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action. Invited, as members of that con. tention were, fi portio of the Un. on, the sphere of o as f too.,ea, enve for wise and and ision. There were ny t in. iVolveL if gneral pro ons on to W laid dpu in such a c ti n, set is not worth in d sateof the publ mi pon the nest on, Whatever platform might be -adop ed, the of tiers pa rall !ynwd e?tepeillt;ads each Section of the con 1iil Ii ve its own ob jects.to-auin, these must be attained by conceel . t# thq ebjcts of. others, and the teault will furnih evidence of a mutual Si tofaccbramodationeratherthan'acautious for the general interest. Such an as semblae is a very different thing from the itemjt t concentrate opinion and action in Lvoof sny inip ovetnent affecting a particu lar Rion the .nion, where there is a cgmfiu ity of information and interest, and Wbere there is no weighing of one project st, ahbther, not any sacrifices to insure de desired result. Altd _ am fully confirmed in my previous anticipations concerning the ChicagoConven tion. I imagine the first man is yet to be found who will venture to say that any ad vantage has resulted from its labors. But, I had yet another reason for declining toattend that convention:I did not like its or ln. The earliest notice of it which I saw was cornected with the name'sof some well kidowni whig, prominent politicians of the city 4fNew York; and I believed, and I have yet io eason to doubt, that one great object was tp njure the democratic party by taking ad. vantge of the excitement which prevailed in dirain portions of the country in consequence (the failure of'two successive internal im provement bills. And I have since under. stood, though I cannot vouch for the fact, that such was the actual intention, .and that thepidceedinga if the convention would have *saured a Warty character, and been direc tid to'this object, had not the design been frbatrated by the firmness of the democratic members. Now Mr. Greeley will understand why I did not attend this convention. But I cannot understand why he seeks my opinions on this question in my letter, which is wholly silent onthe aubject, and not in mf s' ches and votes in the Senate of the United States. 'Eminent whig politicians whom I could nAi e, but that it would be invidious to do so, were invited-to attend the Chicago Conven tion, but neither answered nor attended. I thought it due to the gentleman who invited me to acknowledge his attention, and did so. And this act of courtesy, which constitutes the only difibrence between myself and oth err, has been made the text book whence my opinions are to be deduced, and by which my inconsistency is to be proved. On the q'ies tion of the United States over the subject of internal improvements, my sentiments are in accordance with those of the great democrat ic party, and are fully expressed in the reso lutions of the Baltimore Convention. In the words of one of these resolutions, I believe "that the constitution does not confer on the general government the power to commence and carryon a general system of internalim proyement," and no man living has the right to gainsay this assertion ' But at the same time I have never disputed the right of Con. gress to Improve some of the great harbors and rivers and lakes of the Ujnion, national in their character, and important to the com merce, and seome of them to the defence of ourcointry. .While the democratic party deepy' the power to devise and carry on a vast :yatom of operations-whose pecuniary ex tent'no mnan can foresee, and what is still vrorse, whose corr-upting influence, as well in the Legislature c6s out of it, cannot be viewed but with the most serious apprehen sjon-the great majority of that party, in deed nearly all of it, has advocated particu Ihr appropriations justilled by the circumstan ces of position and Importance. Almost at the daine time that I declared my adhesion to the resolutions of the Baltimore Convention. I voted with equal good faith for bills in the Senate providing for the improvement of riv ers and harbors and lakes, and advocated their passage In my seat; and this is precisely the reason why I secuse many of the whig papers and politicians of dismngenuousness, or something worse, in asserting that nmy Chicago letter, which contained not a wvord on tite subject, was proof of my hostility to all the action of Congress, in the very face of my official course and of my, publicly-declar ed opimions. And my position was that of most of the prominent men of our party, who while the y held to the doctrines of the reso lutions, held likewise to the power of special legislation, and voted for the same bills. I do not know, indeed, that there is a single senator who