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Political Department. From tb? Washington Republic. LETTER OF MR. CLINGMAN, OF N. C. House of Reprksentativkp, March 22, 1850. To the Editors of the Republic : * * Having disposed of the speech of my colleague, 1 will now, gentlemen, as I have found it necessary to resort to your columns, take thi* occasion to advert to certain other points ol discussion. You have heretofore, while con demning ultra politicians, thought proj>cr, in several of your editorials, to include me by name in that class. But who are to be regarded as ultra politicians with reference to the great issue pending? The most ultra on the southern side of the qnestion that I know of, claim that slavery shall go iuto all the territories of the United States which are common property, until it shall be excluded by State constitutions. An ultra northern man is he who claims that slavery shall be excluded from all the territory. If one of these views be more ultra than the other, it must be the northern one, because even it k? arkntKorn viaw u'prp Afiontod in Dractice. nor* thern men might occupy any part of the territory without being deprived of any legal advantage which they possess in their own States, and would have the further privilege, if they ehose to exercise it, of holding slaves. If, however, slavery should be excluded, the southerner would find himself deprived of certain advantages which he would enjoy at home. Those men who, standing between these two opposite extremes, are willing that there should be an equitable division of the territory, may well claim to be the moderate men. In this class will fall, as far as I kno < , all the Southern members of Congress, as well as the entire mass of the Southern people. Whatever may be their views as to the powers of this Government over the territory, they are willing, in fact, that there shall be a fair division. The real question at issue, therefore, is not whether the South shall have all the territory, or even more than the North, but whether it hall bo permitted to possess any part of it? For example, if the Missouri line of 36 deg. 30 were extended to the Pacific, then of all the common property, viz: the territory not inclu^ ded within any of the States, only one-sixth part lies south of that line: yet when, on behalf of the South, we insist that this comparatively small part shall be left open to us, our claim is denounced as a monstrous pretension, as insuf ferable Southern arrogance. With just as much fairness might the South be excluded from any share of the public money and other public property. Of the sum annually oaid out of the public treasury, a small part comparatively is expended in the slaveholding States. This portion of the disbursement the North might insist oil stopping with as good a grace as they can support their present claim. To prove that if that sum were also expended in the free States it would he productive of greater good, they might use just the same arguments that they now resort to. While the principle would be the same, too, fn each case, it is clear that the ultimate mischief to the South in the future, will be much greater from the exclusion from all the territory, than could result from depriving us of any share in the pahhc money. If these new principles, which seem to have been adopted by most of the Northern politicians, are to prevail; if this Government is to aeqoire Territory by conquest or by purchase, and the Southern States are to "be required to AirnS.h A.U nrnnnrtinn rkf mon tnrl innnov I and then the fruits of victory are to be appropriated exclusively by the North, it is idle to suppose that the South will go into any such pirtnership. The Southern people have been f ee tod long to consent thus to become the vassals of the North. As their object is to obtain a recognition of their right to participate fairly in the beneftts of the National Territory, their opposition is not limited to a particular mode of exclusion, as the Wilmot proviso. It extends to all such action on the nnrt of the Federal Gov ernment m places it always against them and their institutions. If, for example, when Territory is acquired in which slavery legally exists, as was the case with the Louisiana Territory, then the Government is directly to interfere, and by an act of Congress to abolish slavery, as it did in more than three-fourths of that Territory; and when, on the other hand, an acquisition of a different character is made, it is intentionally so to manage as to exclude slaveholders from all parts of k; it is obvious that the character of our political system would be essentially changed; so that the Government, instead of being that of the whole Union, would have been cona n l/v a mABA Mtfl mLima frvai lla/a Mrlaaora /in vciicu iiiiu a iiicic uiauuiiiu, iui uiu auvaucv* ment of the northern section. By one mode of proceeding, for example, we are asked to admit California as a State forth with. But New Mexico and Deseret are in just as much want of legislative aid, and their inhabitants are just as urgent in their demands for our action in their cases. Inasmuch, therefore, as the inhabitants of all these Territories are in the same situation, and have all presented us forms of