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s .1" * * The Camden Journal. PVBL19I1RD BV TIIO. J. WARREN it C. A. PRICE, EDITORS AND PROPRIETORS. TERMS. For the Semt Weekly, Tlirce Dollars and Fifty CenU ! if paid in advance, or Four Dollars if piyuicnt is do- j luyid tlir.-e months. For I'm Weekly, Two Dollars and Fifty Cents in j advance, or Tliree Dollars after tile expiration of llirrc j months. SPEECH OF MR. C. G. MEMMINGER, On the Question of Recliarltring the Bank of i the State of South Carolina ?Delivered in the House of Representatives, Dec. 9, 1848. The following Resolutions, offered by Mr. j Meniminger, with sundry others offered by oth- j er members of the House of Representatives, 011 I the same subject, were under discussion of Com- j mittee of the Whole, on Saturday, Oth Decent- 1 ber, 1848: 1. Rrsolred. Tliat it is unwise and inexpedi- 1 cut for a State to engage in Banking, or to subject its resources to the casualties of Banking operations. 2. Resolved. That the Bank of the State is founded on this erroneous policy, and exposes the public Treasury and the public faith to the hazards incident to Bauks. 3. Resolved, That it is inexpedient to recharter the Bank of the State, and that measures ought now to be taken to wind up its concerns during the period of its present cha ter. 4. Rcsolwd, That a Social Committee of each House be appointed, to devise and report at the next session, the proper measures for carrying into effect the last Resolution. When Mr. Memminger addressed the Committee to the nurnort of the Speech which fol lows: Mr. Chairman : I intend to discuss the question before the House, as one altogether of State Policy; and that I may not be led aside hereafter by personal issues, I shall dispose at once of all such considerations here, at the commencement of my remarks. \ The force of what I may say is sought to be broken in advance, either by imputing to the opponents of the Bank motives of interest, or a desire to injnre those who couduct its affairs.- i On the first point, 1 have only t ?say, that there [ is no aetion which the State ca.i take in rela* i tion to any Bank, which can cause me to gain i or lose to the extent of live hundred dollars.? j The second imputation can in 110 way apply to , me, inasmuch as a lifetime passed near eacli : other, has been one of continued kindness and j good feeling between myself and tiie .President of the Bank. These relations have been pre served through the shocks of party excitement and contention; and at this moment, the only pain which I feel in entering upon this discus- I sian, is, that it must produce trials and difficulty j to a friend, whom in his present state of health, I I would gladly have saved from this addition.? , But events over which 1 have no control have i forced this subject upon us. I have neither j sought nor desired the unenviable task which is j upon me. I find myself at a post which the State requires me to maintain, and I have no alternative but to discharge my duty. The great question which has been brought | up for our consideration by tiie Message of the J i i .1 n ?* _.!? uoveriior, aim uy tae various uesoiuuoas suij- 1 mittcd, is, whether it is for the interest of the ! people of South Carolina, that the Hank of tiie j State should he brought to a close, or whether j its Charter should be renewed ? Those who j think with me, are ol opinion that the union ol j Bank and State is an unsound and injurious * connection, mutually corrupting ?nd liiuinaily ! productive of evil; and that as we have succeed- I ed in dissolving this connection in the General Government, we ought equally to strive to pro- j cure its separation from the State Government, j In order to devclope the subject more fully, it j will be proper in the first place, to explain the : connection which exists between the Bank of the ! State and the State of South Carolina, and to 1 . show how far the State is involved in the con- j cerns of the Bank. The Capital of the Bank consists of two dis- 1 tinct parts. The first part amounts at present ! to 81,12-3,357 00; and is made up of various ! portions of Bank Stock and other funds which 1 the State owned at the time the Bank was orig- j inally chartered. To this must he added, what ' is called the Sinking Fund, amounting at pres ent to 8541,410 00; which is made up oi the annual profits of the Bank, remaining after paying the public debt, and also of the sum of 8200,000 received from the Surplus Revenue of the United States. These sums, amounting to 81,004,773, are entirely