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* * ' ? i j ?* i anna they had so nnruy usemn oeienceoi uu-tr country's lionor. They deserved a better fate. But were I to accept in your name the terms of capitulation now offered by Mr. Clav, I should in my judgment, tlcscrce a worse fate.. There is a government Jesuitism here as stringent as ever prevailed among the Jesuits and Jacobins of France in the days of the French revolution. Every man from the South who is truo to his section, is put under the ban; and a host of venal letter writers who swarm about the Capital, are set upon him to write - x * ??..,i i.?: him clown, me auempi ai unuuugiut-u bery, involved in Mr. Clay's plan of settlement, has increased this list of letter writers. The evil to which I refer is thus much increased in magnitude. A Southern man who stands boldly up for Southern rights, no matter how great his talents?how eminent his public services and his public virtue?will never again fill the high offices of this Government.? The price of Federal honors is treason of the South. The rewards of ambition and political profligacy exceed those ofhonestyand public virtue. This will from hence forth be an established government creed. A great na tional party is now being organized upon this idea. It will be composed of the aspirants for Federal honors, both North and South. It will be held together by the cohesion of public plunder and slavery must be given up rather than defeat the object of this party organization. Its creed will include the proposition, that the Government must be sustained right or xrrong. The South has her full quota of votaries in this party, slavery to the contrary notwithstanding. The emolument and honors of Federal office will not be given up to save the institution of slavery, or to preveut the horrors which must r_ii + * !/.If nf omitn. irieviuuiiv iuiiuw in uic uiuuuj ?<>? > ? ? cipation. It is this new organization which lias caused the Southern column here to fall back in retreat since the commencement of the present session. The next proposition is to abolish the slave trade in the District of Columbia. This is another concession to the Abolitionists. It is one of the favorite measures of Joshua R, Giddings. The al olition of the slave trade between the States, and emancipation in the District of Columbia came next, in the regular course of events; for this Government is in the hands of Abolition party, and will tike jurisdiction over these questio in their order. Thus it is clear that all the concessions are to the Abolitionists. And I am persuaded that there will be no more concessions to the South, until influences, not yet resorted to, are brought to bear upon the quesuoii. The next proposition is to amend the law of 1793, for the extradition of fugitives. The owner of runaway negroes is to be required to enter into bond at the North, where his slave is arrested, guaranteeing to the negro the right of trial by jury at home, at the place from which he fled, that an issue may be made up between the negro and his master, and submitted to a jury to decide the question of fact, whether he is bond or free. The slave is to be permitted to go to law with his master in the district courts of the United State?. The negro and his master at the South are to become plaintiff and defendant before the courts of the coun* ? - - . * *11 _ try. What is this but granting to me siave important civil rights, and arming him with the power of the Federal courts against his master, 111 vexatious suits, iuvolving heavy costs? Who are to pay the expense of litigation on the negro's side of the case 1 A more insulting proposition has never been submitted to the citizens of any State. Does not this proposition confer 011 the slave of the South the rights of citizenship? Samuel Hoar, the Massachusetts envov to Sonth Carolina, durimr the adiuiuis tration of Governor Hammond, asked no more .than this, and he was instantly expelled from the State. Apart from all these propositions, the Northern part of the proposed law cannot be enforced. Mob law, as heretofore, will prevent it. Laws never have been and never will be enforced, tha* are overruled by a public opinion stronger than the law. To make extradition .laws of any avail to the owners of slaves, pub lie opinion at the North must first he changed. Who will he responsible for this change ? Abolition cannot be restrained in its reckless career by resolves written upon parchment? When the history ot these times shall be written, this fact will have a prominent place upon its page. Who has submitted this ronort as a conces sion to the South, and which is the basis upon which is to be organized the great national party of office seekers and oflice holders, and for whose special benefit this government is from henceforth to perform its functions ? Who has drawn up these articles of Southern capitulation and surrender ? Henry Clay, who on a late occasion, wrote and published a plan for the prospective emancipation of the negroes of tr._i.- i... urt i . _ i_n ._ a_ _ i.