems to me to leave it not at all doubtful but that Congress will furn ish the President with all the author ity lie may ask for, to carry their laws into execution. What form this warfare may take I know not, except that, as I think it unwise to und~er rate the skill of our opponents; and as those ini possession of authority may always compel those who resist its exercise to become the assailants, I doubt not but that the Fedcieral Government will throw upon us the commenccment of actual lhos tilities. In this attitude of affairs, it is confidently expcted that the other slaveholding States will rally to our support, and a Southern Confedera cy be thus formed. Such is not the result to which my judgment leads mec. Should wvar assail us in such a form, as to arouse the sympathy of the Southern People, I doubt not but that many gallant spirits would rally around us; but the States, as po litical communities, having already decided that theywouldi not secede, will not, I think, suffer their political condition to be determined by that, which they will regard as the result of pride and rashness of South Caro lina. It is urged that we contend in their cause, and so I sWlemnly believe; but I cannot be blind to the fact, that those who are to'determine this most important question, do not so regard it. On the c6ntrary, popu lar majorities in the other slavebold ing States, swayed by the arts, and guided by the counsels of those whose hostility to this State is most open and bitter, treat our cal'amities, should they come upon us, but as the appro priate rewards of our arrogance and presumption. Experience has not taught me to believe that men's ac tions go beyond their professions; and I am unwilling to rest so vital an is sue upon the assumption, that those who have so recently in our judg ment failed to redeem the pledges which they have giveza, will hereafter at vast expense of blo6d and treasure, make good the pledges they have re fused to give, pledges which we may imply for them, but Abich they have ieclined, even in wos,, to sanction. Nor shall we find thegreater favor with them if we callkin, a Foreign Nation, to champion our cause. It is considered by many who favor the ansupported secessiQ, of South Car Aina, that any hostilp. interference with our commerce will affect the in terest of Great Brit'i and that she will not permit thea - be illegally issailed. So far from den encourage ment from this viP, e subject, it constitutes to my ,Try. strong Abjodtiou to the p Action of 'he stat4- A 0 Confedera in~$7~1Io ~ in lit; eim It dnrined and elevatedl by the consciousness of strength, might safely seek such alliancei.n- as her interests required; not so the sin gle State of South Carolina. The warning voice of our great departed Statesman forbids us to expose our 3elves, thus isolated, to machinations from which his sagacity and decision 3o recently rescued Texas. Was it indeed an act of wise statesman-like foresight to provide against the evil that impended over our institution, from the dangerous isolation and the more dangerous commercial alliances of Texas, and shalt we, in disregard of his counsel thus embodied in ac tion, precipitate ourselves into similar i' not equal danger? I refrain from urging this topic further, the past and the present equally warn us to be ware. I repeat it again, Mr. President, that we entirely under-estimate the power of national sentiment, when we sever ourselves from the other slaveholding States. Patriotism has its negative as well as its positive pole, and its repulsion is proportion ate to its attraction. You can not 1e out of the Union, and yet main tain unbroken the ties of sympathy and of party, which now join us in plose connection, with so manny gen erous, faithful, and true-hearted friends, within our Southern border. They cannot suetain themselves at home, and hold strict alliance with a State which has become to them a foreign nation. I feel that even the wishes of these our friends are enti tied to the utmost consideration, anid their opinions the most respectful at tentiona; but forning a new govern ment is too high a matter to be sub jected to the influence of party con siderations. When, too, the very act itself; places the impossible bar rier of a distinct nationality against all future co-operation. It seems to me, sir, that we are in danger of fall ing into the error of turnming the mean into the end; to protect slave ry, to form a new government for its protection, to secede for the purpose oif forming this now governnment for it protection to secede for the pur pose0 of forming this new government; these are the steps ini our progression. Tihe neow government, the secession, are the means, tho priotection of slavery, the end, Blut when secess ion leads to no new government, or to a governiment which exp~oses slave ry to increased danger, then certainly seCession is no longer to be adhered to as something excellent in itself. Allow me hero to 3ay, Mr. President, that the question, before us is not, as I conceive, a question of resistance or submission, but of forming a new government, and the consideration of it should thneere ao entered uon with the calmness which befits a ques tion of such magnitude, and the char acter of the new government which we are able to form, constitutes one of the most important elements in making up a wise decision. - In de terming this question, we are there fore compelled to defer very much to the wishes and opinions of those whose co-operation is essential, to render the new government adequate to the necessity which calls it into existence; and, should we postpone our action, submit as it is called, we ;ubmit only to the judgment (preju diced if you please) of those whose safety and