denies to Congress all power to legislate over this matter. Certamnly Mr. Calhoun does not, who adopts the wholesome doctrine of strict construction. I am aware it' is difficult to draw a practical line at all times between objects that ought and that ought not to engage the attention of C~on gress; and I think therefore, looking to the abuse to which tho -whole subject is liable, that the effort shou'd be to narrow, and not to enlarge, the circle of power; and such I understand to be the views of the democratic part.; Te other p roof of insincerity, as I have already stated, is drawn the fact that in my letter to Mr. Nicholson I took ground against the Wilmot Proviso, excluding slavery, by law front the territories, and now believe that slavery, with or without that restriction, will not be established there. And the wonder is gravely expressed how I could write that letter and the letter of three lines to the Chicago Convention, and yet claim the char acter of an honest man. It is a much graver wonder tome, how Intelligent editors of pub lie papets, whose Influence on public opmnion seo great, should venture thus to deal even itha politics) opponent, in utter disregard of his true position. It will not surprise you but it will many who have viewed my course only in a party aspect, to be told that in that very letter to Mr. Nicholson I expressly sta ted my opinion to be that slavery would nev er extend to California or New Mexico; and that "the inhabitants of those regions, whethi they depend on their ploughe, or their s, antbe slaveholdors." I quoted With full approbation the op inions of Mr. Buch aansa and of Mr. Walker, the former of whom says: "It is mortally impossible, there m fore,ithat majority of the emigrants to that Portl~n of .the territory south of 86 80 will ever re-tablish slavery within its limits." Mr. Walker maintains that "beyond the Rio .del Norte slavery will not pass, not only be eau*be Ia forbidden by law, but because the CQ *,,M4 thereprepondoera in the ratio often to one over the whites; and holding, os they do, the goverament aidizmost offices i r seten. jr wW not pe ' the en:, of a' = the lace, bic kea . Ce th, w .of the,; unt An th ma add aThe es it wil . bese -ne in ion, cin rd xchl b~( very from a ion ere it ow exia i, bu a ro hibition against its introduction where It does toa elowsofAure it j mos. ally impossible, as Mr. Buchanan saya,that It cats ever re-establish itself." I hake nver uttered. to a-butaan.being a.sentimtent in op posiition to these views. And subsequent events, the events indeed of every, day, con firm their Justice; and .render it impossible that slavery should be reestablished in- the region ceded to ns by Mexico. Such is the generalopinion in the non-slaveholding States, among thoe who are tmost attached to the compromises of the constitntion, and most de termined to maintain them. And I do not doubt but there are many persons In the South em States who resist the Wilmot Proviso with all their power, as offensive to the feel ings, and injurious to the rights of the South, but who still be)ieve it is a question rather of principle than of action, and that circumstanc es an exclusion which Congress has no right to pronounce. * In the view here taken, the effort to engraft the Wilmot Proviso upon an act of Congress, even if Congress had the requisite power, is a useless attempt to direct the legislation of the country to an object which would be just as certainly without it If Congress have not, the power, as. I believe they have not, in coin mon with a large portion of the people, it be comes worse than useless, by becoming un oonstitutional. And in addition to this, it is peculiarly offensive to one-half of the States of the Union, who see in it an attempt to cir cumscribe their rights, and to mortify their pride of character. No man can look at the signs of the times without being satisfied that the prosecution of this question is producing the worst state of feeling; and though I trust that happen what may our southern brethren will still cling to the Union, equally their ark of safety and ours, still there are evils short of a separation which every good citizen should seek to avoid. He should seek to avoid all occasions of unfriendly feelings: to avoid as far as may be the agitations of questions hos tile to the sentiments or interests of different sections of the country, and thus tending to array one of them against another. There is enough passing in the Old World-and if there were were not, there is enough passing around us-to teach us the inestimable value of our institutions, and that these ought not to be hazarded by an internal dissensions, as un necessary in their origin as they are perten tous in their consequences. So