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form. I will not undertake to explain why r it is so. It will tako mo further from the t course which I have prescribed for myself than I t desire' but I will say, in a few words, that it t results from the fact that her Executive and the c House of Lords (the conservative branches of s her Government) are both hereditary, while s the other House of Parliament has a popular c character. The Roman Government exceeded r the British in its rapacity for conquest. No ( Government ever did exist, and none probably | ever will, which, in that particular, equalled c it; but its capacity to hold conquered provinces | ia subjection was as nothing compared to that s of Great Britinn: and hence, when the Roman f power passed beyond the limits of Italy, crossed ( the Asiatic, the McJctcrranean, and the Alps, t liberty fell prostrate; the Roman people became , a rabble; corruption penetrated every depart- ( mcnt of the Government; violence and anarchy j ruled the day. and military despotism closed , the scene. Now, on the contrary we see Eng- | land, with subject provinces of vastly greater , territorial extent, and probably o( not inferior ( population, (I have compared them.) we see \ her, I repeat, going on without the personal liberty of the subject being materially impaired, j or the Government subject to violence or an- ( arcbyl Yet England has not wholly escaped , the curse which must ever befall a free Govern- | ment which holds extensive provinces in sub- , ^ e nUU/vitnU oKa kilo n/%t I Act line I ilmrti' jcvtiuU) iuif aiuauu^ii ouo iiuo iiwi iu."i i?v;s immh i or fallen into anarchy, ye.t we behold the population of England crushed to the earth by the superincumbent weight of debt and taxation, ) which may one day terminate in revolution. The wealth derived from her conquests and , provincial possessions may have contributed to ' | swell the overgrown fortunes of the upper classes, but has done nothing to alleviate the pressure on the laboring masses below. On the contrary, the expense incident to their conquest, , and of governing and holding them in subjection, have been drawn mainly from their labor, and bare increased instead of decreasing the , weight of the pressure. It has placed a burden upon them, which, with all their skill and industry, with all the vast ascumulation of capita) ami power of machinery, with which they are aided, they are scarce capable of bearing, without being reduced to the lowest depths of poverty. Take, for example, Ireland her earliest and nearest conquest, and is it not to this day a cause of heavy expense, and a burden, instead of a source of revenue? , Ou the contrary, our Government, in this particular, is the very reverse of the British. Of all free Governments it has the least capaei- | ty, in proportion to the wpalth and population j i of the country, to bear patronage. The genius j of the two, in this particular, is precisely oppo- > site, however much alike in exterior forms and i oilier particular*, rne cause ol mis uiuerence 1 will not undertake to explain on the present occasion. It results from its federal character ' , and elective chief magistrate; and, so far from ; the example of Great Britian constituting a safe ] precedMt for us to follow, the little she has \ , gained from her numerous conquests and vast , provincial possessions, and the heavy hurden* ( which it has imposed upon her people to meet ( the consequent expenses, ought to he to us a warning never to be forgotten, especially when we reflect that, from the nature of our Govern- ( meat, we would be so liable to the other and ( greater evils from which she, from the nature , of bcr Government, is in a great measure ex- , empted. Such and so weighty arc the objections to conquering Mexico, and holding it as a subject-province. Nor are the reason* b*s weighty against in- j corporating her into the Union. As fir as law is concerned, that is ea?i'y done. All that is , necessary to establish a Territorial Government i for the several States in Mexico, of which there are upwards of twenty; to appoint governors, j judges, and magistrates, and to give to the population a subordinate right of making law*, we j defraying the cost of the Government. So far | as legislation goes, the work will he done; hut ; there would lie a great difference between these Territorial Governments and those which we bare heretofore established within our own limits. These are only the offsetts of our own people, or foreigners from the same country from which our ancestors came. The first settlers in the Territories are too few in number to form and support a government of their own, and are under obligation to the Government of the United States for forming one for them, and defraying the expenses of maintain, iog It, knowing, as they do, that, when they hare sufficient population, they will be permitted to form a constitution for themselves, and be suimitted as a member of the Union. During i the period of their Territorial Government, no force is necessary to keep them in a state of subjection. The ense will be entirely different tyjlh these Mexican Territories. When you form