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* ' *'<4 ?" -< ' / " ^ g* Jlljc (Timiftcn Journal. Vor.Ctttfyil.V - OAlDEN/SOOTH-CAliOLINA. JULY 9,1850. NUMBEKM. THE CAMDEN JOURNAL rUJU^lRD RV THO. J. WAItlWy & C. A. PRICE, ? EDITORS AN^*(A>RIKT0K3. THB SEMI-WEEK*Y JOURNAL I* published at Three Dollars and Fifljr-Cents^? paid in advance, or Four Dollars it payment is ueuijwj ?wi . months. THE WEEK I A' JOURNAL Ix published at Two and Fifty Cents, .'f paid in j . Advance, or Three Dollars if payment ip delayed for three months. Any person procuring five resnMsilde swyrs ^fcll i lie entitled to the sixth copy (oFTtm edition sifoscribci^J') j gratis for one year. ADVERTISEMENTS will he inacftojAt the following i rates: For oi^gcuare (ll^g|tf> ?r less)raTtie senti-weekly* I nS dollar' twetlly-flve cents for each 1 'subsequent insertion. In the weekly, seventv-fivc cents per square for the first, I and thirty-seven and a half cents for each subsequent in -sertion Single insertions one dollar per square. 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I ain aware tliat to all this it will he replied, that Garrison and his associates are a miserable band of fanatics and madmen, unworthy of the notice of statesmen; yet truth hears me out when I assert, that they have been, and tire the pioneers in fact, in this unrighteous crusade against the principles of the Constitution and the rights and honor of the South. They hut mark out the road, aud all, with hut very few .honorable exceptions, upon this floor follow in their wake; and so far as the practical results to the South are concerned, it is of hut little iinnnrtjuirn to what nartv thev lielong, or under what name they are known. I know a distinc- j tion is attempted to he kept up at the North j betweeu those who are called Abolitionists and those who are not; lint so far as tlie records of this House will show, it seetus to me it is a distinction without a meaning, unless they mean that one party aim openly to accomplish their object, while the others disavow it, yet .always vote with tliein when slavery is concerned. Let ns see for a moment whether tlie action of this House has not kept good pace with Garrison and his band tor the lust fifteen years. Then petitions for the abolition of slavery could not tie received; now, your Clerk's desk almost groans under them. As late as 1838, Atlierton's resolutions passed this House, being separated, by votes from two to one to four-fifths of this body, and are as follows: "1. Rexolml, That this Government is a <ioveniment-of limited powers; and that, by the Constitution of the United States, Congress has uo jurisdiction whatever over the institution of slavery in the several states of the Confederacy. " 2. Hrsolred, That petitions for tin? aboli tion of slavery in the District of Columbia and the Territories of the United States, and against the removal of slaves from one state to another, are a part of the plan of operations set on foot to affect the institution of slavery in the several States, and thus indirectly to destroy that institution within their limits. "3. Rnjtolred, That Congress has no right to do that indirectly which it cannot do directly; and that the agitation of the subject of slavery in tin? District of Columbia or the Territories, 1 as a means aiid with & view of disturbing or : overthrowing thai institution in the several States, is against the true spirit aud meaning of the Constitution, an infringement of the right of the States affected, and a breach of the public faith on which they entered into this Confederacy. "4. Resolved, That the Constitution rests on the broad principle of equality among the members of this Confederacy; and that Congress, in the exercise its acknowledged powers, has no right to discriminate between the institutions of one portion of the States and another, with the view of abolishing the one and promoting the other. "5. Rcsolced, therefore. That all attempts on the part of Congress, to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia or the Territories, or to prohibit the removal of slaves from State to State, or to discriminate between the institutions of one portion of the country and another, with the views aforesaid, are in violation of the Constitution, and destructive of the fundamental Drincioles on which the union of these States I * rest, nud beyond the jurisdiction of Congress; and that every petition, mewjorjal, resolution, proposition or paper, tonclj^g or relating in any way or to any extent vhajeyer to slavery, as aforesaid, or the abolition thereof, shall, on the presentation thereof, without any action jthere.?on, be laid on the table without being debated, printed, or referred." Gentlemen from the North make no precedent of those resolutions and the vote upon them pow. As late ai 184?, the great abolition apostle and martyr from Ohio ?Mr. (biddings] received the censure of this House (or^offering ' the !