the property of the State, and constitute the real banking capital of the 1 Bank But besides this, there is a second part, composed entirely of Borrowed Capital, which has ; been placed in the possession of the Bank, and ' is called part of its capital. This consists of about two millions of dollars, which was borrowed for the ostensible purpose of rebuilding the City of Charleston. Only about one million , of this was ever needed to be lent out to the citizens of Charleston, and the remainder has been , used by the Bank in its business operations.? The money was all borrowed on the Bonds of the State, and consequently the State is answerable for the whole of it; and any loss which j the Bank may make, must of course be made good by the State. The funds therefore which the Bank is using, and which either belong to , the State, or are borrowed on her credit, amount i in round numbers to three and a hail' millions of 1 dollars. i There is still a further connection between < the llank and the State, which it is necessary to ' (level0|>c. By the charter of the Bank the State ! ' lias j;ledged her faith for its support, and in con- 1 I sequence thereof, the Shite is liable for the is- , sues and deposites of the Bank. At present these amount to $ 1,728,Ut>2, and must be add- I cd to the previous stun 01 uiree niui a nan 11111- 1 lions, or more accurately, $3,58tl,03'?i; making i the total sum of ?5,3If),51)4, for which the finances of the State are involved with the Bank ; < ;md every dollar of which is at the risk of the I State. An immense machine, involving nearly j< twenty times the atiuu tl tax income of the State! | j Such a machine, I will proceed to show, is i contrary to the spirit of our (.Government, and to the principles of constitutional liberty. 1. It isso complex in its nature, that few have time or opportunity to understand it. In a government like ours, which is to be conducted by the people, all its arrangements should be made as simple as possible. All experience proves, that the more completely any department is re- j moved from popular scrutiny and inspection, the j more certainly does it become corrupt. Even j a mode of collecting taxes which is complex and | removed from observation, is found tu be oner- ; ous and repugnant to republican principles. Hut j Here is an institution vasuy mure e.\ieiis>ne ui.-m tbe whole State Treasury, which has absorbed all the funds of the State, and involves her in a matter of live millions; which has drunk up the original State Capital, Sinking Fund, Tire Loan and Surplus Revenue, and must needs be managed by men expert in a particular science, and ; which makes out its annual accounts in state- ; meats which few ever read, because few only i can spare the time to examine and comprehend J them. What a contrast to the simple machinery of the State Treasury, where a couple of Treasurers receive the taxes of the Fpper and Lower country, and pay them out as directed by the Representatives of the people at the annual meeting of the Legislature. ~ " - - - c* a\ r* ! i... Z. The Constitution 01 aotun Carolina, vests the Legislative authority of the State in the Senate and House of Representatives; but the char ter of the Bank vests a larger Legislative authority in a Board of Directors sitting in a Bank parlor in Charleston, veiled in the mystery created by an oath of secrecy. If an appropriation were asked from the Legislature for any public work, the State Constitution will not permit a grant to be made until a bill shall have been read on three sejieratodays in the Senate, and on three separate days in the House of Representatives. Of course upon ?i 1!? . n: eacn roauitig, j.uimiu uistusmuu ui mt hii.-ii.wv I may bo had; and as each House is required.by the Constitution to keep a Journal of its proceedings, and by its rales to record the yeas and nays when repaired, the people may be kept fully advised of all that is done by their representatives?and so jealously does the Constitution watch over this legislative authority, that itgreat right arm, the taxing power, is expressly j retained in the House of Representatives, and i the Senate is not permitted to originate a bill to raise taxes. % Rut the power which is thus so jealously watched, as to be refused even to the Senate of j the State, is given at large by the Hank charter j to the Directors of the Rank. Nay, they even j have power winch the Legislature itself cannot 1 undo. They have power to contract debts to j the extent of twice their capital, and can thus at j pleasure impose upon the State