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?7-?yrair?sn??=s== case of Southern outrage on the feelings and piivileges of Northern citizens. Hut, passing from the subject, I will lit a vety few words, bat plain ones, notice another portion of the gentleman's speech, which Was particularly directed to myself, growing out of Uj question which I propounded tohimin the course'-' i of his remarks! He had denied that slavery existed in Mexico, and contended that her laws in reference to slavery were not and could not be Affected by the couque.-t of the United States mul the treaty of cession. I put this interrogatory to him : Suppose a confederacy eom-i.-ling exclusively of slaveholders had made the conquest, and had become owners of the territory ncauircd by treaty and war, would tbev be pro liibited from taking their slaves with them, when they took possession of their acquisition ! And the gentleman contended that the conquerors niigliit have their land; but that, by the laws of the conquered, these slaves could no longer be bound to labor for their masters. 1 have always thought such a proposition a strange one. Take this case; two nun reside on neighboring islands. One owns slaves and the other does not; and one sells out to the other; can he be prohibited from biking his slaves to the purchased premises, because slavery had been prohibited there before the purchase?? Take a case that may well be put: .Suppose Cuba to be an independent State, and she were to make war upon Hayti, and were to bring the surrender of, Illliauiuilll>0 IV UII U?*w..?...v. that island: would the people of Cuh.*l be pro- I hibitcd from carrying their slaves to the con- I quored territory by virtue of any law that had existed there 1 The conqueror might, for convenience, recognise as many of the laws as would be subservient and proj>er for the enjoyment of his conquest. But if he had made the couquest expressly with a view of removing his slaves for his profit, it would indeed be 6trange if he could not carry his property with him. 1 think the proposition to be this: the conqueror h is a right to go upon his territorial conquests himself, with ad his property of whatever kind ; but, until they are altered, he may have to subject such projrerty to thelawsof dm conquered count y f >r protection and succession, dec.? fr%1 1 ~ ^nn/ln/1 An oniH'OltioiW'O Ullf! inai 13 11 id UjJllUH, luuimiu wu -v... . necessity. The co.iquerer, and not the conquered, is to be tli j judge of what shall lie regarded property in ti e transfer of d nninion.? Suppose a nearer case; and that is, that Texas, a slave State, had conquered Mexico or California ; would it have been competent for Mexico or California to have said to the victors, after the treaty, you shall only bring such property with you as we have chosen to regard as property i We do not regard slaves as property, and therefore you cannot bring them among ns. Thus enlarge the proposition: Suppose the United States, while they were all slaveltolding States, had made the conquest of Mexico or California, and that all the parties had been slaveholders,; what effect would the laws of Mexico have had to control their rights and au thoritv of ownership ? They did not cease the less to be owners because tl?ey had the power of conquerors. If one with arms to enforce his rights were to be told by those whom he had just whipped that they could stop him by lau: from coming among them, it would give law a potency approaching incomprehensible sublimity. Can it make any difference that a conquest is effected by the joint co-operation of slaveholders and non-slaveholders ? One has slaves to work, and the other has money to hire labo ; but they are equal partners, if they engaged in enterprise and conquest as equals. And who will dare to say that, under the flag of the Union, our States and troops did not go into the Merican war as equals? They were equalsi.i the war, and they are equals as partners to share its fruits. The conquered territory is the common domain of all the partners, and is und r the common guaranties of the ting and constitution of the United States, for the benefit of nil. What is a sh'p sailing on the high seas, under the Ihig of the United States ? Is it not to be regarded as being a part of the territory of the country to which it belonged, and to carry with it the guaranties of property on board of it, of whatever kind it might be, as well slaves as any otlier species of property I Such was the doctrine held by Mr. Webster wheu, as an impartial trustee, he was acting as Secretary of State, for all the interests of