them, you must have powerful armies to hold them in subjection, with all the expenses incident to supporting them. You inav call Territories, but they would, in reality, be under another name, and would involve the conntry In all the difficulties and dangers which I havo already shown would result from holding , the country in that condition. How long this f ?? .v,: j i?,. ,i i.i i._ - incite vi iinifga WWUJU I?M vcivii: uiuj' WUIIIU uc I fitted to he incorporated into the Union as f States we may form some idea from similar in. ^ stances with which we are familiar. Ireland f has been held in subjection by England forma- i ny centuries, and jet remains hostile, although t her people are of a kindred race with the con- | qucrors* The French colony in Canada still | entertain hostile feelings towards th?-ir conquerors, although living in the midst of them < for nearly one hundred years. It we may f judge from these examples, it would not be un- ? safe to conclude that the Mexicans never will t be reconciled to our authority. The better class have Castillian blood in their veins, and : ; are of the old Gothic stock?quite equal to the I Anglo-Saxons in many respects, and in some ! \ superior. Of all the people upon earth, they , I are the most pertinacious; they hold out longer, t and often when there would seem to be no pros, pect of ever making effectual resistance. It is , admitted, I believe, on all hands, that they are ( now universally hostile to us, and the probabili- f ty is will continue so. j | But suppose this difficulty removed. Sup. | | nnm itiAir Lncfil!li> c/wniM i-iritn -iinl flint- tlw.nU 1 r,rv ??? , ........... | , become desirous of being incorporated in our L Union. Ought we to admit them? Ar- the ( Mexicans fit to ho politically associated with us? , Are tbey fit not only to govern themselves, hut t for governing us also? Are any of you, Sena- < tors, willing that your State should constitute a | member of a Union, of which twenty odd Alex- ( lean States, more than one-third of the whole. | would he a part, the far greater part of the in. , habitants of which are juire Indians, not equal ( in intelligence and elevation of charae'er to ( the Cherokee*, Choctaws, or any of our South- f ern Indians tribes? ( We make a great mistnkc in supposing all c people are capable of self-government. Acting [ under that impression, many are anxious to t force free governments on all the people ofcon- p tinent, and orertbe world, if they had the pow- a # - n ? ' ?! -Bi.jxL-i.il?uaea?aa >r. It has been lately urged in a very respecable quarter, that it is the mission of this counry to spread civil and religious liberty over all he globe, and especially over this continent? sveti by force, if necessary. It is a sad dcluion. None but a people advanced to a high tato of moral and intellectual excellence are :apab!e, in a civilized condition, of forming and naintaining free governments; and among hose who are so far advanced, very few indeed tavo had the goo'd fortune to form constitutions :apable of endurance. It is a remarkable fact n tho political history of man that there is carcely an instance of a free constitutional gov. trnment which has been the work exclusively >f foresight and wisdom. They have all been he result of a fortunate, combination of circum ;tancns. ft is a very difficult task to make a ^institution worthy ot being called so. This tdmirable federal constitution of ours is the result of such a combination, It is superior to he wisdom of any or all of the men by whose a;eney it was made. The force of circumstau:es, and not foresight or wisdom, induced them o adopt many of its wisest provisions. If these views be correct, the end of the policy recommended by the President, whether contemplated or not, will be to force the governmenf to adopt one or the other alternatives alluded to in these resolutions. With this impression I cannot support the policy he recommends, for the reasons assigned in the first resolution. The first of these is. that it would be inconsistent with the avowed object for which I he war has been prosecuted. That it would be so is apparent from what has already been said. Since the commencement of the war until this time, the President has continually disavowed the intention of conquering Mexico and subjecting her to our control, lie has constantly proclaimed that the only object was inrlemnity, and that the war is prosecuted to obtain it by treaty; and yet if the results should be as 1 have stated, the end will be, that what was disavowed will be, accomplished, and what has been avowed to be its object will be defeated. Such a result would be deep and lasting impeachment of the sincerity or (he intelligence of the Government: of its sincerity, because directly opposed to what it has continually and emphatically disavowed; or of its intelligence, for not perceiving what ought to have been so readily anticipated. We have heard much of the reputation which our country has acquired by this war. I acknowledge it to the lull amount as fir as the mil1 in U. A.