interests are identified with our own. But here we are met, with what is termed the argument of despair, I call it so in no disresgct ful sense, for I know of no argument which more powerfully impels high and generous spirits. Our ruin drawson, this Federal Government calling itself ours, labours to consum mate it. Other States will not co operate with us. let us break out of the Union at all hazards. I confess, Mr. President, that my sympathies respond warmly to sentiments of this kind; that they move me far more, than all the prospects of honor, or advantage, which are held out to us; these it seems to me are delusive my deliberate judgment pronounces against them, but when I contem plate the great power which this Government, because it is ours pos sesses for our injury; when I know from the past, and argue for the fu ture, how remorseless is the zeal which presses it onward to our ruin, when I witness the blindness and xpathy of our Southern people, Iam :onstrained to struggle against an in Jigration which wnuld prompt me to rCnuo for my State the associa aone. But I remnmber that dilt3h Carolina has been long kept apart from party strifes, and has received into her very heart the lessons of the most sagacious of modern Statesmen, and if she has thus acquired superior intelligence she must, also pay the price of it in greater isolation, and Cassandra like, have her prophetic enunciations of coming evil, treated as the vain illusions of a distempered fancy. She must therefore strive to imitate the noble forbearance of him, whose courage and policy saved Greece at its greatest need, but for whom neithee his courage nor his policy has gained a wider or purer fame, than the unselfish magnanimity which prompted the speech become an adage in all nations, "strike but hear ine." Lot us, then, manifest a noble confidence in our cause, and in the courage and honesty of our Southern Confederates. If I be lieved that this institution of slavery were the ephemeral product of man's avarice, or man's policy; if I believed that it was to be thrown aside as the fluctuations of a feeble philanthropy, or the speculations a babbling philos ophy might dictate, I might despair of the future; but it has deeper foun dlationas than man's will or nit, and, to my mind, indicates by its gradual, silent, but decisive overthrow of all opposition, its wide-extending and deep-reaching fixednese, a perma nence and a purpose which is of God. And whilst 1 know that man's reason is the highest instrumnent of God's government, and that, therefore, no effort or precaution which prudence dictates should be omitted, in a sense less reliance upon his providence, yet I acknowledge that I delight to be hold through the interstices of inter v'ening clouds, the glittering of that burnished chain, by which he draws on the destiny of nations. And it seems to me that we are under his special guidance and protection when we are manfully contending to guard this, our Southern civilization, our selves and our slaves, from the malice and infatuation of our enemies. Nor let us despond too much with respect to our confederates in this eventful struggle; every day casts brighter light upon the true character of slave ry within the Southern States; every day deepens the conviction among us, that our wealth, our strength, our very existence, is indissolubly in terwoven with its preservation. En thrann the opinion which I do, I takGod that we would not, if we could destroy this relation of master and slave; I thank Iim still more, that we could not, if we would, do ourselves so great a m'uchief. A physical necessity keeps us one nat. tion. a moral necesslty keeps us din tinct classes. And hence springs my assurance that when the danger which I believe comes rapidly on ward, shall be apprehended in its true magnitude by the slaveholding people, when these miserable huesters in politics, in both sections of the country shall have been swept away by the rising tempest, and the two earnest, determined parties in this sectional contest shall be brought face to face, I can not doubt but that our friends in other States will be found as resolute in the maintenance of our rights Azd interests, as we now are; I shall not be easily persuaded, that the slaveholding States will, without a struggle give up even the amount of property which they hold in slaves; but that they will ever con sent utterly to degrade and destroy their whole civilization by living in political and social equality with the African race, I know to be impossi ble. The most essential interests, and the strongest passions of our nature give us ample security that whenever they become awakened to the sense of their danger, the slaveholding People will meet it with unflinching fortitude. Iet us earnestly labor to hasten that awakening. I have thus, Mr. President and gentlemen, spoken many things which I fear are ungrateful for you to hear, they cer tainly have been painful for me to speak; but I do not now, I think that I never did, and .hope that I never shall, count the favor of . Uny people of such value, as to sacrificq to it my own convictions of duty, or my desire to render themu ire er vice. Should the State. determine to secede alone, I necd hardly say, that her fate is knine; iadecision of her Convention is for me a law, butf binds we to her destiny li, which laws cannot make and can hardly strengthen. 