a d"ht of seven | tvi.ii.li t'm tinntil't \vi?nl?l Im niiliirnd til i IIIlllllMIf, .....V. rv,.r.v. ......... .. meet, whether they approved it or not. And ; that too, not upon open discussion upon a bill j to be read three times, but upon a mere order of; a Board made in half an hour, without any discussion, or if upon discussion, the reasons veiled by the impenetrable folds of an oath of secrecy. . Here then is a clear surrender to an irresponsible oligarchy of the great constitutional powers oi iioveriimeiit ? the power to borrow money 0:1 the faith of the public, and the power to apply it at pleasure. The only barrier which ^ has ever been yet found against the invasions of ( tyranny?that with which Hampden and Pym, j .lecw.i Anu tlif> fi v&t ' iliiu liivn iiooyiinivo, mv m ?! < u?ic . of the tyrant Charles; that shield which John i Hancock and oar brave Revolutionary fathers j retained at the expense of a death grapple with ! the mighty power of England ?is surrendered 1 to a small Hoard of Bank Directors, in the hope, forsooth, that we may make money by the op- \ eratioa; thus bargaining away the liberties of the people ib a ineas of pottage. But not only lias the State surrendered to this Bank the power to borrow money, and thereby to tax the people at will, but she has actually allowed them power to patronise sehemcs of enterprise, which the Legislature itself would scarcely venture to exercise. The Bank may, , without consulting the Legislature, or the pco- ' pie,engage in any scheme- commercial, man-1 ufacturing, or speculative?which it may see lit to foster. While we are gravely debating here | whether we cut oil five hundred dollars from the salary of the Adjutant General, or whether we shall save for the .State the salary of a .Superintendent of Pnhlie \Y u.'ks, this ols Legislature may lie subscribing hundreds of' thousands to a Georgia Railroad, or embarking in a Rank speculation of millions, or creating ii;:y number of Dank oflicers and salaries, to he paid from thai large treasury which the .State : lias placed in the keeping ol the Dank. | Gentlemen may suppose I am indulging in pictures of the imagination, or drawing upon far-fetched possibilities. Unfortunately, i speak the words of sober troth and reason. Take up the Dank Statement now on your table, and you will find that near half a million of the public money in the hands of the Dank, is now invested in Railroad securities and Dank Stocks. We have been discussing here in the Legislature for more than two years, whether we shall aid the great public Railroads from Columbia to Greenville and Charlotte, and with a great effort we have at last agreed to subscribe to them a half million of dollars. The Dank could have settled this matter for them in half an hour, by doing as they have done for two of the Gcorgia Railroads which figure in their statement. Very probably it was wise and proper for the Dank to aid these enterprises. 1 am not now canvassing that point. Rut I think 1 may veil lure to say, t.iat many years mu.-t have elapsed,! before any effort could have suece- ded in per suadiug this Legislature,so to apply the moneys ; ui'South Carolina. My design is accomplished , when I show the met. That fact proves most strikingly how much greater is the power, and how much smaller the responsibility, of our Hank than of our Legislature. Hut this is not all. The Representatives of1 the people would hesitate much helbre they von- j lured to embark the public moneys in subserib- j ing to a Hank speculation, or in building up j Manufacturing Companies, lint when the Hank ; of Charleston was established, this other Legis- ; Inture did not hesitate to subscribe one million : eight hundred thousand dollars to its stock, on a mere speculation; nor has the Hank he/dated to assist various manutacturing companies dv s loans, all of which may have been made upon i just views of expediency; but certainly are . much bolder measures than could have been car-: ricd through the Constitutional Legislature of the State. All these transactions were made by the Hoard of Directors ; and as far as that is a check, had the benefit of it. But there are other transactions nftho li;nilr in ivliii'li tln> St-iti' ni.1V 1)0 iil volved to the extent of thousands, without even j the intervention of the Board of Directors. The | whole issues of the Bank are under the control' of the President and Cashier, and by any com- i bination between them, or even at the will of: the Cashier alone, the circulation of the Bank ; may be increased to any extent he may