*nn Ito nary is concerned, i iil-? mj ucwu?... ly nobly, and conferred high honors on the conntry, for which I sincerely thank them; I apprehend that the reputation acquired does not go beyond this, and that in other respects we have lost instead of acquiring reputation by the war. ft would seem certain from all publications from abroad, tbat the government itself has not gained reputation in the eyes of the. world for justice, moderation, or wisdom. Whether this lie deserved or no', it is not for me to inquire at present I am now spoltking merely of reputation and in that view it appears that we have lost abroad as much in civil and political reputation as we have acquired for skill and valor in arms. But, much as I regard military glory, as much I rejoice to witness the display of that indomnitable energy and courage which surmounts all difficulties, I would he sorry indeed that our government should lose ahy portion of that high character for justice, moderation, and discretion which distinguished it in the early stages of our history. The next reason assigned is that, either holding .Mexico as a province or incorporating her into the Union, would be unprecedented by any r**!?mnlit in our historv. We have conquered ... - - - J - _ . many of the neighboring tribes of Indians, l>?t we have never thought ol holding them in stih. joction or of incorporating them into our Union. I'hey have been left .as an independent people in the midst ol us, or been driven lack into the brests. Nor have wo ever incorporated Mexco would he the first departure of the kind; for more than half its population are pure Indians, ind far the larger portion of the residue mixed dood. I protest against the incorporation of iueh a people. Ours is the government of the white man. The great misfortune of what was oriner'y Spanish America, is to be traced to he filial error of placing the colored race on an quality with the white. That error destroyed he social arrangement which formed the basis if their society. This error we have wholly scaped. The Brazillians, formerly a province >f Portugal, have escaped also to a considerable ixtent; and they and we arc the only people oft he ,'ontinent who have made revolutions without marchy. And yet, with this example before hem, and our uniform practice, there are those tmong us who talk about erecting these Mexicans into territorial governments, and placing hetnon an equality with the people of thetc states, I utleriy protest against the project. It is a remarkable fact, in this connexion, hat, in the whole history of man, as far as my nformation extends, there is no instance what vcr of any civilized colored race, of any shade icing found equal to the establishment and naintcnnncc of free government, although by ar the largest proportion of the human family s composed of ihern; and even in the savage itatc we rarely find ihem any where with such ?overnm<*ntR, except it he our noble savages; or noble I will call them for many high qnaliies. They for the most part had free instituions, hut such institutions arc much more easi. y sustained among a savage than a civilized eoplc. Are we to overlook this great tact? \re we to associate with ourselves as equals, :ompanions, and fellow-citizens, the Indians and nixed races of Mexico? I would consider such issociation as dogjading to ourselves and fatal o our institutions. The next remaining reasons assigned, that t would he in conflict with the genius and charicier of our government, and, in the end, sub.'ersive of our free institutions, are intimate y connected, and I shall consider them togcth;r. That it would he contrary to the genius and diaractcr of our Government, and subversive if our free popular insti lit ions, to hold Mexico is a subject province, is a proposition too clear "or argument before a body so enlightened as he Senate. You know the American Constiution too well, yon have looked into history, md are too well acquainted with the fatal ef ects which largo provincial possessions nave 'ver had on tin* in<iitntions of freo .Stales, to iced any proof to satisfy you how hostile it ivouhl l?e to the institutions of this country lo ioIcI Mexico as a province. There is not an xatnulo on record of any free Slate holding a irovince of the same extent and population vithout disastrous consequences. The nations :onqueroil and held as provinces have, in time, etaliaied hy destroying the liberty of their conpjerors. through the corrupting effect of extenling patronage and irresponsible power. Such :ertainly would he the case. The conquest of Mexico would add so vastly to the patronage of his (.Jovernrnent, that it would absorb the whole towers of the States: the Union would become in imperial power, and (be States reduced to to mere subordinate corporations. But the ly evil would not end there; the process, would go to on, and the power transferred from the States to the Union would bo transferred from this Leg- no islative department to the Executive. All the ou immense patronage which holding Mexico as a fre province would create, the maintenance of nn of army to hold it in subjection, and the appoint' ed ment of a multitude of civil officers necessary to all govern it, would be vested in bint. The great sa influence which it would give the ^President tic would be the means of controlling the Legisla- wl live department, and subjecting it to his dicta- ca tion, especially when combined with the prin- wl ciple of proscription which has now become the ra established practice of the Government. The wl stru^le to obtain the Presidential chair would Bj become proportionally great?so great as to de. co stroy the freedom of elections. The end won!