his constituents alike, ami iu that character I would tru?t him now. In lis* itocA tint ( Voulo lit* tlivfitwf 1 v m'ii'lt-iimml the opinion that under the guuruiitk'8 of the constitution of the United States slaves were to be regarded as legitimate property on board of an American vessel, and that, too, on the ground that the bottom of the vessel took its character from the jurisdiction of the country to which it belonged. If a slaveholder were to buy a plantation of a non-slaveholder, he would ho apt to think that he had a right to cultivate it as he jdeased; and if three slaveholders and three non-slaveholders were to buy a domain from a non-slaveholdiug owner, could it be possible that the non-slaveholders could claim all the dominion over the government of the purchased premises? If they were in a minoritv, they would not attempt it; il equal, they would forbear; and it i.s only in the case of an arbitrary majority that they would attempt to control the other partners. It is not justice, but arbitrary power, that makes the lawyers speak from suggestions. That gentleman says lie has a law case that must control this whole question, and has commended it to my attention. 1 think I heard of it before. I believe I never read it till a few moments since; but I never heard attributed to it such potency before, nor have I ever heard given to it such an interpretation. The gentleman used it to show that a shareholding State had no right to carry its slaves on its own territory, if acquired from a uon-slaveliolding people. I have read the case; and, whilst I admire the gentleman's ingenuity, and his kindness in relieving me from the embarrassments ofi?rno ranee or error, I must be permitted to say, that cannot see the application of the case referred to. lieforo I notice the ease in its particulars, I venture to say that it decides nothing more than this; That a slave owner of V irginia, carrying his slaves into the Northwestern Territory, into the Territory of Indiana, before 17N7, made his property in slaves, remaining there alter that time, subject to the ordinance of that date; and that, before that time,there had been no question of his right to hold them in such Territory, whilst it was a province of Virginia. In other words, i. will venture tire proposition, that thonHs hi) instance in which the light of a slaveholder to his slaves was ever questioned in the northwest Ten itory, whilst.it was a depeuflertfc* tw province ofAiiginia, and before it had heen made suhject to the ordinance of 1787.? The decision referred to turned 011 the operation of that ordinance to discharge slaves from their bondage, after it went into elieot. The case is found in Walker's reports, (Miss.) The Judge, in giving the opinion, of tiiu couit, states trie case us follows: 4 The facts in this case are not controverted; that the three negroes were slaves in Virginia; that in 1784 they were taken by John Decker to the neiglibornood ofVincennes; that they re inained there from that time until the moiitu oi July, 1810; that the ordinance of Congress passed iu the mouth of July, in the year 1787; and that the constitution of the State of Indiana was adopted on tke&Hh June, 1810." These are the essential facts; and the real question in the case was, whether the det'eudant could hold the negroes as*slaves under the treaty of (jircat ilritain, the cession of V irgiuia, and the Constitution of the United States,ia spite of and in opposition to the ordinance of 1787, and the constitution of Indiana, which, iu these tei ins, set all slaves free that were within tlie seoj>e of their oj?eratiori. The defendant claimed to have had his rights vested under the treaty and cession referred to, and that they were protected by the Constitution of the United States. 1 shall not trouble the Senate with a minute-examination of the case. The defendant claimed under the following clause moic particularly: "That these titles and possession, rights and liberties, shall be secured to themtnat is, to the inhabitants residing oil the territory at the time of the cession, which hud been made before 1787. Hut the court said that the ordinance could control tliis stipulation. The ordinance provides that there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, otherwise than for the punishment of crimes, excluding all kinds of servitude except that which follows conviction. The couit say: " Hut, according to the construction contended for by the defendant's counsel, those who were slaves at the passing of the ordinance must continue in the same condition." The court sustain the ordinance, and sav that it was contirmed by the constitution of Indiana. 