< Mowing resolutions: " 1. Resolved, That, prior to the adoption of! .our . eileral Constitution, oacft oi too several States composing this Union exercised full and exclusive jurisdiction over tbo subject of slavery within its own territory, agd possessed full power to continue or abolish it at pleasure, "2. Resolved, That, by adopting the Com stitution, no part of th>e foresaid povyers were delegated to the Federal Government, but were t reserved by, aid still pertain to eaift. ??the scveflit States. " M. "3. llesnlved. That by the eighth section of She first article of the Constitution of the U. S., ?4^h of the several States surrendered to the VVKil Government ;ul. jurisdiction over the rets of commerce and navigation upon the seas. ^ 4. Resolved, That slavery being an abiidgejnent of the natural rights of man, can exist only by force ofpo'sitive municipal lav, and is necessarily confined to the territorial jurisdiction of the power creating it. "3. Resolved, That when a ship belonging the citizens of any State leaves the waters of such State and^entors upon the li^^^jus, the persons on ft>ard cujise to be the slave laws of such State; and, therefore, are governed in their relation to each other by, and are amenable to, the laws of the U. States. "0. Resolved, That when the brig Creole, on her late passage for New Orleans, left the territorial jurisdiction of Virginia, the slave laws of that State ceased to have jurisdiction over the persons on board said brig, and such persons became amenable only to the laws of the United States. "7. Resolved, That the persons on board the said ship, in resuming their natural rights of personal liberty, violated no law of the United States, incurred no legal responsibility, and are justly liable to no punishment, "8. Rewired, That all attempts to regain possession of, or to re-e.islave said persons, are unauthorized by the Constitution or laws of the United States, and are incompatible with our national honor "9. Rrsolrcd, That all attempts to exert our national inf'.u. nee n favor of the coastwise slave trade, or to place this nation in the attitude of maintaining a 'commerce in human beings,' are subversive of the rights, and injurious to the feelings of the free -States, are unauthorized by the Constitution, and prejudicial to our national character." For introducing these resolutions, a member < .1 II ' .1 1 /. I oi Tuis lionse was promptly censurea, \11nuv111:. standing he withdrew tiiem without testing a vote;) and returned to his constituents to he reinstated. 1 pass by the struggle made on the question of abolition petitions, which has resulted at last in the reception of some eighteen thousand, and also the progress of the abolition of the slave trade within this Listriet, together with the effort to allow slaves themselves to vote on that question, and come at once to the resolutions offered at this session by the Mime distinguished leader from Ohio. They are as follow: "Rrsolrrd, That we hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal; ?i._? At i i i... f ....*1. uj<u iiit'V nrc umuiwv'u uy uiuir urvaiui \>iui the certain inalienable right to life and liberty; and that governments arc constituted lor the purpose of maintaining those rights, " liesolml. That in constituting governments in any territory of the United States, it is the duty of Congress to secure to all the people thereof, of trhalxoercr complexion, the enjoyment of the right aforesaid. "Mr. Ilarrahou moved that the said resolutions be laid upon the table, "And the question being put, it was decided in the affirmative--yeas 103, navs 90." Let all who deny the progress of abolition in this (lovornment contrast the letter, tone and spirit of the foregoing resolutions, as well as the manner hi which they were disposed of, and say whether jt is not an insult to the understand ding of the South, as well as to their rights, to endeavor longer to lull them into security by the worn out and false assertion that there is but a band of fanatics engaged in this work, ft on) whom the South has nothing to apprehend. Ninety members of both parties from the north virtually voted for these monstrous resolutions. Thirty-seven were absent, and we have no reason to believe, had they been present, a sufficient number would not have voted for them to spread then) on the journals of this House, to remain forever as its fixed judgment 011 the subject of slavery. These startling resolutions declare a perfect equality of the slave and his master, not onjy in the territories, but in the States; and though a few gentlemen from the North voted with us, yet we have 110 reason to suppose many of the absent would have done so. Many of them may luiye absented themselves by design, not being prepared to make so bold advance, and for this have, and are to receive the lashings of the leaders against those whom they call doughfaces. Nor in thjs day of abolition progress, did the resolutions themselves excite