government, why discriminate between them f Why grant the request of one eet and refuse it to the others? Is it because California has made a Constitution excluding uliivprv while the other two Territories have not imposed any such restrictions in their forms of Government! Is it for this reason, I say, that we are to be required to admit her at once? If the majority from the North, instead of disposing of all these Territories at this time, they being equally entitled to our consideration, insist on pushing through California alone, is not the conclusion irresistible that it is their object merely to strengthen their hands, thus to enable them hereafter to secure the other portions o! the Mexican territory by one mode or anothart Are Southern men to bo required to stultify themselves so far before the country as to affect to be blind to this state of things ? Could we settle the whole Territorial question on equltahie terms, we might be justified in waving the strong objections to the manner in which ibis state of tilings was produced in California*? !'I he Northern members have not only, by de- j cisive majorities, from time to time repeatedly j during the last three years, passed the Wilmot j Proviso through the House of Representatives, but even at the last session, when Mr. Preston's bill to allow the people of that country to form a constitution was under consideration, they appended that proviso to it, and thus obliged its friends to abandon it. The people of the country there, being thus persuaded that their only chance to get into the Union was by the cxclu- j sion of slavery, very naturally incorporated the I proviso into their constitution. ^ linvo to some extentH A lie U'UIOU VVllll/11 J V'U I*M* V w pursued, however patriotic may he your mo-B tives, and more especially that of the National!! Intelligence seems to me calculated only to pro-H duce mischief. I refer to the attempt to underJ rate the condition of feeling at the South, by I extracts carefully culled from Southei n papers,! letters, ?kc. No impression is thereby made ou| the South. The subject being one which every! body there fully understands, opinions cannot! be shaken in relation to it. Those persons w hoi reason know that it is wrong that the South I should not be permitted, with her institutions,! to occupy any part of the common territory such as are not accustomed to reason feel tliatH the exolusion is a gross outrage on their rights.B When any man, how high soever may be insig position, declaims against extension of slavery B into any part of the Territory, his words pro-H duce no more effect on the settled judgment ofH the South, than the dashing of the wavesagainstP the base of a mountain of solid granite. Theli only effect of these publications is to deceives the North. What possible good can resultfl from keeping the people of that section in pro-E found ignorance of the condition of things in the South ? Is it wise, thus to mislead the people there ? Why not let them know that their movements may bring them into danger ? Is it regarded as a wise stroke of policy, in a military commander to conceal from his own troops| the danger, until he can bring them up sudden- i ly upon n masked battery ? If the Union be in j peril, nothing seems to me better calculated to increase the danger than such a course as this, ji Even if these quotations should be fairly made : from the particular papers selected, it must be remembered that they constitute a small portion of those published in the Southern States. It may be remarked, too, that a number of these papers are published by northern men, some of whom retain their original' sectional feelings,! and are adroitly endeavoring to advance the! anti-slavery views of the North. Other journals,! partly from a party feeling of opposition tofl movements wmcn iouna in me ursi iiiiuiucc| more favor in the Democratic papers, and part-H Iy out of deference to the tone of thq^entralfl press in this city, supposed to be in occordancel| with the views of the Administration, have echoed back what they supposed would be acceptable here. As, however, it has become manifest that they were unintentionally aiding the antislavery movement of the North, they have gradually been taking a better view of things; and 1 have 110 doubt but that, ultimately, all such of them as are governed by patriotic considerations, will assume the proper position. The .North is also misled by uie laci inai ccruuu southern men seem willing to sacrifice the general national interests of the Union, by abandoning the rights of their own section and adopting the narrow sectional claims of the North. Whether these persons are governed by misguided patriotism, or are merely seeking Northern support for their personal advancement, it cannot be expected that they should be sustained by those whose rights they are willing to sursurrendcr. If they have not already lost their influence, they will inevitably do so when their position is understood and the feeling has be mm n? * r ii . ii.; I coaie intense, inc cneei 01 inese uuugs, mm u ever, can be productive of notliing but mischief,M by misleading the North. Had the real state olH feeling in the old thirteen colonies been under- D stood in England six months before the