* of be anarchy or despotism as certain as I am now ou addressing the Senate. gc But of the few nations who have been so Ibrt mate as to adopt wise constitutions, still "r fewer have had the wisdom long to preserve them. It is harder. to preserve them than to ,ei obtain liberty. After years of prosperity, the m tenure by which it is held is but loo often forgotten; and I fear, Senators, that such is the s0 case with us. There is no solicitude now "a about liberty. It was not so in the early days a'' of the Republic. Then it was the first object -ve of our solicitude. The maxnn then was, that m 'power is always stealing from the many to the few;" "the price of liberty is perpetual vigilence." Then no question of any magnitude se came up in which the first inquiry was not "Is w it constitutional?" "is it consistent with our r" free popular institutions?" "how is it to affect our liberty?" It is so now. Questions of the greatest magnitude arc now discussed without T refeiencn or allusion to these vital considera- I,r lions. I have been open struck with the fact u that, in the discussions of the great questions K in which we are now engaged, relating to the a' origin and the conduct of this war, their efTect ,n on the free institutions and the liberty of the. at people have surely been alluded to. although a< their bearing in that respect is so direct and ',J i disastrous. They would, in former days, have , been the great and leading topic of discussion; Cfl and would, above all other.?, have had the most vv powerful effect in arousing the attention of the country. But now other topics occupy the at- vc tenlion of Congress and of the country?mill- i)r tary g'ory, extension of the empire, and the 'n aggrandizement of the country. To what is w this great change to be attributed? Is it be. ai cause there has been a decay of the spirit of w liberty among the people? I think not. I be lieve that it was never more ardent. The rt' true cause ts, that we have ceased to remem- xv ber the tenure by which liberty alone can be " preserved. We have had so many years of !U prosperity?passed through so many difficulties and dangers without the loss of liberty?that u we begin to think that we hold it by right Divine from Heaven itself. Under this impression, without thinking or reflecting, we plunge or into war, contract heavy debts, increase vastly the patronage of the Executive, and indulge in y every species of extravagance, without think* ing that we expose our liberty to hazard. It lri is a great anil fatal mistake. The day of rrtrb P* buti.?n will come; and, wlien it does, awfiil nc will be the reckoning, and heavy the rc3ponsi- L*1 bility somewliere. . lt? I have now shown, Senators, that the conquest of Mexico, and holding it as a subject province, or inc irporaling it into our Union, ^ is liable to the many and irresistible objections, -| assigned in the. first resolution. 1 have also , |jf shown that the policy recommended by the |(j Praci/lnn! if carried mil. would terminate in all t probability in its conquest, and holding it either "j" in one or the other mode staled; and that such is the opinion of the President himself, unless in the mean time peace can be obtained. Believing, that this line of policy might lead to consequences so disastrous, it ought not, in my ^ opinion, to be adopted. Thus thinking I can ' not give it my support. The question is then -ji presented. What should be done? It is a great , and difficult question, and daily becoming more ' ro. I, who have used every effort to prevent this war, might excuse myself Irom answering ^ it, and leave it to those who liave incurred f)p greater responsibility in rela'ion to it. But I ^ will not shrink from any responsibility where the safety of the country or its institutions arc jjf at stake. wj The first consideration in determining what a|| line of policy, in the present stale of things, ve ought to lie adopted, is to decide what line wiil je, most effectually guard against the dangers which w| I have shown would result troin the conquest of jjc Mexico, and :hc disastrous consequences which m, would follow it. |)() After the most mature reflection which 1 tin have been able to give to the subject, I am of be opinion now, and have been from the first, that frt the only one by which it can lie certainly guar- lie ded age" ? is to take the question of indemm- tci ty " . ..wit hands?to occupy defensively, on am subject to negotiation, a portion of the , to ten., /of Mexico, wliieh we may deem am- 1 lal pie to cover all proper claims upon her, ami tc< which will be best suited to us to acquire and th least disadvantageous to her to lose. Such was on my impression when the message oftlm Presi- ioi dent of the United States recommended to Con- pe grpss the recognition of the