much for the expediency of urging a measure thus advocated and opposed. But beyond this question is a still more important one in a constitutional government, and that is the power of Congress to legislate over the subject; and this must be settled affirmatively before the propriety of legislative action can be considered. I am not going over this ground at present. I have already touched upon it in my letter to Mr. Nicholson, and I shall probably have an opportunity of expres sing my sentiments mro at the next session of Congress. I shall content myself with presenting a few general remarks here, as the subject lies in my way. There is one important consider ation which meets us at the very threshold of this inquiry: there is no' express power in Congress to legislate ovor the territories to be found in the constitution ; for I believe it is now generaily conceded-as indeed it must be-that the powver to dispose of ~and make needful rules and relat ions for'the terriiory and othier property ofthe lited States con tains no grant of political power over persons upon suchI property either within or without the respective States. And if it d'es in the one, it must in the other ; for these w~ords are equally applicable to thte territory and other property of tho United States, wh erever situ ated. Butt there are some dive or six provis ions in the the constitution whence the pow er is sought to be deduced-some persons deriving it from one clause, and sonme from another; wvhile each is imore fortunate in showing where it does not, thant where it does exist. The exercise of a great political power like this by a legislature, deriving its existence from a written instrument, ought not to dleend ont auch loose constructions. Nothing shows the wvell-grounded doub~ts re specting this power better thant thie very uan certainty in which we are involved in the en deavor to maintain it by an express constitu tional grant. And no wonder that now, wh'len peculiar circumstances bring this question more forcibly than ever before the country, the true foundation of the power should be severely investigated. Those who maintain the right of Congress to pass the Wihnot Proviso, must maintain not only the right of that body to establish governments, and to providle for the necessi ties of legislation over tho public territory, which is one thing, bitt also the power to di rect all the interhal territorial legislation at is pleasure, w:thout regard to the will oIf the people to be affected by it, which is another and quite a different thmig. I shall tnt en ter into any subtleies touching the condition ofsovereignty, or the rights it brings with it. That subject was a good deal debated at the last session of Congress ; but it had been al ready exhausted in tho discussions previous to our revolutionary struggle. We arm sov ereign, said the British governent to the colonies, and mylegislate over you as Wve please. You are soveriegn, said ouar fathers, and may establish governmetnts; butt you have no right to interfere, by your legislation, in our internal concerns. Such legislation, without representation, is the very essence of despotism. This dispute divided one em pire. Let us take care that a similar assumnp tion of power does not divide another. Have Congress any powver to legislate over the territories ? I said in my letter to Mr. Nicholson, "How far an existing neces sity may have operated in producing this leg islation, and thus extending, by rather a vio lent implication, Jowers not directly given, I know not. But certain it is, that the principle of interference should not be carried beyond the necessary implication wvhich produces it." The ground of necessity is that upon which Mr. Madison placed the action of the old confederation in passing~ the ordinatnce of 1787; and if I dIo not misunderstand the late Mr. Justice Story, ho otntertatined similar views when ho said that acquired territory "mnust be under the domintion and jutrisdhiction of the Union, or it would be without any gov ernment at all." If to avoid this latter cain sequence Congress exercise a power not oth.. erwise to be defended, that power shnuld be limited by the Decessity of the occasiont which calls It forth. To preserve the peace of so . there. is .no.nore nocde that Voagresh .hould conduq the I'gislatibh of the trtit es thai that t jy. d co t ot ,the logisi ~ i of Virg inia ' Mat Yetts. IO enough t hat the(y uhcl g .zegove , nts, and then thro.