decla-lj ration of independence, our revolution wouldB never have occurred; but the British Parlia-fl inent and people were cheated and deceived byB the ministers and their organs, who declared,B I'roin time to time, that the complaint on this^ side of the Atlantic came only from a few am-5 bitious and factious men, who were making aB noise and exciting sedition to give thcmselvcsB ? -1 a A! A I ? ?r AL D consequence; auu uiai me great, uouy u? uh-b inhabitants of the colonies were loyal, content.9 ed and quiet, and so attached to the general gov-l emment and the union with Great Britain, that! they would submit to whatever laws the Parlia-I rncut might pass. With this example so famil-l iar to American minds, is it not strange that! similar delusions should now prevail ? - I But I will now advert to another point, viz :l the means proposed to resist the improper ac-H tion of the northern majority. I have express-! ed the opinion that, under our obligations to! support the Constitution of the United States,! all means consistr it with its provisions should! be exhausted befc.c there should be a recorn-B mendation to appeal to our rights above it.?H, And 1 have hence advised that, under all then circumstances, u an equiiaoie adjustment cuu-i| not be obtained of the territorial question, thenft we ought to refuse to pass any appropriation! bills for the support of the Government Theft idea of refusing supplies is not of American! origin. It has been claimed in England us theft undoubted right of the parliament to refuse, atS; its own discretion, supplies to the Executive.,?ft This right, too, has in practice from time to time! been exercised to protect the rights and liber-ft ties of the people of England, and has even been! the means of extorting additional privileges!] from the British monarchs. ft Will it be pretended that the representatives!! of American freemen ought to do less to pro-ft tect the essential rights, and liberties even, offt the people whom they represent ? In England,ft however, nothing less than a majority of theft Representatives can do tins; but under ourB' Constitution the minority may effect the samel; object. Nobody will, 1 apprehend, affirm thatlj the same act, per se, which would be propcrl" when done by the majority, would be wrong it'll effected by the minority, acting in the mannerll provided by the Constitution itself. The act oil; the majority is only effective because the Con-I' stitution so declares; but this same Constitu.|< tion provides also that certain ucts, when doneHl by the minority, shall be effective. This differ-li once between ourConstitution and that ofGreatlt wanHonBi Britain operates in belialf of liberty, and to protect the rights of the minority, it is in some respects like the Presidential veto, which everybody admits ought in certain cases to be exercised, though it docs have the efFect of defeating the action of the majoiity. The Constitution ofthe United States, under which alone Congress acts, provides that one-fifth of the members present may demand that the ayes and noes shall be taken on any question which maybe submitted by the Speaker. Q If o I on nr/\?i<ln/l flint nno.ll FTnilSP mitV flflontH its own rules of order. Such rules have beenH adopted already by the House of Representa-H tives, and are, until modified or changed by theH House itself, as much binding on the Speaker H and every member as any constitutional provis-H ion whatever. In accordance with these rules, certain motions may be made, and the ayes andH noes taken from time to time. Under the Con-H stitulion and these rules, one-fifth of those mem-H ben present have undoubtedly the power tog prevent the passage of laws, and to prevent fllsogj the adoption of any motions for a change of theH old roles of the House. Unquestionablj* this isH a power in the hands of the minority whichH might be abused ; so, however, might any other B power granted by the Constitution, whether given to the majority, the minority, or to a sin-B gle individual, as the president, judge, or othcrH officer. If the minority, for mere factious orH slight purposes, were thus to impede legislation,H this would, undoubtedly, be a great abuse; butH if that minority were, on the other hand, to rc-H sort to this system only temporarily, and as uf| matter of defence against a well-settled andH gross system of injustice and tyranny on theH part of the majority, then their conduct wouldH not only be no abuse of its powers, but wouiu.g in fact, be a most praiseworthy and patriotic ac-B tion for the protection of the essential rights of! their constituents. No citizen has a right to! strike another person ; but if one is assailed! and beaten, then he is justified in striking tin fl assailant until he compels him to desist from hisfl attack. g Since this mode of resistance was suggested,! it seems to have been received with much favor! by Southern men. From many evidences with-B in my reach, I select the following passage from! a letter to me, which seems to present fairly tliel view taken in the South, so far as I am able tol understand it. The writer is not only one! whose opinion will have as much weight as that! of any one in North Carolina, from his stand-l lug and talents, but is entitled to the more con-H sideration lrom the fact that, during a service ofS many years in Congress, he was not less dis-0 tinguished for his moderation and conservative! views than for the firmness and ability with I which he maintained them. As the letter from! which I make the extract was a private one,! 