please. | It is unfortunately too true, that hoth Presidents , and Cashiers have been found who have betray-1 ed their trust; and although I have no doubt j but that the present officers of the Hank are per- ! feetlv honest, yet in establishing a great national institution, we must take it for granted that it wili be managed by men of like imperfection witli those who have managed other institutions. It is within the knowledge of many who hear - ? .1 i? i i ... i me, max iwo 01 me private i>amis nave suuereu i considerably by notes surreptitiously issued j through the fault or ncgligolice of the Cashier. The same thing may happen with the? Hank of the State to any extent, and the people are thus ! exnosed to a danwr which few rx'Oiile are ! i - ?. o Ml j aware of, and which unfortunately cannot he j discovered until many years afterwards?possi- j biv not until the Bank shall have been woundup. I 3. In the third place, it will appear that the ! Rank of the State is the real Treasury of the State, ai.d as such, it violates the spiiit of all those guards which the Constitution in its wisdom places around the people's Treasury. From what has been already said, it is apparent that much the larger portion of the funds of the State is i:i the keeping of the Bank. The Capital of the Bank, the Sinking Fund, the Sur1 " ' ' ? ? rt II M 1 jiius Kcvenue, tup Lnviuenus irum me uauroaa ?oven the general taxes themselves, all fall into the hands of the Bank, and arc administered by men who hold office indefinitely, frequently for life. When we consider the jealousy which the Constitution exhibits on this score, it renders ~ l the Bank still more anomalous. By the 1st j Section, t?th Article of Constitution, the Treasurers of the State are to hold their offices only for four years, and then they are ineligible for a term. The Constitution evidently thought it unsafe to place the public moneys i:t any hands for more than four years. But in the Bauk,: where ten times as much public money passes, I the officers remain for life. The President and Cashier are re-elected as a matter of course; and when a Director is changed, it is merely because either some more urgent competitor has jostled him from his place, or because he is tired 1 of the continued struggle to keep himself before a nominating Committee. fc'o too the State Constitution, Article 1, Seo tiojj 17, enacts that no mono}' shall he drawn from the Treasury, but by the authority of the Legislature. Hut from this other Treasury, money is drawn at the will of the Directors, to buy houses and stocks, and to pay salaries at j their pleasure. And whalis infinitely more dan- j gerous, money is borrowed on the public faith, j to be loaned out to themselves or their friends,! at their own absolute discretion, without check j or accountability. I cannot exhibit this extraordinary feature in ; our State Institutions in a more striking liirht ! " O O 1 than at- it is depicted by one of tlio warmest sup- j porters of the Dank, the late Comptroller General Elmore, the brother, of the present President. " The State (he says) presents the anomaly in finance of placing not only a large Hanking Capital, but the whole of its Treasury, in the hands of a few individuals, with no other security for tlu-ir faithful and honest management than their individual character. Character is certain!} one of the best securities which can be obtained for the discharge of public duties, but 1 can see no reason why others should not be added. It is in vain to say, until the human ?1 4 ... o ? Ituftcrn tiftsit I'llillill'll'I UliUl"! jjUVO 44 lijwiuu^ti viiuhqV) ? ??? | you can till the direction of your Hunk with individuals who will serve the State from disinterested motives alone; and it is a question yet to he settled, whether you are not paying your Directors the highest price for their services, without possessing a corresponding security for their fidelity and honesty. It is known to be the pr^c tice of the Hank, to extend to eaeli uirector n credit to a considerable amount. As tlie State gives no compensation lor the discharge of this very important trust, this cannot be considered unreasonable. Uut it is to be feared that many bad debts may be contracted thereby, and the State become a laser-loan ainount which would have exceeded a proper direct compensation to 1 the Directors," &e, 4. Should then an Institution having such powers, and governed in tiii3 manner, he connected with the State ? Surely it must be obvious to every one, that if the Hank of the United States was dangerous