~ cessity 1 heir leiter .rence ceases. At the. restu bitest hib..for the local V rnmentl o mahago the internal concerns of tie territbri Os in' most cases, and would as safely in all, if nQtresrsained by egngressional interpositio.; and if Congress can pase beyond the powb& to organize governtnents, they maiy rule a ter, ritory at their pleasure, aniI prestrate every barrier of freedom..Jf,.as LavoJeretoforo ,said, they can regulate the- rdlation of master and servant, what but their own will is to pre. vent, them from regulating the oilier relations of life-the relation of husband and wife, and of parent and child, and, indeed, all the ob-, jects which belong to the social atatql There is no man who can show the slightest necessi ty for this interference on the part of the.gen eral government, and there is , consequently no man who can show that it has any right to interfere on the ground of its necessary fc tion. The people of the territories are fully competent to conduct theirown affairs; and the very first principle of our social system demands that they should be permitted to do so. "Whichever may be the source," says Chief Justice: Marshall, speaking doubtfully of the origin of the jurisdiction, "whence this power may be derived, the possession of it is unquestionable." He is speaking of the pow er of government ; and no doubt it has been possessed; but it becomes very important to ascertain how, and how far, Congress has justly possessed it, in order to ascertain to what extent it may be exercised. In almost all--I believe I may say in all-the speeches and essays in support of the power of Con gress to legislate over slavery, after endcav oring vaguely to deduce it from some clause or other of the constitution, the principal reli ance is at last upon the authority of the few instances of its exercise to be found in the statue books. Authority and precedent have weight, and ought to have some weight in doubtful questions; but I trust there are few to be found who are prepared to shut the con. stitution, and to seek in the practice of the government the foundation of its power ; and more especially when, as in this case, the early legislative proceedirgs passed, as we have reason to believe, without objection or inquiry. They commenced by adopting the provisions of an ordinance of the old govern ment to the administration of the new one, and thus impliedly recoginising the exclusi i of slavery, and seem to'have gone on silently and unquestioned for years. I have not had time to look back to ascertain the facts pre cisely; but I believe it will be found that this power has never been exercised where there wasa united sectional opposition to it. Pre cedent may weigh much in the consideration of a doubUul question, where the whole sub ject has been maturely considered, and many mindi have been brought to bear upon its ad justment. But as the foundation of political power a practice thus introduced is of little value, particularly when it conies to involve grave questions seriously afecting the Union. We turn then instinctively fro:n what has done to what ought to be done-from the an thority of preccdent to the authority of the constitution. These are times which try such questions. Who can wonder, that with the views entertained of this subject by the South, an appeal should be made to the common charter of the country, or that a large portion oif our citizens should be satisfied ith no an swer not derived from it! Th'lat what has been must continue to he, is a principle which hais done more to perpetuate abuses than all the other causes which have operated uiponi political institutions. Tlhose who advocate am! those who 01). f oae the WVilmiot Proviso occup~y very differ ent posit'ons. 'The former urge its 'adoption as a matter of expediency in order to exclude shivery from the newly acquired territories, where it does not. exist, and where it cannot be denied that this exclusion is as mnorally certain without it as with it; while the latter all oppose this measure on the ground of its uinconstitionality, and a large portion of the Union on the ground also of its interference with thecir rights and feeliings. The contest to which this subject has given rise hats al ready been piroductive of the worst conse. quenices. For two years it lhas pirevented all legislation over most inportant regins, and has left themi without government, and in a state of social disorganization, to our own re p~roach and to the surprise of the world. I do not believe there is anothier countrv on the face of the earth wvhich would have per mittedi such a state of things. And how long is it to continue! Is California to become a prey to intestine dissensions in the absence of all law, or is to be driveni to seperate fromi from us because we neglect to dischiargeu one of our first duties--a duty of necessity--that of organizing a goveriimen t for thme people whlo inhabit it! T1hose who oppose the .Wihmnot Proviso oni the ground of its unconstitionality can never suirrender