existence of the war ha ailh Mexico. My view, at that time, as to tin the proper course to bo pursued, was to vote tin the supplies, to rescue (Jen. Taylor and his ar- ah my from the dangers which surrounded them, ou and take time to determine whether we should i w< recognise the war or not. Had it been adopt- ad ed, 1 would have insisted on raising a provi- of sional army, to be collected at some proper in< point and to be trained and disciplined; but to be postpone the declaration of war until the Con- w; gross of Mexico, in which, according to her dil constitution, the war making power resided, w< should be allowed time to disavow the intention ; to of making the war on us, and to adjust all dif- | ferences between the two countries. Hut, if tw she refused, even then I would have advised to dc seize, by way of reprisal, the portion of hertcr- ha ritory which we might select, and hold it defen- no l sively, as I have ju?t stated, instead of dcclar- lie ing war formally against her; and that mainly vo for the purpose of avoiding the very dangers tei against which these resolutions are intended to ad guard. Hut such was the urgency which was sk supposed then to exist that no time was allowed tin to present or press these views upon the Senate, oil Such a course, besides the saving of an im- ga menso sacrifice of men and money, and avoid- nil inir tlie mnnv other evils to which the course CO adopted lias already subjected the country, tvti would have cllecltially prevented our being en- Mii ' tangled in the a flairs of .Mexico, from which to we lindjit now so difficult to extricate ourselves, he This consideration alone gives it decisive ad- tec. vantages over (he course adopted, and makes vie it vastly superior, even if it should involve the Tf same sacrifice of men and money to maintain mi a defensive line, as would, to use the usual rc< phrase, the vigorous prosecution ol the war.? an Mexico is to us a dead body, and this is the on- pu way that we can cut the cord which binds us the corpse. i In recommending this line of policy 1 look j t to the interests of Mexico, but to those of < r own country, and to the preservation of its < e popular institutions. With me the liberty i the country is all in nil. If that be preserv, every thing will be preserved; but if lost, will be lost. To preserve it, it is lnruspenble to adopt a course of moderation and jus- i e towards all other countries; to avoid war i ion ever it can be avoided; to let those great i uses now operating continue to work, and lich, by the mere operation of time, will ise our country to an elevation and influence liich no country has over heretofore attained. f pursuing such a course we may succeed in irihining greatness with the largest measures liberty?and do more to extend liberty by r example, over this continent and the world nerally, than would bo done by a thousand stories. It tnay be, in expressing these sennents, that I find no response in the breasts those around me. If so, it must be. attribuJ to the fact that I am growing old. and that y principles and feelings belong to a period thirty or forty-five years anterior to the prent date. It is not, however, the first time I ivc ventured in their maintenance to stand one on this floor. When Gen. Jackson some ars since, during the latter part of his adinislration, recommended to Congress to ise letters of marque and reprisal against ranee, I stood alone in my place here and raid my voice against it, on the ground that there as no just cause for war with her; that in ontetig into the treaty to indemnify r nr citizens for J claims against her, the King ?>f France and s .Ministers declared to our .Minister that it relired a vote of the Chambers to make the ap- j npriation to carry it into effect; and that they j urn tin furl !ii>i- rfltnnncllili? t!i:ui It) 11 fill tlieif I isl efTerts to induce them to do so. This was I com lamented to our Executive, and the caty accepted and ratified, with this condition tached. And yet the President, although he Imitled that the King and his Ministrrs had lly redeemed their pledge to use their best efrts to obtain the necessary appropriation, re amended the adoption of the measure to hich I have alluded, and which would have ion tantamount to war. Fortunately the Goirnmnnt of Great Britain, by her interposition, evented it. This example, 1 lear, has contriited much to give the strong tendency, which a have since witnessed, to resort to menace id force in the settlement of our differences ith other powers. According to my opinion all parties are inte. sted in adopting a line of policy which will ith certainty disentangle us from the affairs of exico, and avoid the great saciifices of men id money, and the many other evils to which 0 war exposes ns. L"t me say to my friends ho support the Administration in their policy, at if you persist, and if peace l?y some good rtune should not he obtained, the war will go 1 from year to year, and you will he utterly erthrown as a party. Do you not s^n that its foots, in reference to our internal affairs, is to ivc yon into a course of policy directly contry to that which you have professed to sup>rt, and in favor of