* rveniucKy. ?? no wrote ji letter 10 a rree 0011 Convention in the State of Ohio, declaring that he was unalterably opposed to the extension of slavery into territory now free, and who exclaimed in his place in the Senate since the commencement of the present session, "God forhid that I should ever give my vote for the extension of slavery." And more still; who said yesterday in the Senate, that it is idle for the South to suppose that she can maintain her equality in the Union? Mr. Clay is not the man to lead the South out of the sea of trouble which surrounds us. It is the policy of the abolition party to present only weak issues to the South, upon which they cannot unite for resistance. They are playing this game with consummate ability, and they are now aided by Southern men of the great otlice seeking national party. Their policy is that of the skilful general. They intend to take first all the outposts on the frontier of the enemy's country. Exclude slavery from all the territorial districts, and then draw their parallels closer around us. As soon as they see the spirit of resistance rising, efforts are cautiously made to lull the ris2mm alAom 'Plto litnliiwra if ftm Mstii + li nka fl.uo illg OtUI III! * ??V- IVVilll^O uv VUV N/UIUU aiu II1UD let down, and the fire of resistance put out This is the most fatal policy that can be pursued towards us. The system of Republican Govornwcnt and manners formed at the close /if tihe Revolutionary strutrtrle. is iroiiiL' ranidlv into decay. Corruption stalks abroad at noon day with uublushing boldness. Men are ready ' to s<dl the freedom of their country for title.?, | equipage and distinction. The millions of pub! lie money that pour into the coffers of the Gov! ernment now, is scattered broadcast over the | Union, to buy men to the support of its mens ; ures. This is not new with the lioveniments of the world. Kings and Emperors <lo the same thing, and we will in the end see the evil and Inline} of supposing our government agents are honester than those of other countries. When Ilenry Brougham took his seat in the British House of Commons, the throne of England's king soon trembled under the blows he struck for the rights of British subjects. But 1.1 1.ITonrir 1X111511 JJUIVI OUUil UUdiiuvi ano tvivv. Brougham was converted into Lord Brougham by the King's patent. Garters and cross e< decorated his person, and the great seal of ti e Kingdom and ten thousand pounds a }'ear, silenced forever the magic voice of the people's great champion and advocate. The same policy is pursued here now with a firm and stead}' step. England and France, at no period of the reign of their kings, ever played this game with more ability, or with greater disregard to the rights of the people, than the government nere is playing it now. An ample number of Southern men lull into the vortex of ambition thus opened. If the people of the South would save themselves from ignominy and ruin, they should look to this in time. The abolition of slavery has at all times been demanded by a people living at a remote distance from the place where slavery existed. The power which abolished slavery in the remote isles of Europe, Asia and American, held its Court three thousand miles off. That is our condition now. The abolition party of the North live at a remote distance from us, and carry on their schemes without being amenable to our laws. They guardedly keep beyond our jurisdiction, so that the penalties of our people, cannot be enforced against the criminal disturbers of our peace. The powerful engine of the press assails us at a thousand assailable points. The General Government, which I repeat is now under the unrestricted control cf the Abolitionists, is turned against us by the r..r<ati/>ol fiin?ttinntrinc of tin* North mill this engine too, the most powerful of all, pours in its fire upon us, and we cannot return it. We are thus defenceless, as far as this government is concerned, from the mode of warfare waged against us. Our ranks are continually thinned by desertion in a struggle in which the odds against us grow greater and greater every day. Even the ridit of netition. that we are ant to regard as smcred, but as now claimed by the North, and exercised without restraint, involves the monstrous abusrdity of a people living fifteen hundred miles oft', petitioning Congress to relieve another people from an evil which they do not feel, and the very existance of which they de nyTlio facts I have presented are facts of history. They do not rest upon me, therefore, for their authority. Can any sane man, who will give due weight to the consideration here presented, for a moment suppose that this abolition spirit will stop of its own accord. All Europe and America are aware of the immense advantages ofyour institutions and position, and that, if permitted to go in the mat ch ofgreatness you will hold in your hands the commercial trident of the seas, and control the commerce of the world. You are therefore to be held biick now. Your greatness, the fertility of your soil, your industrial pursuits, your agricultural, mineral, and manufacturing anilities and resources are not yet half developed? they are bat in tneir infancy, and you are but in the infancy of your greatness. In the Southern section of the Union, constitutional liberty itself, is destined to find its last retreat?last resting place upon this Continent. You have within your own borders a self-sustaining power, that makes your own will the law of your future destiny, and that of your children for ages yet to come. It is for you to