their opinions and vote for it. Th'ose who have heretofore advocated its adloptiomn may well abuandon it convinced, as they must be, that their object will be as well attained without it as with it. It ap appears to me one of the most barren ques. tions that ever divided a country; barren in useful results, but fertile in diflicultiesq anid danigers. I freely confess that I look with amazement upon the zeal mid port inac ity din played urging this measure under these is circumstances, and augur from them the wvorst coinsequnences. T1hese are my sentimients. They wvilI give ofl'ence to many, aind will expose mec to much obloquy. But I do not hesitate thus openly to avow them; for every publie man whol i's not prepared to take a decided paurt agreeably to his convictions, in times lhke these, nmot prepared to discharge one of the first dut ies wvhich belong to his position. "T1o insure domestic tranquility,'' in the words of the constitutioni, was one of thme great motives oif thme peele of thme United States in the orgamn ization of their present government. Men.. sures which may endaniger that tranquility government. Measures whioh may endanger that tranquility should lhe scrutinized w ith with great caut ion, and never adopted butt in the last nlecessity, andI the.n with great reluc tance. I am, dear sir, wvith groat regard, trulv vours. TuiomAs R rTren!E, E~sQ, We learn that thme negroes Edward, thme property of Mr. FAnnJan, Adam, the prop. erty of Mir. Kr.ut, and Edwardl, the property of Dr. GinAVEs, whio escaped at thme recent outbreak at the WVorkhouso, and wvere subsequently arrested at Kings. tree have ben lodged ig the Charleston .Jnil, 10 cnt~er oun .0 pan on th ron Thi isam, 9eso for pryer, nd we rust ursupliain ma avet afvi. TusB RN REsNhsntytcn wiall r owel as om pf rtainslidf.' ce versuric. In te i of br .:' M e s s r s . aa n t l y f o r t h a t w e n t y dT. WTeJeame forth iden;h; orW SundA co rnuD.5it 19Tto I1ivLe Aur te and from present apeaace oto wl soor'nb et oming in. Gn. o Lton.L CDu4r e Ion. -Prjces t -7 c -4a.t 10 cent6 per pound.. o~,~ day, andvp~irutt weshae see gctodly cthe. pany on the groua, t This isn a meet season for prayer, and we trust our supplications may avert a viritation of o h i chogera. TugB ltwir SEASON has not y.t ceased -and the crops in several portionA of the District wil prove a filure. Sene rice will 'do well, and some plantations bid'farto be very prolific. In'thi6 vicinity of' Ikdibar the rain has fallen incessantly for the last twenty days. The sun arne f6rth in all his glory en Sunday, and we irust to liave adry Auigust. The crop on the w hole ill be a tair one and from present appearances cotton wil soon be co in in. Gen. Cyrm Letter. During the ant Presidential canvass and election, it was represented throughout the Southern States that this distinguished states man was unsound on the lavey question and the repeated re-iteration of hiscreed together wvith the* Nich~olson letter. were, pronounced evasive and desultory. In reference to the latter, there never existed a shadow of doubt In our ind as to its sincerity-and we now have spread before us a document, which stamps the author at once as being a true and toarm friend of Southern Rights and the Union at large. The appearance of the rn letter at this peculiar crisis, when the recu. saucy of Van -uren, Benton and -Gouston stares the South full in the face, must prove grateful to the feelings of those who stood his firm friends, and must cause self-reproach in the ranks of the deserters, the so.styled Tay Uor Denocra.s. Even at thi early period of Taylor's administration, we doubt net there are few who would net gladly see him presiding over our national destinies. The South must learn a holesonm e lesse n from t bis-nevr to desert her flag-to take care of herself and tum inder the Looeatin ofV.re NorthE n hfriends Sef-ndterst etatdconesio the Fretersors hol cninu nthifro oppt asiionddtef the nk sidenc, nd both msietrat oe tenemr muto amrry h 0. caeeios and hey defny ofucceed, evns bto the k uesolticns iofoation.leetos anyuion appar o haecarte eAlringh Theree~lr are buigmviolently nassains Gend Tprpton nor accnont of rhemo rayo oite utrmate oppre heon weha e winot ustan thaeyUi at ason prthpe Suh o can arned heo it is ohsi om a Southern ofn thnd nelectuiby SoutheyDeocwi note atoi cminge wierthe and ousai StheDt aboiind hith theds andsessionut tht onlcesionw then tey~ol will odetine thdirappon. metin Stiy toe tak Gn fTleon both cgl elgcins and Soth my sucning asi which ashlldiscl oae ul dinstitu. btotoqusinofntional electits. bSaince the bovois arne e ileantl tat thein Demeraic R part h a couhnts ofarmmanvall oGiene rommitteepre. esid ta colise wint stanbuneirst tounde on