1 do not give the name of the writer, much as l! might, by so doing, strengthen the judicious! statement of the case made by him. He says : " I approve of your position to resist the pas j saere of the appropriation bills until the slavery! question is finally settled. Tliis is n much bet-H tor and more effectual plan than for Southern H members to leave their seats which I have seen! proposed in some quarters. Should the South-I ern members merely leave their seats and return! home, it will produce no result; the North wills pocket the public money and laugh at them.? I The matter can be settled nowhere but upon the I floor of Congress, except by a dissolution of the! Union, which nobody desires. If fifty of our! Southern members would lay aside all other! party ties and act firmly and openly together,H they can force the North to do what is right,H and what she ought to do without hesitation.! Resist all bills for the support of Government! until this subject is finally and satisfactorily Eg settled, particularly the annual appropriation,! the army and navy bills. Let it be distinctly! understood that you will oppose these measures! by every parliamentary tactic in your power,! and that you cannot be bought off, forced off ,! nor coaxed off", until justice is done the South,! and, in my judgment, success is inevitable. At! all events, if I were there I would try the exper-l ment until March 4, 1851. 0 "The South has no direct interest in the pas ! sage of these bills, and if the object of refusing! ihem is understood, I have no doubt it will be! cordially approved. Should Congress adjouruBj without passing these bills, there will very soouB be organized a powerful party ill the North, to! put down Free Soilism and Abolitionism both.I 1 do not think we should be plagued with either! again for sometime. In a movement of this! kind every thing depends on its being carried! out by firm, honest, and true men, and I hope! enough such may he found in Congress to uu-l dertuke it, in spite of all the clamor it will raise!1 in the North and among those who live by the! Government. It is a harsh measure, hut in my! opinion it is the only one left to save the Union! and protect the South. Desperate diseases re-l ijuire desperate remedies." 0 Should this means of resistance he adopted! by the southern members, there would be, I haven no doubt, excitement at first and anger in the! North. To allay it, however, if they are con-! sistent and sincere in their expressions ofdevo-ll linn tr? the constitution and laws, it would only|l be necessary fos us to renunu mem ui uit-iruwini iloctrine. If we complain of the threatened ac-Bi Lion of the majority, they advise us to refer tlieB' matter to the Supreme Court of the Unitodli States, which, they say, is the great constitu-li tional arbiter whose decisions all good citizensli who love law and order must submit to. Ifli they complained of this action of the minority ,li we, of course, should recommend them to apply I < for redress to the Supreme Court Should thatBi august tribunal decide, for example, that onc-li fifth of the members present had not the right!to demand the ayes and noes, then it would!] ilnulitlnsft furnish to the complainants such rcrm|< cdial process as the Constitution of the United States and the laws provide in such cases.? Should northern gentlemen bo so inconsistent is to decline to await the effect of this slow process, then they would probably attempt to change the existing rules of the House. But is these rules have been tried and approved by the American Congress for many years, they ire as much reverenced in certain quarters as were the laws of theiMedes and Peisians in their lay. In other words, Southern men, seeing low our country has prospered under these ules, may not choose to have them changed in inv rcB|K'ct, and may resort to the same means 9 to prevent a change as those above indicated.?! Should the majority in that contingency, as itfj has been threatened they will do, attempt to! substitute their own rules, arbitrarily adopted.! and to displace the existing Speaker because < f 1 his fidelity to the Constitution, then their con-! duct, being unlawful, forcible, and revolutiona-E ry, would justify and require a forcible action! on the pait of the friends of the Constitution tog resist their attempts. It would thus turn outg that the Northern members, having in the first! ulaee been ffuiltv of a tyrannical abuse of theirfj powers under the Constitution, and finding thatfj that instrument contained a provision for the! protection of the minority, whose rights theyl had souglit to trample on ; this majority, I sav,| finding that they were baulked in their eHbrtsfi by the Constitution itself, would a second tiineB put themselves in the wrong, by an appeal toll force. In such a case we, who might use thejj means necessary to defeat this revolutionaryg movement, would be standing in defence of ther Constitution and laws. Feeling the force of asg high obligations as could possibly rest on a human being, I cannot doubt but that in this contingeucy, Southern men will do their duty without regard to any personal peril that may be incurred. One purpose of such a movement as this would be to teach the North that, under the powers granted in the Constitution both to m?