more tlui n ordinary feeling. No censure was offered for them, and every one Litnti'C 1111 oftticiifn liotrii / iriotiil No, s#r, no; the cause of abolition is now too powerful in this (toyerumeut to allow the censure of one of its most distinguished leaders.? No man opposed to its 'advocates can obtain j>referaientin its administration, lie who seeks j{, must at least uvoid the sin of opposing /.heir views, and those who resist them are now being called fanatics themselves. Who does not know that no man can be elected President who will avow his sentiments in opposition to them? And I mean by Abolitionists, all those who vote with them, and aid them in accomplishing their object. Who does not know that both the last candidates published such letters as were used by their friends at the North in favor of aboli t/on, and at the South against it? I /hought 1 saw it at the time, and refused to espouse the .cause of eithe r. I thank my (Jod that I dpi. 1 W.oujd support no southern man who would not pledge himself to carry out tht? principles of the Constitution in favor of slavery, or no northern nia.o who would publish such platform as would better suit, in my judgment, a Delphian oracle jn olden times, than an American statesman. I have said to my friends for the last several years, that .the object of the North wastoabol;sli slavery in the entire (South; and 1 still ber lieve it, even though it be at the sacrifice of the life-blood of her white population. I have said that the object was to cast around the slave States an abolition girdle, and then carry on a %:gular progression, as systematic and certain as an object could be accomplished. But I did not suppose the plan would be so soon disclosed on this floor as it has been, by gentlemen during this session. The programme already is committed to type. I have in my possession three several plats and pamphlets, sent me during the winter, in which this whole thing is regularly marked out; the transition States are clearly delineated, in which the slaves are to be put on equality with the whites, or sold further South; and the little State from which 1 come is the^first oa the East* it which'a rest is to bo made, or the general massrtcree to commence in this unhallowed work, in which the black race nre to lifrht. th? mirlmolit torch ni! assu&si nation, and bathe themselves in the blood of the men, the women, and babes of the whites. As to their liberation and equality with the whites of the South, it is a purpose for which God never designed them, and a condition they never have attained on a single spot of the habitable globe; and until the North change their hypocrisy into works, I for one will not argue this subject with them. hut the grave question presents itself now to fourteen sovereign States of this Confederacy, equal in intelligence, in their rights, and the means of self-preservation and defence?with any people on earth?whether, in the face of all these facts, they are prepared to submit to such degradation, or to eravenly allow it to be \v:ii *< ? ui? fnvi? jivoKiii) ? ?? ill i.tvj auuvv a chain to be forged around them, out of territory of which they are entitled to their proportion, to be contracted like the crushings of the anaconda, until their race shall be forgotten ? I invoke Heaven and the spirits of their ancestors to forbid it. The vast and valuable territory now to be settled was obtained by our common blood and common treasure. In its acquisition?1 would draw no invidious distinctions, though I do not conceive it immodest in nic, to say?the little State from whence I came bore her equal pert, and her citizens feel they are entitled to their proportion. I will not dwell upon the motives, nr mrvititt bv which if ivnc /ihtnincil if U'JIK done by the people of the American States, and ) it is immaterial to me, as I think it should he to 1 every patriot, who were or were not most active in obtaining it. It is obtained; it is ours; it cost us not only blood, but $150,000,000 of our common treasure, Who shall enjoy its possession and advantages? This is the matter we have to settle. Have any of the States, or their agents here, the right to exclude the others ? If they have, I am sure 1 have yet to learn the reason, in law, in politics, in morals, or honesty, by which joint owners can be deprived of their fair proportion. There can be no reason, unless this Government is to be converted into a machine to be controlled by fanaticism or a sickly religious sentiment; and .i ii i I- . . ...i i _I even nien 1 nave uecn cuucaieu in no scnuui ui r. ligion, by which brothers should be robbed of their rights by brothers, Hut there are a people occupying this territory, and they demand a government for the safety of their property and lives. And at this point a false issue, in character with the whole conduct of the North, is sedulously attempted to be kept before the world. It is said that the South have demanded legislative