the poouth. No thne sate ho adhere possibe fod riile Souher mweren eldored by 1oStte andcmi vted to occyno withern susaitheaorm. omit ofThe Nrth Tale ofnwCotois rcived wth tNew Osleason ofthe o4icest. and was trhin to Portl Lavaccatn the disappint.a meriyi aly ped Thet stap. wasL pronoun gotaant Suthe Saoina for inengan imprl mnt erpose has eenned by. an that theDnsratmic prtnym has twghit tyn rsd by run atres an inend itr ocuL noohrpltom Tb lrd ra aia to b3 'spr * ng inues to be tha the fresh water e k nection between e ici ic is now occu)y' at stention o Mien go world. Dr. Ba*D, of Paris, has statetao the Acadamy that. he ordhkary times, throws offdetonating sparks i to two-and-a-half inches each but du hn uganoussp rkp;-,vhens a rmf Jigt= ndio and (bunde .passed o ert ie pty anm h9 lette abbted, thle th n.,-againpd '_k. , , ibtJ,' lm'zichmno -again phcnltt-_ ced' sphrka. 'This prove;e thinl;$ry clearly that tbe absence of elctriciv iii the alhile the as f. the" frevalnce o te o api. dende,' nd' onse4uentIy rnatiral auses alartd can bring 'about a" ealtidy pction in thjinn hre: It as also been ascertain edbydnd any reasdnable. doubt, hat not. w4ithsfanding all persons mustimbibe, more rIe, a portion of this'foul ii -the sys t hand gen'erally feel uncomfortable, yet thedisease'will not be develiye) unless by imrtideneod diet. ~ Whore' Iiediseaie has prevailed, many persons refuse to: change their mode of living and partook of fruit, veg etables, f'sh and other substances, (which of course are likewise aflecteil ly the ajinos phore,) freely,. together witi a check of pers piration snid inattention to proper clothing and swallowing drugs as preventives, brought on thd disease and they perished. As yet, the Physicians differ in the mode of. practice but great reliance is placed in the first stages of small doses 'of laudanum, camphor, and brandy. :Thr idea of premonitory symptoms is'discarded, as'tifose symptoms are consider ed the disease itself, andl if immnediately taken in hand, the disease is checked, but if neg. lected, the worst consequences follow. Some Physicians give calomel, others refuse togivo any medicine which disturbs the bowels; the most successful and reliable treatment is laudanum'enemas, and allaying the vomitings by camphor, small ddses "of opium and the free use of ice. ' The disease itself is a vio. lent cholera-nporbu s, which is to be treated quickly and boldly, and can be avoided by' caution in diet and a calm mind. A, vriter ij Ohio boldly contends that the origin of this di.4ise ia anm .?'ula a n:igra tnry insect, emigrant, from the oriental coun tiies, winging their impercaptihle flights over the whole world, the ni's of which fasten upon th vegetable world an'! are thus intro duced into the system. If this be so, (and who can say not!) then it must be the lara1 of the L.ocust, which appears every seventeen years. We had the Locust. and cholera in 18:32, and now have the cholera and locustin 1849. The theory is a very curious one and we should like to see it fully examined: llow is it that, onathe brojid oceam, pasetiders on one side of a: ship shoiuldbe uiaked swith the cholera and tihose on the ittl~r slnie di the vessel should eschte!. It cannot be owing to a current of wind, for the' jales would son dilute and disperse,an current of fouil and infectious air, Wo's 'a "streaumiof cholera passing downa one side of a river and leaing the other free from attack. We find the bowels the seat of attack, evidently showing that the disturbance has arisen froin some thing dangerous taken into the sromac . Looking at the general* andl fatal prevalence of this disease in every dircetibin we are Mui prised that the inedical faculty No not hold conventions and compare ntes~ as to the best niode of eciring the' disease, aking the ave.. rage of cases cured andl the* cqurse iidoptqd. Something like a faiir estimato may be made of the minost certain mode of treatmnent. Canada and thne Uniited Stales. Lord Broughunm mando an able and strong speech in the House of L.ords in favor of compromise and conciliation with the Canadians on the subject of the in demnity-bill and other pointsof dif'erence, and he ecarly proved that without it Canada, at no distant day would either be independent or annexed, to the United States. WVe have no belief in it. We are nations of distinct races. Canada has not advanced for half a century, has a French population, strongly organized against the English, and equiportions of both nations compose the Canadian nearly equally divided, catholic and pro testant, without the elements of cohesion. The Canadians will speak no English, and the English wvill not speak French if they can avoid . it. Tfhe Canadians wish to have a government of their