say whether Aboli .1.11 i_ "..If . t * * ! uon suan go on in us accompiisnment or not. If you do not arrest it, who will ? The people of the South alone have the moral courage to arrest it. The question is with them, and upon them rests the responsibility of the decission. The Constitution of the United States, is, to all practical purposes, a dead letter. The majority have repealed it, and it is among the things of the past Another truth is clear. You will never have peace, security, or repose, while this Central Government, entertains jurisdiction over the e ..1 Ti.:_ * o. 1 ? ijuuMUMi im siavuj* i mis uuui \>iii ijc a jmil of the history of future times. If the South be true to themselves, they have nothing to fear, but everything to hope. Hut 1 am profoundly impressed with the conviction, that the South have nothing to hope for from this Government. I have no reliable means of information upon which to found an opinion whether Mr. Clay's plan of surrender will become a law or not.? Any opinion 1 could give would be only con jecturc. There is a probability that the Abolitionists may divide upon the question. Their difference of opinion only applies to the mode bv which their plans are to be carried out, some of them preferring Gen. Taylor's plan to Mr. Clay's. The fate of the last certainly depends upon the extent of this difference of opinion, which 1 have 110 means of ascertaining. Hopes are entertained, however, that Mr. Clayfe plan will be defeated. If this be done, the test ques. tion will be upon the admission of California. I think the South ought to make the admission nf'(':ililbrni:L the test ouestion. whether in nr mit of Mr. Clay's plan of adjustment. I have now expressed my views freely and candidly, and without reserve. Any other course would be alike unworthy of you as well as my. self. It is my duty to lay before you evory material fact involving your rights and interests here, and I have done this as far as my limits will permit. In conclusion, I have only to remark thnttim. id counsels will ruin any people. When the rights of a State are at stake, it is tho part of wisdom to carry out, with firmness and energy, a determined will and purpose to defend them to the last. To aet otherwise is to invito insult ami aggression. Believing, as I do, thut this doctrine is not only right in itself, hut that you also approve and sanction it, I shall, as far as 1 may he ahle, make it the rule of my conduct here, and wherever my duty calls me. Ho who yield?, whilst there-remains a single light to defend, is at ail times unworthy of your trust and confidence, and more especially so in times like the present. The most animating occasion of human life are calls to danger and hardship," not invitations to safety and ease; and fortitude and courage cannot find a more appropriate field of action than to lead a forlorn hope in the cause of truth and justice. My mind is undisturbed, therefore, by desponding fears. There is nothing so full of peril as submission to insult and wrong. I am, fellow-citizens, with very great respect your obedient servant, Dam nr. Wallace. flBDB jJOTONAJL, CAMDEN. S. C. FRIDAY EVENING, JUNE 28, 1850. Mr. J. H. W., your Advertisements, by some means, failed to reacli this office. Yours should have been put in anyhow?send them by next mail and they will be in Wednesday's paper. Errata.?In the Poem, on the first page, 1st linQ, road muse for mourn; 8th, sure for soon ; 12th, chords for chorus; 20th, " all alone" for all alone. Hon. A. P. Butler has our thanks for his kind attention. The Size of our Paper. When we reduced the size of our sheet from what it was last year, we determined to have the same amount, or more, of reading matter in the Weekly?to do that, we give three pages of reading in the Weekly, which makes more reading matter than the Weekly of last year contained. Fare Reduced. For the accommodation of all disposed to visit Charleston on the 4th proximo, the Fare on the South Carolina Rail Road will be Fire Dollars to go and return by or before the 6th. To the Citizens of Camden. As it seems to be a conceded point that a Plank Road is very much needed by us, and in order to sustain the business of the town, is absolutely required, we earnestly request the Citizens to meet together at as early a day next month as may be practicable, and consult upon the projectof constructing a Road to North Carolina. We are satished that a large number ot persons wilt subscribe if the matter is properly taken in hand. It is only necessary to make a beginning. The Baltimore Sun and X. Baltimore is a Southern City?and in the good old State of Maryland. Yet one of its leading papers, the name of which heads this article, is thor ougiiiy au anu-?ia>t;r) jmpur. /\uu uir icuuuuiable X., (Grand,) its leading correspondent, is an Abolitionist of the strictest school. By birth a Swiss?he has located in Washington, as a permanent correspondent?writes just anything you ask him, provided you give him money enough? (provided, as a matter of course, that it coincides with his opinions)?the uncompromising enemy of what he terms the Southern ultras?and just now a strong compromise man?a round, jolly, fat face, like the full moon in a bright night?in size of tremendous dimensions?with a great deal more familiarity in his manner than most people would