action to extend slavery over these territories, and that the North simply deny rhuin that rigiit. This is not the truth; and every honest man who knows the history of this whole controversy, knows jt. The North are the actors in this whole issue, i ii tv J i i iiv ..i. h : aim uieomjin nut resisi uieir enuris. n well known that near the close of the last session of Congress every southern member on this floor voted to give California a government, such as other Territories have had; every northern man, except very few whose hearts were 011 the side of justjeo, voted to defeat that measure, unless the hjl] should exclude the South froip every foot of the territory; and that, too, noUyilhslanding ahout 87,000,000, necessary to carry out the purpose of the (lovornment, were suspended upon jt. Then the South agreed that fhe people of the Territory required a government better than that of the pistol and how ic-knife. Then we agreed that the citizens 01 the United States, wherever they were, deserved our protection and should not bp neglected ; but the North rallied to prevent it; and at one time during the last ojem/Qruble night of tlje session, when there seemed to be some prospect of the passage of the bill, I witnessed the first practical operation of the yeas and nays, 011 this Hoor, at the hands of the North ; and those brothers, now so much beloved in California? blood of our blood and flesh of our flesh?were left under the law of the bowie-knife and revolver, so horrible at this tjiuc to the sensibilii' r a 1 ,i ill's oi iioriucni gopi/emen. The inhabitants?I bog p,anion ?the floating population, .of every color and naljon, who hapr peneel in California, have,since that tiiue,clothed themselves in the habiliments of sovereignty, and demand admission as one of the States of this Confederacy, upon equal terms with the others; and the' very men who refused and prevented a government for her, as 1 have already said, are to a loan her most zealous advocates; ' ' .1 .1 .i* *1. una it is amazing to witness uio zeai 01 tiiose gentlemen to accomplish their purpose and consummate a measure, such as the history of the world will furnish no parallel; hut the reason is manifest and cannot he disguised. A great fraud had been practiced in the election of President, and to avoid the consequences of the VVilmot proviso, upon the strength and influence of party, thjs measure was devised to suit the Aljolitionisis; whilst tlip .South is to he insulted and degraded, ami the Administration sustained Upon the popular cjanior of Jhe sovereign rights of the people But will this Government give its sanction to such usurpation ? The question cannot be too often asked, Whence came the sovereignty to these people? Did it exist with the Mexicans, Indians, and negroes, who lived upon our laud? Did the officers of the army possess it in their own right? Could the President, withou^thc authority from Congress, confer it upon them ? Did those who went there to speculate or dig gold carry it with them ? Those who remained on the soil, after the treaty, could only -he citizens of the United States, after the expiration _i* n 1 *1- . I -P ?t - riii _r 01 live years, uy me law 01 congress. me 01fieers of the army were the mere agents of the people of the United States, and could not as such become sovereigns against the rjghts of the States. The President has no right to confer sovereignty on any one; nor can it be said, with truth, that mere visitors in the country have the 'right to make a constitution for it,and claim a domain equal in extent to one-half of Europe, to the exclusion of the rights of one-half the States of this Confederacy. But suppose there were some persons there having such rights as are here pretended, how many were necessary to do this act? Was one a sovereign? were two ? or one hundred orten thousand '( If any of these numbers, when did the blood of sover. eignty begin to course their veins ? These are questions that never could be answered to the satisfaction of a corporal's guard in this House, were it not that the southern man, with his slaves, is to be prevented from going there.? There is no sovereignty in this country, except in the people of the States; and no agency of this Government can transfer it, except by limited power of attorney; and I am utterly oppos cd to its being usurped either by the President, aspirants for place, or the heterogeneous mass that would assume it in California. Let them go back into a territorial condition, that the land may be purged of the spurious voters who might claim to be such, and her numbers ascertained, not by the shipload, as counted by the father of compromises in the other end of the Capitol, who makes no deduction for all those who return to their homes, or pursue their trade upon the bosom of the sea, but the actual number of American citizens, Let her go back until she may come into the Union as other territories have done. This whole thing