that which you have charid your opponents with supporting. You have er professed to oppose, as a party, a national lit, and charged your opponents with being i advocates. But what, I ask, are the effects war in this respect? [s it not to create an ?? ill. ,? ?u.._ .1..., ..,t.:?t. lmtMISP nauomil UCIM, "ruair.i mail Iinu ?tiiwu e parly to which you arc oppose ! could pos. lily have created by any other policy, had they en in power. This campaign on which you ok so lightly will add to it a sum more than ilf as great as the entire debt of the Revoluin. You have been opp iscd 11 the oxten- io:i the patronage of the Executive, at least in ofessiun. But this war is doing more to enrge his patronage than any other policy which iur opponents could have adopted. You press to be in favor of a metalic currency. Do it not sec, that with the increase of stocks and reasury notes, you are in danger of being unged again into the lowest depths of the par system? You as a party, have advocated e doctrine of a free trade. Do you not sec at, by the vast increase of the expenditures the country, and the heavy interest which u will have to pay on the public debt, you e creating a necessity of increasing the du. s on imports to the highest point that rcvenvte II admit, and thus depriving the country of I the practical benefits of free trade, and profiting the government from making any marial reduction, until the whole debt is paid, liich cannot be expected during thisgenerain. What could your opponents have done arc. or even as much, to destroy a system of licy which you claim to distinguish you from em, and to establish that which you allege to i the reason why they should be excluded >m power? Has not and will not this war po - ? i 1 ??ii.. ?i.i: :y, it persisted in, ciieciuaiiy nnu uuaujr vuurato the line of policy which you have insisted as distinguishing you from them? Why then, snve yourself from such a result, do you liesi. Ic to adopt the course of policy I have sugges* J, as the only certain means of preventing I'se and other evils, and the dangers to which j r inslitiftions are exposed? The pride of opini inny resist. I know the difficulty, and res. cl it, with which we yield measures that wo vo advocated, even when time has shown ?in to he wrong, ilnt true magnanimity and a highest honor command that we should andon them when they threaten to he injuiis instead of beneficial to the count.y. It ' >uld do great credit to the party in power to 1 opt the policy now, in reference to the war, i taking indemnity into our hands, by assum- 1 ej a defensive position, which, it can hardly doubled, they would have done when the ir was recognized, if they had foreseen the ficulties and dangers to which it has led. It mid be a noble sacrifice of individual pride patriotism. In asserting that the only alternative is he- i ecu the. policy recommended hy the Presi- i nt and the adoption of a defensive position, I i ve put out of the question the policy of taking territory. I have done so because I beva ilio v-dirn nl tlm noutitrv has decided irre- 1 cably against it, and that to press it as the alnalivo would render almost certain the final option ofthe policy recommended hy the prelent, notwithstanding the disasters which it rontons. Let me say to my friends on the icr side of the chamber, (lor us such I re- 1 rd them, for political differences hero do not I :ct our personal relations) that they have ntributed by their course to fix the detcrminon not to terminate the war without some , itable indemnity in territory. I do not refer your vote recognizing the existence of war 'ween tho Republic of Mexico andthn UniI States. I well know that you voted with a nv to furnish immcdiato support to Ueneral lylor and his army, then surrounded by im- ' nent danger, and not with the intention of cognising the war, and that you remonstrated d protested against that interpretation being t upon your voles. Bui since it passed, and the war was recog. tizcd, most of you have continued to vole for tppropriations to prosecute the war, when the object of piosecuting it was avowed to be to acquire territory as an indemnity. Now, I cannot see how the two can lie reconciled?how you can refuse to take indemnify in territory, when you havo voted means for the express purpose of obtaining such indemnity. But if such indemnity is to be had without involving the hazard of conquering the country, with all ihii /lon/raxo In iirkink if VI* St 111/) /ITnuQA I1Q IVA l,,r' ... r. ....... .. ......... v.