to the whole Union, a Hank of the State must be doubly dangerous to the jtcoplc of a single State. The whole public Treasury is equally involved in all the casualties ol Banking. The provision made for paving the public debt, exists in what is called the Sinking fund, and the whole of this fund is lent out by the Bank Directors in common with the general funds of the Bank. Of course with a view to make more money, this fund is lent out to the very latest hour, and if in that last hour any commercial revulsion should take place, it would be impossible to call in the fund, and so the public faith would have to stand upon the chance of a Banking operation. I think it may be demonstrated, that such a state of tilings had actually occurred when the public debt be1**1 min ii*iv*ilili> in 1810: and that most disastrous consequences might luive ensuetl, il* the Bank had not received aid .from the new public debt which was then created. Neither does it need a labored argument to prove, that borrowing money upon the public * - - : o--: 1? -I. _ fiiitli, to lend the same out 10 uiuiviuniua, is <-i most unsound and vicious system. The Hank of the State now holds a million of dollars in this way. Can anything be more obvious, than that every dollar of this money is at the risk of the people; and that the people arc in fact the; endorsers of those to whom the money is loaned? Take for instance a single transaction.? One thousaud dollars are borrowed in the name of the State, and the Bank lends the money to a Bank Director, it" the Director should fail, the people must be taxed to pay the money to the public creditor from whom it was borrowed, and tiie people thus become virtually endorser of this Bank Director. Can anything be more unsound in principle, or corrupting in practice ? And yet this is the legitimate result of the union of Bank and State. I think, then, I may fairly take it as demonstrated, that the Bank of the State is an institution at variance with the spirit of our Constitu mm ? iounueu on erroneous principles,nuu contrary to those Republican maxims wbiAi lie at the basis-of all constitutional liberty. i). The next proposition which I will endeavor to establish, is that the Rank of the State, from its very nature, operates to mislead and influence in a wrong direction, President, Directors, and the Legislature itself; and that, if the President of the Rank be a politician, the Bank virtually gives a master to the State. Let it be obscured in the first place, that the Directors are appointed by the Legislature; and when once in oilice, there is nothing to check them in making returns to those who have helped them into place. In a private Rank, the interest of the Director in the Stock, or the interout of the Stnekluililors tliomsolvos, would fur tiish souk* check. But on neither side do these influences operate in the Hank of the State.? The member of the Legislature is tempted to favor as a Director the man who is likely to favor him with accommodation ; and 011 the other hand, the Director is much more likely to favor a man of political influence i:i the Legislature, than one of mere pecuniary credit. The tendency of such a system 011 both parlies must be most unfortunate; and the experience of our Bank lias most thoroughly verified it. For everv one admits that the scramble for a seat at the Board of Directors, and the scenes of electioneering which are exhibited about this Hall, are anything but edifying to the friends of morals and good order, and must eiicn shock the sensibilities of the friends of the Bank itself. But the most baneful influence is tlilt which is produced upon the councils of the country, by tiie secrecy which is wrapped around the concerns of the Bank. .Members of the Legislature become the subject of its influence through both hope and fear. A man may have procured a 1 1 1 A. Zl. 1 _ it. 11 1 large loan wiucu u uiny ruin nun to ut* caueu on to pay. A measure vitally interesting to tlie Bank may come up for discussion, and tliis very man may be a member of the Legislature which is to act. Were it known that lie was in the power of the Bank, his influence would be lost, and his words would be unheeded. But shrouded in darkness, he is allowed to stand up here, and commend himself to his Bank supporters, or he may even lie constrained or urged by them to take their part, and assist iu sustaining their power. Again. The natural tendency of all power and influence is to seek its own increase. The President and Directors are ever on the alert to increase the funds of the Bank, and