of the "sovereign State of Cahioriua Would look better 111 the puges ot the Aral ian Nights than the archives of this body. As to the residue of the Territories I shall not object to give them territorial governments, provided they conform to the principles of the Constitution and rights of the States, but these rights: in my judgment, utterly forbid the interference of this Government to exclude slavery in any shape or form?under any name, or by any proviso of any president-making platform, I utterly protest against the astounding proviso, which may justly be called Mr. Clay's proviso, lie, 1 think, is entitled to a proviso; though I should not be willing to award him more for the free-soil sentiment she has repeat- I edly uttered. I have read some little of eon- I quests hy Governments, hut it lias remained for this age to discover a people conquering another, obtaining their lands, and by the operation destroying their own property by its touching their soil, and compelled to abandon their own religion and to adopt that of the conquered.? let such is the result of the prevalence of the Mexican Jaws if the}' be of force so as to exclude slavery. Sir, those various shifts are lamentable and disgusting in this bold effort to cheat the South. Can any one believe that the day after the treaty, American citizens conid hot he allowed in .New Mexico to worship their God in any other faith than that of the Roman Catholic. C'an any one believe that American otlicers who had slaves with them must have stood l)y and witnessed their liberation; ' Suppose the .uexieaiis w;ui a view of improving the physical powers of their citizens or for their better security in crossing their cliffs mid precipices had a law prohibiting the use of horses, would it be contended that an American ijow on the territory should surrender his horse to such law and malje his journey on foot. Again ; suppose the territory had been oowpiered shortly after the adoption of the Federal Constitution, when every istate in (he Union had slaves, could there he found a man so lost to common sense as to contend that none could go with their slaves without encountering their liberation ? I .tjo nut believe it; nor do I believe it would be so contended now, but for the influence of abolitionism. As to the proposed compromise from the other end of the Capitol: If its name was changed to that of the ignominious surrender of the South, and I were then to vote upon its title, 1 ' .... * .1 i !)..? I .should vnto in lavor ot r.ne enauge. um i could not be induced to vote for any other feature in the bjJJ. I am opposed to it, because it proposes to admit California with all its enormities. I am opposeil to it, because it proposes to purchase nearly one-third of Texas (acknowledged by Mr. Webster himself to be slave territory) with our own money, to become ultimately yubject to some of the new-fangled non-interventions or provisions of free-soilisni. I am opposed to it, because the report of the committee expresses the existence of the Mexi can laws in the territories; because it proposes to insert the entering wedge in the abolition of slavery in this District; because it proposes to legislate in fact fur the negro, instead of the master, in the States. And above all, 1 am opposed to it, because, in iny estimation, it would amount to an entjro surrender of the rights and honor of the South, and instead of allaying the aggressions regularly going ou against us, it would giyo new zeal and confidence to our enemies, very soon to show itself in this District, the dock-yards and arsenals, and before many years in the Slates. Our ancestors made compromises in the adoption of the jUonstitufo'o/i; their posterity nuu'lo 1 compromises in the admission of Missouri!; and again, on thejariff of 1833. And what have they availed us against the arrogance of the North ? I call upon patriots from the North and the South, if they love this Union, as many profess here, to look at this matter as it is, and to exercise their energies to restore this Government to its original character; to cast out the ' A * poisonous heresy that threatens its dissolution, , , But we hear on this floor that the South are * .' n>rnttiint. and tho North thavinir all nowert *"" **'" \ c r ? / will not grant her demands. 