-| jorities and minoi ities, great mischief in prac P 1-1 1 4 I 11 il H rice nugiu ue causea. aii appeal wouiu inns 4 he made in the most solemn manner to the good | sense and right feeling of the masses of the pec- ^ pie there, and they might then decide whether | or not they were willing to carry on our politi-j cal system as we have heretofore done. The time when we ought to resort to this j mode of action, I hold, should be after a clear I demonstration that the majority, by an arbitrary exercise of their power intend to disregard the constitutional and natural rights of the Southern portion of the Confederacy. When this shall be made manifest?when we are brought to see that the powers of this central government are to be used against our people ?that instead of being their government, it is to them a foreign and hostile, government?then it is our duty to withdraw all support from it as ] far as our powers will enable us to do. Northem gentlemen, however, tell us that it would be more manly, and more becoming to highminded and chivalrous people, to let legislation .1. - 1 4 * 1..4: uittu iio cuurau, aim iu*uii lu luvuiuuuiiar) ruinedies. Others of them place great reliance on the federal army and navy, and say that without any trouble to the North, they will, by blockading Southern ports and sending troops where they are needed, soon bring the South into submission to such laws as they may cuoose to pass. I have no doubt but that they are perfectly willing, as they say, to vote all the money in the treasury to have their acts execute''. But, I tell these gentlemen frankly, that however, willing I might be in masters that concerned myselfalone, to make concession when there is an appeal to my magnanimity, I do not feel at liberty thus to act when the rights of others are at stake. I will not, if I have the power to prevent, needlessly jeopardize those whom I represent If there is to be a collision, I do not wish the sword of Brennus thrown into the scale against my section. If there ir A _ 1 I . * A 1 -A At. . 10 ue a struggle, in any event, ueiweeu tue Soutli and the North, 1 desire that this, the common Government, may stand as a neutral if I have power, I will, in that event, put this Government under bonds to keep the peace. As, in.that contest, I know that tho South will have the right on her side, 1 am not willing that the Federal army and navy shall be used a. gainst her. Alter the appropriations for the current year are expended, the President will have no more power to use tho money in the treasury without an appropriation by law, than any other person would have. Whether southern members will take the step indicated, I shall not assume to say in advance, nor even assert that they have the polit J ical, moral and personal courage thus to de-l fend their own section, should their judgement! approve the course. These things the public! must decide for itself, from such evidence as itfj lias from time to time of southorn feeling audi] southern action. Should this remedy be adop-B ted, it must be temporary in its effects, and could hardly be expected to prove available after the fourth of March next. Then, anil perhaps sooner, the southern people, seeing that their representatives could no longer, by any exertion, urotect tliein, would be compelled to rely on their own effort?. There is at this time less manifestation of excitement in the southern States than was exhibited a little while since. But no one ought to be deceived as to the real cause of this comparative quiet. This state of things is in no wise attributable to eulogies on the Union, nor to denunciation of southern movements. The people of the southern States supposed they have seen indications sufficient to induce I them to hope that there may be an equitableH adjustment of the question at issue. Nothing! lias contributed more to this than the rejection.! by the House of Representatives, of the resolu-! tions of Messrs. Root and (biddings, embody.! ing the principle of the Wilmot Proviso.?I Throughout tlie South, generally, this has been! regarded as an indication of a returning sense! >f justice in the minds of the majority. Oth-|| i?r movements, since made here, contributed toil the same result. The liberal views of certain J northern gentlemen have operated in the same | lirection. A great impression has been made, I ju the southern mind especially, by the able, manly, and national speech of Mr. Webster; showing, as he did, that he had the statesmanike sagacity to understand the real condition jf the country, and the courage to meet the crisis. Avowing his readiness to do justice toB dl sections of the Union, according to the let-B :er and spirit of the Constitution, he has by that! . tTort contributed, in a most eminent degree toll aise the hope that the liberal and just men offl :he North would so far sustain him as in theB jnd to lead to a fair adjustment of the difficul-B y. But should such not