*, ?, -.rniisl decide whether we shall adopt a defensive position or not now?this very session. It will in all possibility, be. too late at the next. I have now. Senators, delivered my sentimerits with freedom and candor upon all the questions connected with these resolutions. I propose nothing now; but if I find that I will be supported, I will move to raise a committee to deliberate upon the subject of the defensive line. The opportunity is favorable, while there arc so many officers from Mexico now in the city, whose opinion would be of great value in de. termining on the one to be adopted. It the course of policy which I have suggested shoulc be adopted, we may not get peace immediately. The war may still continue for some tim-; but be that as it may, it will accomplish the all im porlanl object?will extricate the country frorr its entanglement with Mexico. THE CAMDEN JOURNAL Wednesday Morning, January 19, 1818. WILLIAM II. JOHNSTON, EDITOR. Oar Market. Cotron comes in yet but slowly; prices are a shade lower than last week. The bulk of the sale; made are at 7? to 7J. Flour 4? to 5. Corn 45 tc 50. Fodder, 75. ()its 35. Bacon 10c. The quotations of cotton in the Charleston market are rated ? lower than those of last week ? Fair is quoted at 7j}; a few salts being madoat7^ to 8 cents. New Tax Ordinance. The attention of citizens and others interested: is invited to this ordinance published to-day. Il will he seen that some new taxes are levied, the present year. Colonel J. P. Dickinson. The remains of this gallant officer will arrive here litis week, and it will ho seen, that arrange ments are,in progress to celebrate the funeral ob sequics on Saturday. We deem it almost superfluous, to express a hope that a universal disposition to pay respect to the memory of the deceased, will mmifest itself on this occasion, and we trust the citizens of the District, will all evince the same t esire. Let the ranks ot the 22nd Regiment be full on that day, to pay the last tribute of respecttc their last commanding officer. Ilis last soul stiring and eloquent address, delivered to them, neai the grave of DkKalu, will not be soon forgotten, and nobly did K rshaw District respond to the appeal, and we are very sure, that no braver spirit went forth to battle than her own Dickiksx; he fell as becomes a soldier, and a son of Carolina. The Committee have furnished us the following order of proced I ings? The Coinmiltco appointed on the 12th inst. by the Town Counei, to make arragemont* for the Funcra Services of Col. Dickinson, on the arrival of his rc mains in Camden, have adopted the following order ol Reception and Proce.-sion? Minute Guns will ho fired hy a battery stationed at the old Redoubt adjoining the Presbyterian Burial Ground. The firing to coinmcnco when the escort with the bodv enters tho boundary of the town, and continue until the body is placed in Grace Church. A Guard will be detached In attend the body whilst it remains in the Church, from 10 o'clock, A, M. unti sunset of each day. On Saturday, rho 22 I inst., the Military and Citzem generally will inccto^n Broad Street, between the Pub. lie Square and the Court House, at 9 o'clock, A. M, form in prodnssion, and proceed up Broad Street to Grace Church, in thu following order? Military Escort on the left Band. Masonic Body. The Reverend Clergy. Remains of Lieut. Col Dickinson, attended by six Pall Bearers. Wur Horse. His Excellency G?v. Johnson and Suite. Officers and Soldiers of the Palmetto Regiment. Field officers of the 22d Regiment. Officers and Soldiers of the Revolution. Genmal Commitleo. Federal and State Officers. Intendant and Municpal Officers. Citizens. Cavalry. Tiio body will bo received by the Procession and march to the Methodist Episcopal Church, whero the religious services* will bo performed by the Rev. Mr. Thomas F. Davis. At tho conclusion of the Church services, tho Procession will be marched to tiie family burial ground ol the deceased. Tho Procession will be under the order and direction of Adjutant Gen. Canlcy, assisted by such Deputy Marshalls as he may appoint. Death of Captain Secrcst. We regret to learn tho death of this gentleman. Ho died in Lancaster on Friday last, after an illness of several months. Capt. S. reluctantly returned from Mexico last summer, much reduced hy sickness, and lias since been lingering undor the fatal disease which terminated his existence. Mr. Holmes' Explanation. We give the explanation of Mr. IIolmes, in another column. Ilis reasons for securing Mr. Winthrop'selection, may be sa'isfac'.ory to himself?that they will be equally so to his constituency appears to be doubtful, from the remarks of the Mercury. (CTCapt. T. J. Warren was, on the 10th instant, elected Shcrift'of this District. The poll stood, for Warren, 275; for Bask in, 240; for DeBruh), 54. Colonel of the I'nlmotto Regiment. We omitted in our last to state that at an election held in the city of Mexico, Adjutant James Cantey was elected Colonel of the Regiment beating Major Gladden, 22 votes. Adjutant Canity promptly declined accepting the office, having, (as we arc informed by a Iricnd wl o is in possession ot the facts) repeatedly stated that lie " would nut be a candidatr, that he was pledged to the sup. ?,.r n. l.? i],?.,.rla nntitln.) JJUIl. yjf 4TH1JVI VbAUyc.ll| HIIVIH uv iuv?.^.Hviim.vu to i(, anil that lie coulil not accept it if clcctcil, and declined accepting the office as lie said he would do." We make this statement in reply to the question we have frequently heard asked, why Adjutant Cantey refused to accept 60 flattering a testimonial of his worth and merit. f 1 Oar Post Office* * Among tlie many improvcnts now in progress jn oat town, there is nono more deserving notice, or which will be moro acceptable to our citizens than the rcty neat and commodious Post Office recently finished. It is not excelled in neatness, or convenience of arrange* mcnt, by tiny office wo have seen in lowp or, cjtj.? Its fine adaptation to the purposes for which w*s constructed, tiny bo accounted for by its dcsijpt nod ** execution being entirely perfected by oar excellent sssd energetic Post Master, Mr. Gaukwell. He deserve* lli? tlw. iK.nl.