1 ask, in what single instance, since the establishment of this Confederacy, has the South ever demanded the establishment of a single principle of doubtful constitutionality t And who does not know that the arrogance always comes in every in. sidious form from the other end of the compass? and who does not feel that there is double ar. rogauce in the unfounded assertion ? It is with the north to determine whether the Union of our fathers shall stand or fall. She is now in the majority, and the destinies of the Union are in her hands. It is for the South to take care of her. self, according to her sovereign and constitn* tional rights, in the Union if she can, out of it,if she must.. Nor will the idle threats of arrogance or the painted pictures of fanaticism, deter her from her duty. I make no threats, except as a man about to be assailed in his person, hisrighta or his honor. When wrong is attempted against me, I will repel it; and, although I trust he conflict may neve come, yet whenever force is attempted by the North against the rights of the South, headed even by colonels of militia covered over with glory from the fields of Buena Vista, 1 promise them regiments in the field from the district from whence I came, amid whom I shall be found, though my head should be white as snow. But I look upon all suck threats as idle bombast, rather than the sentiments of statesmen. Let those who threaten to coerce the South to depression and degradu. tion, rend the terms upon which the States come into this Confederacy, Virginia, in her ratification of the Constitution, declares "that the ' powers granted under the Constitution being ' deiived from the - people of the United States, '........ i.? hir thorn whensoever the same UUIJT UC JWUIIIH) >JJ ruvm : : , -- FI__ 4 shall be perverted to their injury or oppression, 'and that every power not granted thereby rer 4 mains with them and at thejr will," iNew 4 York came in on these terms, expressed in her articles of ratification, "that all power is orj? 4ginally vested in and consequently derived 4 from the people," and "that the powers of 4 Government may l>e resumed by the people 4 whensoever it shall become necessary to their 4 happiness;" and further"that no religious sect 4 or society ought to be favored or established 4 by law in preference to others." tthode Island came in on the ^following terms :44 That there 4 are certain natural rights of which men, when 4 they form a social compact, cannot deprive or 4 divest their posterity, among \vhjch are the 4 enjoyment of life and liberty, with the ineanjs 4 of acquiring, possessing and protecting pro, 4 perty, and pursuing and obtaining happiness 4 and'safety, That all power is naturally vest? |4 ed in, and consequently derived from tire peur 4 pie; that magistrates therefore are their trusr 4 tees and agents, and at all times amenable to ' then);" and "that tlie powers 01 uovenjiueut ' may he reassumed by tlie people whensoever it 1 may become necessary to their happiness,"-=? Rhode Island, dnubtles recollecting that Roger Williams had to leave Massachusetts for heresy added a strong clause against the right of Government to favor religious septs or societies. Thus we see Virginia reserved the right to re, assume hur sovereignty whenever the same should be perverted to her injury or oppresstotij Sew York reserved the right to rcassume the powers granted to the Government whenever it should become necessary tQ their happiness', Rhode Island in the same words with New York, bet gentlemen reflect whether the State? have not sufficient justification, or if they Ijqve not yet, how soon they may have, to resume their sovereignty. Should they see fit to do so, mere is no n^nt uu ^iuui tw j;?v?vu(v The States making these reservations were ad: mitted into the compact with tliese terms, and they thereby became the terms qf aJl, and musf inure to the'benefit of all. Melancholy predictions have repeatedly been indulged in on this floor, and perhaps by none more lavishly than the gentleman from Mussar chusetts, [Mr. M^nn,] #s to the condition of the South should she withdraw front the Conlederacy. He describes the scenes of piracy, robbery, and plunder, tlmt will be common on her coast. 1 would not desire to see that necessity, nor will tin.1 South he in fault if it has to come. It will be from a sense of the grossest injustice at the hands of the North. I am not one ot those who would seek the necessity, nor am 1 ope of those who would shrink from the responsibility, when self-preservation may ** A- *' - It A.innt* Knur. . lorce US 10 IIIUI COUISC. UIIUUIU uut/VMi, Iiu ever, it seems to ino I can see in tiie distance a better destiny than that assigned by the gentleman. With a population of nine millions, inhabiting a country rich in every product necessary for the happiness of man?the day may come when her hills and her valleys will ror sound with the anvil and the loom, whilst it may be, that Massachusetts will have much less shipping and employment for her sajjors and mechanics, her Lowells be silenced, and the streets of her vity^ges grovy green. That our coasts might he infested in some degree as the gentleman described, I will not undertake to deny; bqt that those who attempt it may meet the late of some ol Massachusetts sons recently in another holy crusade, I think quite as likely. "Capture of ^ Slaver,?The Aiqericau brig Ipicy Ann of Boston, was captured oi> 20th February, 18f>Q, i latitude 7 deg. 26-mjui, S., and longitude J2 dog. 20 m|n. E., and takeq to St, He/etja, by If. II. M. sjtoainsloop Rattjor CWuin Oyannjtig?ojeyeu persons pi the creiy,"