1 think I may conclude by saying that the r?;i?r? i< nn rirnii to tlte structure of tlie rreiltle man's general argument, and that argument is the wicker-work of old material; they have been used so often that they have lost the charm and freshness of novelty, and will have to be regarded as the crumbling materials of ingenious architects ; and architects cannot make crumbling sandstone subserve the place of solid marble. 1 conclude by saying, if Nature has excluded the South, be it so; but if it has not, give us a fair chance under the guaranties of the natioual flag. ? Frura ill j N. 0* Crescent GREECE AND THE IONIAN ISLANDS AND GREAT BRITAN. From thn English journals wj glean the cause of the quarrel between Greece and Great Britain. The Ionian Island fairly belonged to Greece With the exception of Corfu, they are within gun-shot of the north-western shores ol the Morea. The Turks obtained passession of the Main, but tliey were protected bv the Veni ti ms, who retained tlicin till t ie time of Napoleon. After having been made a frequent subject of bar e *and trade, they were in 1817 formed into a Republic, under the protection ol (Ire :t Britain. The Executive i.- th2 High Commissioner, who is a British nobleman. When the Kii g lo:n of Greece was c ried out, those is'ands ought to have been attached to it.? These islands, by nature, form a part of Greece the inhabitants are of the same race?s4>eak ti c same language. But it was not done - and they have remained an insignificant Republic?a living satire 011 this form of government. Now for the quarrel: It seems that win.' of the roving hordes of Greek pirates have committed acts of voitence against the ioniau; but the e were not sanctioned by the Greek Government, which is not iu any degree responsible for them. These arc three of the claim , and the f jurth is that of a Gibraltar Jew, whose house was plundered by the same gentry. The B;i!is!? Government for the value of the plundered property. with I'd per ceut interest .111(1 on the refusal of King Otho to pay this most unjust demand, the public ships wer escized.? The French and Russian Courts have intorjredcd as guarantors of t!?e lude|rendenco ol (Jreecc. (liv.it Britain has at length submitted tire grievaucis to the Fivncli (lovcrinun: for arbitration. The protest of the Creeks is an aide State paper,.and proves tliej have uot lost the use of wods. It is to ho hojred that some arrangement will Ire made by which these islands will he re-united t ? (! recce. There is no reason for keeping up a separate government tor ^00,0U(i peojde and $700,000 revenue. When the 'lurks held the .Morea it was different; then these Christian is lauds were to he protected at all hazards. But now, when (1 recce is again i:i possession of her nationality its ancient islands should he restored ! to her. " I have received," said lie to Mr. Wyse, "the note wliicli you did mc the honor to write to me yisicrday. It. is impossible for me to convey to you the feelings with which it has been rend by the King of Greece ami by his Government. The whole nation will paitakc them. Greece is weak, sir, and she did not exjieet that such blows would be aimed at her by u government which she reckoned, with equal pride and confidence, among her benefactors. In presence of a force like that which awaits your instructions, his Majesty's Government can only oppose his i i<'ht:? and a solemn nrotest aoninst acts nt'liou. ; i o ' ?" ? tility done in profound peace, and which, without reference to otiier interests of the highest order, are violations, in the supreme degree, of its dignity and its independence. In this painful conjuncture, certain of the support of the (J reek people ami of the sympathies of the civilized world, the King of lireece and his Government await with sorrow, but without weakness, the end of the trials by which, by order [ of the ( ovcruinctit of her Uritannic Majesty, , you may still iuHict upon them. Londos." TMM WWEMJuL, I; l CAMDEN, 8. C. T ~ . 'I TUESDAY EVENING, ARCH 3fr, 1850. TELEGRAPHIC INTELLIGENCE. Reported Uxnri-Kfly fur the Journal. . Chari.estun, Mareh 35. i The Niagara's accounts hare caused a decline . of |th. The demand is moderate, and the sales , am Mint to 1100, at 10J to 11'}. Middling fair and fully fair, 11| to 11}. W. Bai.tinokk, March 23. i Tl>o steamship Niagara reached Halifax on ; T hursday evening, but the telegraph tc wires j being down near St Johns, prevented the oar ! lier transmission of the intelligence. She brings ; Liverpool and London dates to the* Oth inst and 8(> passengers. 