he the event; should! ;ne southern people find that they have been! leceived?there will be a renewal, with reJ loubled energy, of all the former manifestations* )f excitement. E No where among them is there to be found! hat spirit pf slavish submission to wrong, which! I jit has been sought to inculcate from certain quarters. The only question on which they are divided is, whether they ought, in the con[dition of things just now, to sjieak, and act Though silent, they are resolute. The feeling 'of determination is daily spreading and extending itself in all directions. The instant it appears necessary for them to act they will move [forward like a torrent that, after being obstruc;ted for a time, has with gathered strength brojken down all that barred its way. I trust, then ;that those who have the power in their hands [will at once decide to give us an equitable settlement. There is danger in delay, since each rx/Mi+li fl,of natooc Kir lunviiG !> U"tfh?r (Mil hi* ii.ui.mi.u.ijratavs.-j p"r ~~ ] jtwecn the two sections. Tor myself, while jhere as a member, I will use my official station ;to preserve as far as I can the Constitution intact in its letter and spirit, and protect, if pos- * jsible, from the threatened wrong, those whom [I have the honor in part to represent, hailing 'in this, I shall be found with the j<eople of the [South in whatever movements they may find necessary to guard their safety and honor. Respectfully yours, T. L. CLING MAX. T1EM WTOML' CAMDEN, S. C. TUESDAY EVENING, APRIL 2, 1850. TELEGRAPHIC INTELLIGENCE. ? From the South Carolinian. ' Baltimore, March 29, 1850. The New York market closed to-day firmer on cotton, recovering all the decline resulting from the steamer's news. The sales were 2,000 bales. Middling Orleans 12 1-8?Middling upland 11 3-4?outside prices. " Baltimore, March 31. In New York yesterday cotton closed firmly, with sales for the day of 3,000 bales, at Friday's prices, lite week's business was 11,000 bales. New Orlk ins, March 29. The sales of cotton yesterday amounted to 4,000 bales, at steady prices?good middling 11 1-4; fair 11 7-8a 12. Great Fire.?A great fire took place yesterday morning, on Triangle Square, near the Levee. The fire destroyed two hotels, a bakery, and nine other buildings, the loss on the whole jbeing estimated at 890,000. Part insured. DEATH OF IYLK. CALHOUN. The melancholy intelligence of the death of this eminent statesman was received in this place yesterday morning. He expired on Sunday morning in the City of Washington, at half past seven o'clock. We gather the following particulars of this mournful event from the telegraphic despatch of the South Carolinian: Washington, March 31, 1850. Pa:ticulars of Mr. Calhoun's Death.?Mr. Calhoun died this (Sunday) morning, at halfpast seven o'clock. Feeling that he was sinking, he roused his son, Dr. Calhoun, who was in the room with him, about four o'clock, and desired him to lock up his papers, (alluding to the manuscript and proofs of his work on Government, which he was revising for the press.) He remarked that he was fast going. Mr. Venable, of North Carolina,and others, were promptly summoned, and immediately attended at his bedside. Mr. Calhoun failed gradually, and died calmly and composedly, and free from pain. He retained full possession of his faculties almost to the last moment. He said but little; but when speech failed him, he showed his consciousness by taking each of his trienits by the hand, for the long farewell. His face since death is perfectly lifelike?no greatchauge being perceptible. Clark Mills, of Charleston, is now engaged in taking a cast of his face. The correspondent of the Mercury says: With his son there were at his bedside, Mr. Venable of North Carolina, and Messrs. Orr, and Wallace of our State. Mr. Venable has been devoted iu his attentions to him for weeks, and is riohly entitled to our gratitude. The body will be placed in a metallic coffin, and deposited in the Congressional Burial Ground until the wishes of his family are ascertained. frW The Court oT Common Pleas commenced its session here yesterday?his Honor Judge jVVardlaw presiding. Immediately on the reception of the news of the death of Mr. Calhoun, his Honor adjourned the Court until 10 o'clock this morning. The election on Monday for town officers, w-.j ?? ii'buiicu ao iuiiv n ? Intendant, JAMES DUNIiAP. Wardens. W. M. SHANNON, A. M. KENNEDY, C. L. CHATTEN. And a tic between F. L. Zemp and C. H. Davis. Is it asked tcho, at this trying time, will fill the vacancy caused by the death of John C. Calhoun? We answer no one. But we think the. man who will come nearest to it, is the Hon. James H. Hammond. Dr. Webster Convicted. On the '29th ult. Dr. Webster was convicted. IIo made a speech before the Jury, and when they returned with the sentence "guilty," he fainted. gnff The Savannah Republican learns fVotn a passenger by the Isabel, that Mrs. Simpson, charged with the poisoning of her husband, at Fayettoville, N. C., was at Havana, where there was any quantity ol fugitives from justice. Nashville and Cuat i-anooua Railroad. ?An advertisement has been issued, inviting proposals for the grading and masonry of tlio Chattanooga division of the Road, the only portion not already under contract