ihus to extend their own power andinflucuce. , Every occasion is seized to stave off the payment of public debt, or other demands which may diminish their resources; and the result is that Government Banks are ever the active fosterers of all schemes of extravagance and wasteful expenditure. We shall see in another part of this a:? ...i. .ii. _ n i. i j 4.1 gumeni wueuier our uauiv uns vscapeu uuo i'ui tendency. The last consideration which I shall urge on this head, is that a State Hank, which ought in fact to regulate the currency and keep it sound, operates t'.ic direct contrary, and furnishes an unfortunate and evil example to other hanks.? Tins consequence results from the impunity attending their dc-linqnonces. They know that the Slate will exact no punishment from the Hank for trying to make money. Instead therefore of keeping on hand a large supply of specie to redeem their paper, they increase their issues on tiie one hand, because that is profitable, and diminish their specie on the other because they lose interest by keeping a large amount ofcoin; and having thus increased the disproportion to the greatest degree, they furnish aii example, behind which the private banks gladly shelter themselves. The Legislature ilsclfis prevented from doing its duty, because of the influence of the hank itself upon their deliberations; and because of the just application of the adage, that the nhvsician should first heal hinisef. The I V State is obliged to sit down, and sec the best interests of its people endangered by an unsound and Huctualing'eurreney 0. Having thus established the radical unsoundness of principle upon which the llank of the .State is founded, 1 proceed in the next place to show, that the experience of other States unites in condemning all similar institutions, as baneful to the welfare of society. The Hank of the United States has furnished a striking history on this subject, that our poo pie (who lost three millions in its catastrophe) need not he reminded of its details. Its condemnation is written in those deeply traced characters of national suffering and abhorrence, which I trust will never be erased from the memory of our people. The Pet Hanks (as they were familiarly termed) furnish another example of the disastrous union between Hank and State. Our State from the earliest moment, wro.'e her condemnation of that system; and as far hack as 18315, her Legislature solemnly recorded her judgment that the public moneys should not he subjected to the casualties of Hanking operations. In this oninion South Carolina has persevered up to the present time, repeating her solemn declaration at various periods, and satisfied that truth is on her side, Since the connection between Bank and State has been severed, we have the testimony of the President of the United States, that the (iovernment experienced not the slightest embarrassment throughout all the money trials of the Mexican war; and that not a single dol > i? i...? ?i... T laroi puuuc money iuis uecn iuai iu mv m-.isuit. Concluded on second page. Col. Robert Howard, nu old and highly respected citizen, and for many years Naval Olli. i- a.. _! < >!? cor ui mo i on 01 vimm-oum, . liter ii protracted illness. In respect to his memory, the llags on the Custom House, and on many of the vessels in the harbor, were placed at half mast. ? Cfur. Mercury '..MM ull. . . - - - x r<wtfr ' ^r* v-> v . ^?r.v -rr^. r ME jioraKA^o CAMDEN, S. C. FRIDAY EVENING, MARCH 1, 1850. ??f We call the attention of the community at lanre, and especially of our representatives, to the communication from the Lancaster Senator and Representatives. Lancaster is now, as she ever has been, " close by" when called upon to defend her lights. ABANDONMENT OF THE WILMOT PROVISO. It is now given out from all quarters that tho North will abandon the Wihnot Proviso?that she , will, rather than push a dissolution, content hersjlf with the admission of California as a State, with her present Constitution, and provide Territorial Governments for the Territories. She may well be content, when she has all she lias ever asked. She will have California a free State I?y the vote of its own citizens, it is true; but its citizens are made uo from the Abolition ranks, for the very reason that the eternal agitation of the slavery question by the North, prevented Southern men from emigrating there, and made the voting complexion what it now is. They wiil make tcundetful concessions, no doubt, until they can get us by the Nashville Convention, and then, when all help is