'JTie st >a:nship Ilennann arrived at Southampton on tlie fctb, and the Europa arrived at : Liverpool on the 3d. The Liverpool Cotton market was dull du- [ ling the fortnight preceding the departure of the steamer, and to effect sales holders were obliged to submit to a decline of l-8d on all desciipt'o: s below Fair Uplands. No change in Mo- ] bile or Orleans. The quotations of the Board 1 of Brokers' Committee are Fair Uplands, 6 5-8; Fair Mobile, 6 3-4; Fair Orleans, C 7-8. The j sales oft'ie fortnight are 52,330 hales, of which speculators took 12,000, the trade still purcha*- j sing s ia i igly. Tlie sales of the last week 2.V'0J bales, of whieh speculators took 3000 ; bah8, wholly American. Nkw Yokk, March 23/ The news by the Niagara has depressed the ! Cotton market, and there has been no sale to- j day. The sales of the week amount Jo 0000 bales. Flour has slightly declined. Char. Mercury. | Photographic Likenesses. Those of our citizens who desire a likeness "as is" a likinefs, would do well to give Mr. Gale a call at bis Daguerrean Gallery, Odd Fellows'Hall. ; ms pictures wuiuear inspection, ami -speuh. jor i themselves." {^?f? Qur thanks to Hon. J. A. Woodward for j several public documents. 2dT We understand that General Taylor re- j marked the other day to a gentleman from the S iuth, that " while he held the Executive power, he should do all he could to preserve the Union, but that when force should be necessnry^to maintain it, it would be no longer worth preserving." We think it decidedly the best conclusion he has yet arrived at, though there is something " very like a Bull" in the way he expresses it. We have received no telegraphic despatch fr im Wn-shinp-tmi Inter tlmii SntnrHnv evptiinfr.? Mr. Calhoun was* then somewhat better, and as we have'heard nothing since, we infer lie is still recovering; at least, wo ardently hope so. Will not the distinguished Prof. Agassiz give Camden a call ? He would find, if not as large, as respectable an audience as elsewhere. We would be glad to see him here. Cheraw and Camden. From the Cheraw Gazette of the 19th instant, we extract the following: The Mails.?We understood some months ago that the citizens of Camden were desirous of, and were attempting to effect some change in the mail . route between that place and this; but as our citizens were not consulted, nor any thing definite known here as to the proposed change, the matter passed without exciting the attention of our citi zens. Lately, however, the matter has assumed a , more tangible form. Mr. Woodward has intro, duced into the House of Representatives, a bill to establish a mail route from Camden to Darlington Court House. In addition to this we have just seen a letter from Washington, which states that a memorial has been presented to the Postmaster General, from the citizens of Society Hill, praying that the route from this place to Camden be abolished, and a new one substituted, passing from this place via Society Ilill, Darlington Cou rt House, and tlrence to Camden. We learn lbrther that there are memorials before Congress, praying the pnla'ilUliiniMil Dt', iihw H:* I?r rmili' fiir the irreaf Southern Mail along tlie line of' tin- Wilmington i and Manchester Uailroad, which is equivalent to aski ig that tiie route from Wilmington to Charlesi ton by steamboats, and the daily line through this plac / be abolished. Now we have not one word to say against the extension of mail facilities to our citizens, knowing ' as we do, tint they, are greatly needed in many sections of this State; but we do object to this underhanded attempt df the citizens of Camden to deprive our citizens of the present mail fhcili, ties; for such is evidently their aim. If the present route is exceptionable, and a better one could be liad, why were tiey not consulted, and asked to co-operate in obtaining the change ? It would have been but an act of common courtesy. Can any one doubt but that it would have been done, had it not been designed to disregard their interests 1 The distance by the present route, from this place to Camde.i, is fifty-live miles. By the pronosed route, it will be increased to scventv-seven miles or nearly one third; and nearly or quite j lour hours additional time will be required to i transport the mails. Can any reasonable man ' suppose the citizens of Camden desire such a j change as this? We doubt it. What then, may J be asked, is their object ? l?et them but effect the change, and then they will not hesitate to tell. We are not disposed to bore our readers with the entire article, which is the lending