liKe. x ou are not inucu prepossessed (unless you are fond of truckling abolition principles) in favor of tho land of Wilhelm Tell. But we repeat it? the Sun is to all intents and purposes an abolition paper. And worse than that?it is in favor of the adjust mm I Bill. " We are glad to notice a disposition to give the bill such a shape, by amendments, as will gain tor it the support of those who have heretofore oppos ed some of its provisions, at the same time that these amendments will not, in any degree, impair the efficacy of the measure as a whole. Mi. Soule on the 17th, as was published yesterday in this paper in a telegraphic dispatch, otfered to amend the bill by a provision that new States may he admitted into the Union with or without slavery as the people of said States may decide; which amendment was adopted by a vote of 38 to 112.? This vote decides no new principle, inasmuch as no State, up to the present time, has been kept out of the Union on account of its legislation on the subject of slavery, whether admitting or excluding it; still, if the bill shall become a law with this provision, new States, with slavery?whether New Mexico, South California or Cuba?may hereafter in*a i Ik. I Tttirtit ii'Sllinnf Uoinnr n ?iwl<*/l utitlt the usual excitement and difficulty. This, in the course of time, may prove to bean important concession, and we regard it such, on the part of the North. In principle it is clearly right; and we hope that Mr. Soule and others, entertaining views similar to those expressed by hiin, are now less hostile to the passage of the measure than they were before the adoption of this provision. The above we extract from the New Orleans Crescent And we must say that we never expected to sec as much?we certainly never have from any Northern paper. We are only surprised that the citizens of New Orleans should allow such a paper as the Crescent to be issued in their city.? A Southern paper?to call the admittance of a State into the Union, whose constitution recognizes slavery, a concession on the part of the North. And because Mr. Soule's motion to that effect was passed, he thinks now, Mr. Soule should vote for the Compromise. The Crescent if it has half the light which it should have at its first quarter, can but see that yankee manceuvring would bring in every territory as a free State if the Compromise Bill is passed?forever robs us of egress to the Pacific coast, and the rich stream of trade to pour into our country from the East for the next century ?the South having no Pacific port?would all go North. Go for the Compromise; which renders the recovery of fugitive slaves, (already a perilous undertaking,) far worse. You have the same irouoie to got me slave irom me lianas 01 me northern Thief, Yes, more, for you must carry with you a certificate. Your negro, if you can got him, , conies back, and then you must go through with a ( trial, in open court, in which your negro is your j opponent?an equal party to tho case. What ef- i feet would that have upon the negro, as well as < other negroes? Why they would all run away in < order to get the chance of a trial, in which they ' could be an equal party with their masters. But we started condemning the course ot the Crescent. With its uame this piece begun, and with it shall it end, by simply stating, because some of the Northern Senators voted that one State might hereafter come into the Union, if its constitution did permit slavery, that it was an important concession on the part of the NorlL I suppose, Crescent, it is no concession on the part of the South to pass the compromise Bill ? For the Camden Journal. Messrs Editors?I have read with pleasure,'the column in the last Journal, occupied by "a loose sheet from a School Master's desk." It contains much food for thought, which I earnestly hope will not be carelessly read, thrown aside, neglected and j forgotten. These sheets, if continued with the spirit and ability of the first, will, I am satisfied, be admirably calculated to awaken attention, and I trust to excite action, in promoting what all will J acknowledge to be vital to the happiness and prosperity of any people?the cause of Education.? Let them by all means be continued. The Convention referred 13, I am inclined to think, will not, as the writer supposes, prove a fail- ( ure; it may be, however, that my opinion on this ( subject takes its hue from the manifest propriety ( of the project, and my sincere wish that it may succeed. True, it may not be so well attended as ' could be desired, but it will at all events be a be- ' ginning, and however humble that beginning may 1 be,I cannot doubt but that it will ultimately result < in great and permanent good. Why should it not < be so ? No one can look over the proceedings, re- ( ports and speeches, annually made at such conventions, in other sections ol'the country, and fail ' to be convinced that the one proposed, will, if only reasonably attended, be productive of a spirit 1 which will in the end bring about a glorious revo- i lution in our defective common school system, and i elevate the cause of Education generally. I re- ] peat again?let the School Master continue to give , us his loose sheets. C. Tliirty-First Congress?1st Session. Washington, June 24, 1850. Sknatk.? Mr. Hunter presented the credcn tials