owvn, and no attachment to the United States ; and the English party only threaten an nexation as the means of keeping down the French. As "long a, the Canadin's have their religion, their seignorial-rights, their parlshipriests and indolent privileges they wvant no change. England may make some concessions, but ~vill not per mit Canada to seperate from -the mothler country. What do we wa*nt with that cold and barren country ? The North wants it to cut up into a cluster of states and for no other purposes. Our produce can cross thoe Atlantie more expeditious. ly than by the way of the Lakes, Wel. land Canal and the St. Lawrence. Up per Canada is the more vitluablo and most American, but every thing :11) eom morce or prodctsn i ,oor i Lower. a. , 2"' ~ ~ '1 4... o 'j~~' ~ ~ url I)~ ~ Mi~tv$*i4p$, 2 ~* .~ no more rriIcRry,~)Ii~W 60 A--~~~' ~ We mu, will get iulb ~1Iffi~t.ti it rate, iso lI~4~ j ,', time pdsl bcs~, ~ii~er tI~o'~[ ~ 1l~nrz and, we ore ~ ~te. snide great impr~uli~wii tfi r haa4~ Mr Ifrni'z himself fe--a mug~lak~Of merit lIi~ Iflattbm which lie draws the bowho:hakdlce wltls for forceof a - etioand~npi~ltr# cancoinpare ab~ida~~M4~ biated violinists who ~ '~ country. The Band dined ~witb' DER on Thursday and em thelI' Jiglited the whole town With ~ discour~ed. NE1~' RoAD-Under ~ tondauice of our worthy Intendant, tl~ Rood, to the Mill is fast c6t~i j~l~tzs~ ~Wi provo of very gro3t avaiitg~et d~; as it shortens the distance net.onj~ Mill, but to the vajious plantatIons] neighborhood, and will - prove4azPa7 change for a ride or pronnenad~t~ t~ ? The Council or New York hziiapp~o. printed $10,000 to defraythn ~~j~p( removing to that city the bo4ies of-Gon.. Worth and cdl. Duncan. For the Ihbner Mr. Editor: As I have no dwjbt tJ.~l~ are ninny persons in the Pi~a1c:' - yet ignorafltQr the oppornhrnenia4!'~~ hicoflicers fbr Clarein~inga~1~ last session ofs1boTegis~~u~e 1' sort the list annexed. E. Vause, vice John ii. ~ resigned. ~ ~Adclison Shizekey, vie~3ah~~h~ Vim. Nettlcs, vice J. B. ~ Cornmi*sioners of Frec John Frierson, vice John ~Keri~K'1' signed. - Isano ~r:e~d~:e ~Eko~s.~Tc~y ed out of election precinct~ - " - Stoic ces.m*. Thano Keels, Jr. Ibr Sui~t~? * District. .'~'.-~qt~ /~ 'Fhe Inst named genii tfat~ hIel~ concluded his labors, kui'i~'' ~)~4 the pleasure of examining hut~a~tIm~ ~ I do not know that it ~vQu1d say that ho' has ~ ing visited erery man e Apz~i~a~ M 1i~st, with, perhr.p.~ not Inura tions, and olt~ssed his return. head of the family or some mem~e r ~flt4 and has made ono of' the' b~t, :irhihe~ bearcensus, ever taken -of' Sutiii~r11 triet4 I will sirnply;add that the ~ of the State examines and ~acce~,~ jects alE the l:etur~s fortho~essa~i~ ~ in totheirmo!its.. -. ;' arpoi&:-japps~~ recommendation or jho etUzene oj~ ~ Beet Companies in whiuh, ~yrep~cIp t~D~ theIr officIal reports are ex~amin~d by. ~nil nra s~nder the 8upervlsion ot ~ of' the circuit. ~ Schools nrc genr~rally iie1eeI~d ~b~V1h~i members of' the Lcgislatu,~e~ t*bm ~ amongst our citizens who are lMn~1n~d~, vicinity of the Publie SchooJs,~v7ha~~ best anf'orined, and who are i~npw'~ o~, friends of' education and virtue. Managers of' Elections like manner from ~ read and write, for the' ing and rc6ordin~ the nanies ~( ~Yot~s n~liW who are kuo~vn to be hones &nongh to~ con(luct an election impart~afl~' an~ ~ cording to the intent and meaning. of' the' oath of office. *~ it gratifies mc to say, stir, that ii ~ istraics oppointed at the last ~ Legislature, are mon of' sobir, ~ habits, of' intelligence and kn6ii'n ~ rity of' purpose" nnd of charabter." only necessary to know NI?. ?rkrsoiitlhI~ gentleman appointe4 Go~nniLml~'e~ ~f Free Schools to oppreoale ~!~e~hit~J worth, as well as Mr. Keels, man tei~ bF elections. Capt. Keelu' repQrt'~rihe' Census which you are now~ ptibtiabie~ speaks f'oritself. ANQ~SgaV*R. '~' Later from ~utwojbo.2' ~-.4f~F1, i The royal mail steam ship Europa' at Halifax on the evening of the 24tlw~ ing 123 passenger.. ~he bring~' da Liverpool to the 14th of Jnlysndfrora. r - don to the 13th. It has been excessively hut ~ Lwcrpool. The cholera' is steadily on ~ London. J..ast week there in London, and in Livorpo~l ~O1. . -' .m~LAND. south western districts, ~rtIbwia1'1y ~ ed to repletion, and th~iu '~~QP ly destitute of means to * together. LivEnrooL. July 14-The saea~oQon f~~s the .~veek aninuin t'!,~0 balee~gi~.t fg~ thor average n(Ivnnce of 143 iL s~ lb. ~ quotations at the close yostord&y wer, t'~iir upland and Mobile d.; fair Orle~ti~57~ d. There were 27,000 balew1ako~y~~ later. and 49,000 bales for ~ ieani description. there were e~l~l land nt4n51-2.l;30 0 1.4 U; 12,O(~0 Alobain~, a~Ie'~t~4j~t ~ 1-Sd. Thiertiwais hot s6 yosterd5yb bat the advance ~ tuijiod. . .-' 1 4