editorial of j that issue, or at least one of them?nor are we j willing to trouble ourselves much in making a ! statement of facts to those who (notwithstanding, ' as they say, their M object is to admonish, not to, sting; to improve, not to wound," & c.) have made such a virulent and uncalled-for attack upon the people of Camden, as well as the citizens of the District. It is a little surprising that the citizens of Cheraw heard nothing of this movement until " the matter assumed a more tangible form"?until "Mr. Woodward introduced into the House' of Representatives 'a bill to establish a mail route from Camden to Darlington Court House." And pray, tell us, Mr. Gazette man, have not the people of Darlington some right to be heard 1 Are they not entitled to "mail facilities" as well as Camden or Cheraw ? Darlington never intended to strike Chera^- out of the line: she only wanted to get m route herself: and Darlington is right., *, She has as much business in the line as any'other place: and we hope she will succeed. Camden never intended to disregard " the interest" of Che- { raw so far as "to deprive" her citizens of the present mail facilities" which they enjoy. What ' is the great bugbear? Only four hours longer in getting there: and in that four hours how many , may be accoinmodated*\vho are now tied down to a one hhrse mail ' "What'right has Cheraw to expect Camden" to 1 consult her upon matters which affect us and our i interests? On the same principle N. York might 1 have a word to say, and object to the stage run ning by Darlington Court House because it came four hours latei. As to the people uf Cheraw beiug ignorant of the fact that efforts were being made to accommodate the people of Darlington with j mail facilities, it is not our fault or our business, j Columns of the Journal were devoted to this matter, and the late Editor, Mr. Caston, advocated the measure with much zeal and energy, and we believe aided in bringing the importance of the matter properly before the people. The action of a meeting in Darlington pressed this upon the people of Camden, and they were obliged to act, and do not regret that action; particularly as ire know that there wis not a single underhanded attempt on the part "of the citizens of Camden to de-; prive" the citizens of Cheraw "of their present mail facilities." Any thing asserted to the contrary is a hmuting and ainl so: that's all. The people of Camden don't do business after the fashion the Gazette mat: would have it. They are aboce these um/erdianded attempts. Thev commonly do what is right, and ask 110 difference from any quarter. They promised Mr. Hilev to subscribe for the Magnetic Telegraph. They did subscril e .secured the line without any underhanded means to get it, stood up to their promise, and paid for their tlnci;. charter or no charter. We have spent more time already in noticing this puny and umierhaHdeda^em)>t to injure our town than was necessary. We care as little ah.iui it as Mr. Calhoun does for what old (C)at* or little Foote might say about him; knowing, as we do that " those who stand high have many winds to shake them." j People of the South, look well at home. Many a costly edifice that mocked tlie stor n. crumbled and was undermined by the worm at itbase. There are many sources through which our political institutions may be ruined ; and tho' the Tartar hordes at the North may try to sweep o'er the sunny plains of the South with the sword of devastation, let us be sure that our foundati ni is sound, and their efforts are ot no avail: and tinpoint at which we should be most watchful, is the Press. We arc driven to these remarks by the course pursued by the Charleston Courier. Un | hesitatingly we throw down the gauntlet, and ex, press our . belief that that paper is not sound on J the Southern question. Second to no paper in the I State as regards circulation, and drawing its vi: tality from the South, yet on queati >ns upon which ; the political existence of the South as a body or ' free and sovereign States is based, it maintains a sickly conservatism. The day is passed when conservatism should be pardonable in a Southern Journal: " be that is not for us is against us."