of the Hon. Robert VV. Barnwell, appointed by the Governor of the State of South Carlina, Senator from that State in the place of Hon. F. II. Elmore, deceased. Mr. Barnwell, appeared, was qualified and took his scat. Some discussion took place upon the report in favor of altering the 47th rule, so as to permit each Senator to receive a ticket admitting one person on the floor. Mr. Clay called for the order of the day. TIih ;idmstmr>nf liill whs iu> The auditory was very large and brilliant, being attracted by the notice that Mr. Soule was to address the Senate. Mr. Soule brought forward a substitute for that part of the bill which provides for tlie admission of California as follows: 1st That when California shall by her Legislature, signify her acceptance of the parallel of 36 30, North latitude, called the Missouri line, i. e. her Southern boundary, and relinquish all claim to the public domain in ber limits, the President of the U. States shall declare her to be one 01 the Mates ot this Union, and ou equal looting with the original States. 2d. That the sum collected by the U. States from the customs in the ]>orts of California be returned to the treasury of the State, 3d. That the Senators and Representatives elect from California receive mileage and pay, equal to that allowed to the delegate from the Territory of Oregon. 4th.-Thatthe Territory of South California be organized with the same provisions as those prescribed for Utah; and that, when the people thereof shall Jbrm a State constitution, the State may be admitted with or without slavery, as tiin iwonii* m.'ie iii'nvi(i>> ? I J-- ? V I . . , Mr. iSoule spoke at groat length in support of this substitute. He devote a much of tlio hrst j)ojtion of the argument to the purpose of showing that, v ithout the relinquishment, California, before her admission as a {State, of the right to make any primary disposal of the soil, the domain will pass to her. California was not a party to the condition imposed upon her by the bill from the committe of thirteen, and it would not bind her, after she became a State, if one legislature accepted the condition, the next might reverse it. It was necessary that she must pass an ordinance before her admission protecting tiie rights of the United States in the public larnls. lie showed that the ordinance, passed by ] the California Convention respecting the lands, , relinquished only the vacant lauds. After hav- j ing appropriated eleven hundred thousand acres , for the use of schools, there would lie few va- j cant or unoccupied tracts of land that would , be good for au\ thing, after 200,000 settlers had ' seized on them. At three o'clock, without concluding, Mr, Soule yielded the floor, and the bill was postponod till to-morrow. After spending some time in executivo ses- | sion, the rienate adjourned. Will tiir Slaveuy Question he Adjust- ] ed ??This interrogatory forces itself upou us j at every stageofthe progress of affairs at Wash- | ington, if indeed there may be said to bo any j progress at all towards a settlement. As the , debates progress in both houses, the prospect of ( an adjustment becomes small by degrees and , i i!__ i mi., i i. ~ ueauiuuiiy 1US3# mu uusl uuunueu uunt'9 ^ pond cuts from the capitol now admit it?even ( those whose wish heretofore, has been father to t the thought that it would be settled. Mr. Clay has expressed his l'ears, accompanied by a most significant remark, that so far as we have seen, ^ has not attracted that attention from the press r which its importance merits. That remark j pointed to a state of things we anticipated three ^ or four months ago, and frankly expressed our e opinion upon, it lookod to the defeat of any f just measure of settlement, and the loss of the 1 S.L.- 1 appropriation bins as a consequence, aim uio c stoppage of the wheels of government, by thp Southern members resorting to their rights un- i iler the rules. Mr. Clay is skilled in parliamentary tactics. He sees this power responding in the hands of u Southern members, and he sees too the fearful e consequences, to How from its exercise. We 11 have advised it as a just and constitutional means of resistance to aggression. It is our only resource except submission or a resort to disunion. Hut though wo believe it will be j effective, and may bo successfully carried out, v ?????? we sometimes have serious doubts whether a sufficient number of Southern men can exert courage, firmness, and determination enough to carry it out. As a contest against time as well jis numbers, it will require a continuous, enduring, unflinching courage. Such a storm of im? precations as their course will provoke from the iVorth, as well as thatclass of politicians in the South, who advise that we should postpone every form of resistance till our anna are manacled, and the foot of our oppressor ishpon our necks, this country hits never seen. Inftbe discharge of a duty beset with so many trials and embarrassments, our members will took for support and encouragement from their constituents. Let us give it to them with no sparing hand. And as the strength of a brave mi nority makes itself felt, wrestling with, and pushing back the power of superior numbers, let us cheer thcrn in the unequal contest with [<well done good and faithful servants." Mobile Register. Tiib South-Carolina