2RiNlW; Leign Hunt tells love stories do lightfully- with a sort of kitchen-fire side familiarity which is charming in the most refined writer of the age. Here is one which turns upon a phe nomenon that occurred during the earthquake which destroyed Messina. Giucappe, a ynung vine-grower in a village at the foot of the mountains looking towards Messina, was in love with Maria, a daughter of the richest bee-master of the place; and his affee tion, to the greatest displeasure of the father, was returned. The old man, though he had encouraged him at first, % W ed her to mary a young profligA in the city, because the latter was richer and of a higher stock; but the girl had a great deal of good sense as well as feeling; and the father was puzzled how to separate them, the families having been long acquainted. He did every thing in his power to render the visits of the lover uncomfortable to both parties; but as they saw through his object and love can endIure a great deal, he at length thought himself compelled to make uso of insult. Contriving, therefore, one day to proceed frm one mortifying word to another, ho took upon him, as if in right of offence to anticipate his daughter's usual at tention to the parting guest, and shiow him out the door himself, adding a broad hint that it might be as well if ho did not return very Boon. "Perhaps, Signor Antonio," said the youth. "you do not wish the son of your old friend to return at all ?" "Perhaps not," said the bce-mas ter. "WVhat," said the poor lad, losing all the courage of his anger in the terrible thought of his never having any more of those beautiful lettings out of the door by Maria--"what ! do yeu mean to say I may not hope to be invited again, even by your self ?-that you yourself will never again invite mec ?" "Oh, we shall all come, of course," said A ntonio, impatiently; "cat, dog, and al!; and when we do," added he, in a very significant tone, "you may come again yourself." Giuseppo tried to laugh at the jest, and thus still propitiate him; but the old man, hastening to shut the door, angrily cried, "Ay, cat, dog, and all, and the cottage besides, with Maria's dowry along with it; and then you may coine again, and not Wl then." And so saying he ban daged the door, and givmg a furious look at poor sala Maria, went nt another room to scrawla notej young citizen. The young citizen came and Antonio grew sulkier and every day, till at last he turn bitter jest into. a vow; eIomu with an oath, that G iusepj 14 never have his daughter, til ehiD'(tb father,) daughter, dog,. cati cottage; bee-hives and all, with horlolqrf of almond-trees to boot, 0et cetim fine morning to beg the young " ie dresser to accept them. Poor Maria grew thin and Giuseppo looked littl turning all his wonted jests into ..6; and often interrupting his work to sit and look towards the saida&lujnd trees, which formed a beautfiolin on an ascent upon the other ede of the glen, sheltering the-best ori~n. tonio's bee-hives, and composifigA a pretty dowry for the pretty ffari which the father longed to see ii .he posession of the flashy young'cliizen One morning,. after a very sultry night, as the poor youth sat efideava oring to catch a glimpse of hn ."ip tnis direction, lie observed that te clouds gathered in a very unusPal manner over the country, and -,hen hung low in the air, heavy and.i. moveable; towards Messina the clouds looked so fiery, that at first he thoight the city on fire, till an unusual heat affecting his own skin, and a smell of sulphur arising, and the little" rivlet at his feet ssuming a. ti*ng ofn Vid ash-colour, he knew that some convul. soiiof the earth was at hand. Hig imniealaitoimnpulse was , i' a ord,ad;ith mixed ah ii a delight, agifnd himself i the. t taga of Aoi ti, giving the fatier and dauighter all te :help itn is oe s brst of thu r-'i"a hbim for a nomen . pain-te yh bw vw ht bet T, ,eatzaowni feet, he saw thewlt o opposie glen liftlp with Ii deafening noise, and then te itself, with all around it, east a thought, to theground, and buried for ever. The sturdy youth for the: first time in~ his life, fainted Sway. and when his senses retuis d himself pitched' back into his9-,w premises, but not injuredl theb having been broken by the vines. lut on looking in horror.towids the site of the cottage ypthe bill what did he see there ? or - rathet, what did he not see, forming .aw:new mound. furlongs down theoidaof-the hill, almost at the bottom of tlieglen, and in his own very homestead ? Antonio's cottage, with the almopai trees, and the bee-hives, and the-ery cat and dog, and the old mainhim self, and the daughter (both ie e less,) all come, as if, in the fetlirs words to beg hipi to accept thein V Such awful pleasantries, sb -tek, sometimes take place in the 'idW'of Nature's deepest tragedies, and such exquisite good may spring out ' evil. For it wvas so in the epad, ifnot in the intentio~n, The old man, (dio, together with his daughter, bad only been sin~nned by terror,) wasyg or' stitiously frightened by the ~dr' circumstance, if nbt affecti6tely moved by the attention of he, usen of the old friend, and the delight and religious transport of his child. 'Be sides, though the cottage,imnd tiil al mend-trees, and the heb'is had all come miraculously safe ~1z.ther hill, (a ihenomenon which fr quently occurred in thesoeztni.i nary land slips,) the flower-gardits on which his bees fed, were lmuost all destroyed; and when the ~cul-: sion was well ovbr, anid the.tr were again playing in theval yi he consented to becomo thoinmde Vodife of the cotte of the'ohibnttdolfple. He could never attamhinflvder, to the innate delicacy .of bne 'ciild, and he would somotiumes, with a ptulanb sigh, intimate at table what a pity lb was that she had not marridthe rich and high feeding citisen. At such times as these, Maria would gather one of her husband'a feet boa tween her owhr under the table, andI with a sguee oi~t, that repair'ed his tenfold for the mortificationpa~uld 4Mal a look at him whiche said/ "'E poideas all which it is possible-'os tas to desire." Greeley thinks that akah The art nqlit~~* erA.