? But the Courier stops'not there. Its correspondIence (for the opinions of which it is of course re ^ sponsible) conies out in unmeasured laudations o ] Webster's speech, as follows: "Nothing is talked of here hot the triumphant j speech of Daniel Webster. All Southern, and 1 nearly all the Western men, with whom I have i conversed, are content to stand on his plat firm. ; No speech ever delivered by Mr. Webster has had j such an effect as this. It has brought, already. : confidence and harmony. Still, I am not witeout fears that the Northern men in Congo ss will not ! come up to the support of Mr. Webster's views. Those men are, to use Mr. J. Q. Adams' phrase, i " palsied by the will of their constituents." Twothirds of the House are ready to admit that Mr. Webster's views are incontrovertible; but, still. they are afraid of the denunciations of factions in their own districts. We have no doubt that some , project, based on Mr. Webster's views, will com! mand a large majority in the Senate. What the House will do no man can tell. 1 am sorry to find I that, already, there are jxncerfnl influences at rcork I m the House to counteract the effect of Mr. Webster's 1 speech I couM name two members from Massachusetts, one from New Hampshire, one from Ohio, and several from New York, from each of whom I had hoped better things." Thus characterized is a speech in which not one thing was conceded to tire South, but from the lilieral face thiown over the most insidious : doctrine, calculated to be of more injury to the South than a thousand such as Seward's. In a speech at Marshiield, just before the election cf Taylor, Webster remarks: " If I believed lie wns a man who would exert his | official influenceJor the further extension of the slnre power, I would oppose him, let him he nominated hj whom he might." In his late speech, so highly lauded by the Cou? i 1. . ,i._? i._ u i.i ,1... ritTf mi irni?U K> ui<u ml* wututi uui \ uu; n? mm- i Wilmot Proviso in the admission of California, because it was but re-enacting the will of God." That speech was made to throw the South ofTlier guard ; and we would rather hear the Courier indulge in panegyrics on the speech of Seward than upon it. To satisfy the mind of any one that our' remarks are just, place the Mercury beside the Courier. Do you sec a single editorial on the Southern question in the Courier? Do you see extracts in ir to inform the Southern people of the extent of their grievances? While the Mercury, like a watchman true upon the ramparts, exclaims, ' the cry is still they comic!" The day now is when no journal of a doubtful character should receive the patronage of the South, much less should a journal in our midst maintain a studied silence when silence is so criminal. We would not give a sixpence for a man who would linger about Athens and cal. himself a Greek, and feel 110 fire in his soul while Leonidas and his heroes were dying at Thermopylae's pass. 5^$?" The trial of Dr. Webster for the murder of Dr. Park man, at Boston, commenced 011 the 19th instant. Mr. Clifford is Attorney for the State.? Our column will only allow us to give the most striking features and the result. -Telegraphic Correspondence of the N. V. It-raid. Washington, Marc'i 17. rI am informed, on good authority, that a lo.cuinent is in the possession of the Cabinet, which throws a good deal of light on the movements in California, in addition to what has already been made public, I learti that this paper, when called for, will sho,&.that other persons than T. Butler King.liaye been secreU)' at work in California, ih iirgiagS die pepphi of fliat '^jrritorj to form a State government, and demand admission into the linion 'as a State, as the v liave done. The subject is talked of a good deal in certain circles here, but as vet it has not become a topic of general conversation. Ihave no doubt tliat some Southern Democratic membcr will move a call 0:1 the President for the production of this document at an early day, as it is expected it will exercise a good deal of intlucncc on the question of the admission of Caifornia in her present situation,and reveal something that, perhaps, as yet hsis not been dreamed of by the public. We shall see. General Taylor, it seems, has declined to di- i rect any proceedings against Lieut, diaries G. Aivarado Hunter, being satisfied tuat tae case stands very well as it is, and tuat if Alvarado Hunter erred at all, he did so ou the right side. He has arrived at this determination i.i consequence of the proceedings of the naval court martial that was convened for trying him, not ?V.....U n.nA.in .....Ki...... ... *U.. V..,? It . uciuj; iuuuu uuiuug tuc oitiiivcs ui wic nu*j xj< p.irtuienfc. In reply to the request to order a court martial, and also in reply to the remark whic i was made to hiiu, that lie himself waspi strict disciplinarian, he said he liked discipline as well as any man, in tae navy as well as i.i the army, but he liked justice too. . The iNew Vork delegation here talk some of j holding a caucus and comparing notes ouj&e slavery question, preparatory to a general whig caucus, which is taken about. Tue object of the proposed general caucus is to arrive at some general conclusion on the slavery question, and t ??