Dblkgation.?Wd can scarcely say what we wish to Bay of the conduct of the South Carolina delegates to the Convention without reminding them that the' citizens of their State are sometimes held up as* bugbears to frighten timid Southern politicians'* with. They know bow earnestly it has beei# charged, by way of reproach, that the "SouthCarolina disuniobists would control the Convention," and will, we hope, pardon us for an expression of the gratification we felt in seeing these imputations so effectually dispelled by their action. They have lived them all down in less than two weeks. They declined taking il il J .1 - * - - uiai ieau in uie proceedings which would have been conceded to their ability as statesmen, and seemed only anxious that the positions taken should be such as to enable Sooth Carolina to follow the lead of other States. There wa? less of a disposition on their part to control and find fault than on the part of aiiy other delegation, and quite as much*of a disposition to conciliate and harmonize, They have entirely revolutionized the opinion here which suspected them of lukewarmness to the Union, and havewon golden opinions from all classes for their State, their cause aud themselves. Nashville Union. The Forrbst and Willis Fracas-. ?Card of Andrew S'ephens.?The following card appears in the New York paper. It gives a dfl&rent version of the attack made by Forrest apon Willis, without making it appear much more favorable for either party: Nkw York, Tuesday, June 18-1850. Srn: In the Tribune of this mornihgv Mr, N. P. Willis has made a perverted statement of the affair of Monthly evening, the- 17th lustant resulting in the severe castigation indicted upon him by Mr. Forrest, In this statement I am referred to in a manner which requires a public correction. After dinner on the 17th, I walked out with Mr. Forrest and another friend, As is our common practice we strolled iuto Washington parade ground, a public and favorite resort After walking about sopie fifteen minutes or more, Mr. Willis was observed cowing uo the walk from the South-west corn^of the square. Mr. Forrest immediately left in, without saying a word, and nipved from the Travel walk upon the raised pari above andalInved Willis to approach, wien he (Forrest) stepped quickly in front (not behind, as falsely statsdby Mr. Willis) of hiin from four to six feet, and stoppod, looking him steadily ia the oveand shaking his fist in Willis' face, inade use of some expression which I conld not hoar from the distance where I stooiffc Willi's made a movement with his haud towards his breast as if to draw a weapon, wlieo lforros|: promptly knocked him down ivith hiaf;fiSt, fook away his cane, placed his foot npon his neck, ancflaid upon his person with a whip or cane at least twenty blows over his baek, shoulders aud legs, applied with rapidity aud vigor. Mauy attempted to interfere, but Mr. Forrest proclaimed in a loud voice, "Gentlemen, this is the se ducerof my wife, do not interfere/' and immediately nil interference was withdrawn until the arrival of the police officers, Willie in the meantime screaming and exclaiming "-Help! help!" 'Save me!" "Police! Police!" "'Pake hioi off!" Forrest was finally removed by the officers and waked to the police office, lie there stated, us well to the magistrate as to Willis, "I did this act; I told you, sir [to Willis] the laBt time we met, that if ever you attempted to' interfere in my domestic affairs I would hold you personally responsible, and Ihave deue so.". lien turning to the magistrate he said, "This is the jeducer of my wife, and for that reason I have chastised him," which Willis did not deoy. They were then both bound over to keep the peace, Mr. Forrest being greeted with cheers liter leaving the office by the assembled crowd. Phis is a plain statement of the case as it actually occurred. Your reporter, aswelf as Mr. Willis, most nufalrly attempts to create the^ impression that I was close to Willis wheri Forfait nttanlrpd him. nnd th.it snnip one hpsidn Mr. F, 6truok him. That is unqualifiedly false. I was not within one hundred aud fifty feet of ihe parties when the afFray commenced, nor lid 1 utfcr one word nor do any act but look >n until the parties wore both in the police jffice, and then only to correct Mr. Willis' mis-. statements, as it seems he cannot open his nouth or put pen to paper without a total disregard, to truth. Yours, very respeotfully, Andrew Stkmikns. Wo find that it is considered in New York a rery important point whether the attack was ktodfi fVntn KnKtnH nr in fVnnt Tkn rr uumv ??wua uviiiuu vi ?u n uuv* iUV; WTVUl"^ Jost gives an account as related by an eyo vitness having no personal, acquaintance with lither party. He says Mr. Willis was approached rom the side by Mr. Forrest, who held a loaded vhip in his hand, with which he struck Mr. W. in the back of the head or neck whioh felled iitn to the ground, and then Lashed him with ho small cane. . . New Orleans, Jurw_18.?Ttoiggs on his iay to Washington.?steamer Fashion arrivd yesterday from Tampa Bay with five compa, ies of United States troops. The captain of the "asjiion reports that Gen. Twiggs haa left Tampa lay for Washington via Savannah. -Measles are quite prevalent in the vicinity of )onton, Md., at present, and have been for several rwks past,