gone, laughing at our folly, will finish the work our degradation. U*Our weekly readers will perceive that we have changed the uider of th.n^s. and are gluing t ictn a page n.ore of reading matter than they have ever h d before, which we intend to pursue for the future. The Camden Journal will aflord as late intelligence and as much general information as any country paper. Our Iriends need not fear to lend us their aid Wc intend to do our part to merit their patronage. Z&f Willi pleasure we notice that Richard 31. Dvson. Eso., has taken chance of the editorial * department of the jSuinter Banner. TWO ROBBERIES. Some weeks since, a man calling himself Zachary Washington, robbed the United States of ilr. Hannegan as Minister to Berlin,, and the latter was, on his arrival in Washington, robbed of $80. 23T" 3J>". Hudson, the true delineator of Irish Character, we are pleased to stale, is.now in our I town, and will eive an entertainment to-inorrow ------ ^ < Evening. From the roputatinn which he bears this gentleman is well worth hearing. We bespeak for him a crowded House. The Columbia Telegraph of the 2dth, says: Mr. Hudson's entertainment last evening was even superior to his former effort. The " Random Shots from Rory's Riile" were eviidenlly aimed hv 110 random hand, and the loud and enthusiastic applause with which lie was greeted testified the appreciation of the intelligent audience. Mr. Hudson on the boards is certainly a trne representative of the Irish character, and his merits go beyond this?for, if We are not mistaken, lie displays the best points of that character wherever lie goes?oti the stage or oft*. Mrs. Hudson presided at tiie Piano with much skill and taste, and her accompaniment was a ....l.i.il.l.. nrlililinii t,i llin mitm-hi iiinmnt TO TIIE CITIZENS OF LANCASTER DISTRICT. At ;i meeting informally held by the ineml>ers of loth branches of the Legislature, of South Carolina, in the Chamber of the House of Representatives, on the night of the lOih ofDecember last, for the purpose of responding to the proposition of tie people of Mississippi, to hold a Southern Convention at Nashville, Tennessee, on the first Monday in June next, the following Resolutions were unanimously adopted: 1. Resolved, That we regard with feelings of lively satisfaction the late movement in Mississippi in defence of the rights and interests of the South, and hail it with joy as the first step towards that firm, united, and concerted action among the Southern States, whitfh a sense of their common danger im{>etiously demands. Resolved, That the recommendation of the State of Mississippi ofa Southern Convention to be held at Nashville, Tennessee, on the first Monday in June next, should be cordially cmbraced by tiie whole South, that by common counsels we may avert the common calamities impending over us through the action of tin, O'eneral (jiovernment, driven on by the lust o power and the fell spirit of fanaticism. d. Resolved, That for the purpose of carry, ing out the recommendations of the people t Mississippi it is expedient that in Legislative can cus, we should nominate four Delegates to repleseat the State at large in the Convention pro1 osed to be bed at Nashville. A. Rcsolvc.l, That still further to carry off the recommendations of the people of Mississipp. we respectfully recommend to the people ofth' State, to meet together, on the first Monday i April next, in the various Parishes and District* of the State, to nominate as mauy Delegates at tlioy have members of the Legislature, to meet 011 the lirst Monday in May succeeding at som central and convenient point in their respectiv Congressional Districts, then and thereto nominate two Delegates to reprcseut such Congressional District in the State in the proposed Con* vention. f>. Resolved, That entertaining a sincere desire to eo-operate with our sister States of t!u South i:i any movements which they may de.'-t flm AAtttMiAii rviw\/l nhH linri 1 Iivtvootiij i vj l UIV? IUIIIIII\'II gwuiij uiiu 11UI i entire confidence in the wisdom, integrity, n . . firmness of the Southern people, whenassemhl in said Convention, we feel and express an u doubting confidence that the people of the Sta of South Carolina, will yield a faithful and u flinching support to any measure which s.i: Convention may recommend. You are therefore requested to meet at Lancaster Court House on the first Monday in Ap'i. next, for the nurnoseof carrvimr out the reco.n 7 1 " I # */ " O ( mcmhtions set forth in tho fourth resolution. DIXON HAKNES, (?EO. McC.WITHEIISPOON, L\ B. MASSEV.