* twiiinltfct iti nr fihw>CQ nf tl?<? nrovont' 4*?? ? t~r-:?y ?'*v~? ? 11 continue in the places which tliey now till. I shall AKutch. this -movement and report pro'risi. * ' - " > Correspondence oft lie Ikvltim ire Sun. W ASirtAero.N, March 20, 1850. The Nicaragua treaty, negotiated by Mr. Squiers, is before the Senate, liuvitig been mU niitted for ratification. All the correspondence, instructions, dec., connected with oar relations towards Central America, uk also before the Senate, in its Executive capacity. Some weeks agol informed you that no treaty had been made with Great Britain iy relation to the pretensions of that government, but that Mr. Clayton had offered propositions to Sir Henry Kulwer, on points as to winch he was not instructed. Mr. Claytou proposed that neither the United States nor Great Britain sliould retain juiisdiction over any part of Central America. Lord Palmerston's views ou the subject were not then known. But, if I mistake not, they are pretty well known to our government by this time; and there is no veiy strong reason to believe that the two governments will very soon come to any arrangement on that point 1 do not think the presentndministration will yield the point . it may not, however, iuterfem < with the construction of the oceanic onual. shook! the American contractors determine to ]>ro^cute it. President Taylor has very recently expressed himself very explicitly on the subject of the difficulties which hang over the Union. Helms never threatened the use of force, hut he lias over and over again declared that he would do what he conld to preserve it! Persons of intelligence, who have lmd very recent opportunities of an intimate acquaintance with Southern sentiment?from New Orleans to Richmond? state that the peoplegeuerally, though attached to the Union, are ahead of the representatives here, in regard to movements sjitahle to the crisis. They hardly expect a nnnnili'ifiin- fin/t f?mmlniwi?m(f ?niSt nil the nnrt *"v ---?I e - i of the Noith in Congress, and apprehend that they will he obliged at least, to adopt retaliatory measures. It seems to he a matter of feeling at the South, as, according to Mr. Seward, it is a matter of conscience in the North. If the Southern Convention ever meets, there will ho an increase of agitatoin, as its consequence.? The adoption of retaliatory measures proposed at Richmond, will be recommended by the convention; and every one must perceive that such measures will lead to much sectional iritation. Mr. Calhoun is not long for this world, according to the judgment of his friends. Mental excitement, in addition to bodily infirmity, is wearing him down. Hisphysicians hare decided that it will be imprudent to attempt to re- ' move him to his residence at Fort Hill. There does not seem tj be much disposition on the part of the Senate, to reject Gen. Taylor's nominations. The only fear is that too niauy of them will be confirmed. Ion. Baltimohk, March 16. I learn from one of the principal proprietors in the line of telegraph on Bain's patent, extending from Washington city to Boston, that tho Company propose putting up a line from Washington to New Oi leans, on the same routcnow occupied by the Mor?e line. The stock is nearly an uiitt'ii aim uiu arran^i'iiii'iiia *uu I about consummating preparatory to tlie commencement of its construction. There exists a question, however, whether the Bain patent is not an infringement upon Morse, ami if so whether it will not be liable to injunction. The Morse local magnet, key and principle of alphabet are certainly used by the new line, and; without one or all of them the instrument would be, to a great extent, impracticable. If however, Morse cannot sustain and protect his patent?which I think he should do?then it becomes a question how far the stockholders in his invention aie liable to him and he to them. They have invested their money on the presump tion that his patent was valid and could not ho infringed upon to their detriment; and, in my opinion, unless the patentees protect the original purchasers of the patent, they cannot, in justice, expect to receive an equivalent for a thing to which they could give no title. The spirit of competition is commendable in all enterprises, hut not when it descends to an organized system of pirating. I believe Morse's invention to he legitimate. It has cost him many