-o r\f iUn nnmmn nit tt nnrl nf tltfl DcDflft? ment. it ? i ; tX'itTi The Cholera. > The London Times of December 8lb 6ays.that i several unmistakcable cases of Asiatic Chojera had appeared in London. ' ! Jlr. Calhoun;8 Speech. ! To the exclusion of nearly every thing else, wehf this interesting document before our readers. We imuJ : not invite attention to it. . lET" Senator Johnson of Maryland, has delivered i an able speech, in favor of a vigorous prosecution I of the war, though iie censures the administration for its course. Air. J. is a Whig. '.L?.-.x, M THE KERSHAW COMPANY, i ' Sergeant Belcher has furnished us with the following list of deaths which haveoccurred in | this Company from the time of its lcaving.Can>den, to the 1st November last: -.< '< - At Vera Cruz?James Dunlap, John Dunlap, John Dyson, John Jordan, Owen Portion;' A. B. Sizpr, James White, Robert White, W. L. Weeks, Amos Mosely, Marshall Mo?ely At Jalnpa?B. F. Berry, J. W. Boons, Collins, W. Hopkins. William Robinson. j ' At Pcrote?Win. Robinson, Robert Ford, ' Ransom Logan, [J. FI. Rollins. At Puebla?J. R. Holmes John Brodnax, . n vv n..!,.,. T \r / ?: *? UUIM / , . ,T| # V'ltlllf Fitz?im<?ns, G. W. Giltnnn, Josrph Howel. Al- a fr*d Love, J. R. Marshall, A. McCnskill, W^n. Nelson, J. S. Powell, Ivy Rape, James Riddle, Dennis Sizer, J. P. Rosser, (an his way homo.) Killed al Churubusro?J?h? Vlllopigno, M. ? S. Gaston, W. B. Hilton, W. McFarland. Killed, at Chapvltcpec?Lt. J. Willis Can. toy, J. C. Bennett fliram Rials, killed near the City of Mexico. Jackson Nettles, stabbed in the City, by ft memlu*r of his own Regiment, and died ol tho wound. -y> " James Harrel died in Charleston; Reuben Roberts was crushed by the cars and died at Atlanta, Geo. Fiona the New (Means Picayune of the 8th inst LATE FROM MEXICO. ! The IJ. S. sloop of war Saratoga, Capt. Farrn> gat, arrived at Pensacola on the 6th inst. from , Vera Cruz, whence she sailed on the 27th ulk-? She brings fuller though not later advices from the ' city of Mexico than have before heeij received. Lieut Col Wilson, of the 1st Infantry, late the r Governor of Vera Cruz, came over on the Saratoga on a short visit to his family residing near ' Pensacola. Our correspondent at Vera Cruz gives us the f folio.\ ing extract of a letter from Mexico: i Mexico, Dec. 17, 1847. The mail from the interior brought us the news of an insurrection in the State of Tamaulipas?the native Indians have risen in Htrength, taken tho town of Ozulvama and made prisoners of the gar? rson and authorities of the place. Gen. Garay, I who arrived the day previous, sba<-ed the same fate. A letter from the wife of or.e of tho prison i.l: _i i ? . ni u __ *.' a P era is> puunsiieu in n\ niouiiur, oegging inai no ai tempt may bo made to release them by force, as tiiey are well treated now and should certainly be #* ^ murdered by their captors. I The news from Queretaro this week has been t of an exceedingly meagre character, no mail from I that place having been received since my last. It seems to be almost certain however, that the pre#t ent Congress is virtually dissolved, many of the I members having left. T;.e new Congress assembles in January, and a correspondent of FA Mnnilnr says that many of 1 the new Senators and Deputies are already on the road to Queretaro. , A rumor was current among the Mexicans in , town a few days ago that the commissioners from the .Mexican government left for Queretaro on Sun. day last, afier having an interview with Mr. Trip*. It is supposed they go to have a new cenfercnce with the Supreme Government on the subject of peace. This is but a rumor. * ? Gen Butler will be in to-morrow, and Col. John. I son the next day. * * * * * * A party of i inc who started front Gen. Butler's train night before last, to join the advace, were attacked in the mountains by a parly ? f robbers. One of them (a physician, I believe) fell into the hands of the Mexicans, but they, discovering Irom his medicines that he was a doctor, let him go, and lie arrived safe at Ayotla. He states that he heard shots fired, hut saw nothing of the men of his parly. As they were well armed, however, there is little doubt but that they escaped. I could not learn their names. * * * * * On Wednesday last Dr. Sutcr, of the Rifles died of brain fever. lie was buried on Thursday, and ' most of the officers of the army attended his fune1 ral, among them Gens. Scott, Patterson and Cushjn,r. ******** The following are cuttings frcm the American Star of the 17iii December: ? Destination of Troops.?Most of the troops now in the city are about tc leave for other and perhaps distant places. This change of things must have been foreseen by most of them since their entrance into the city. The Republic is to be occupied by the American forces, until those who have authority to speak and to act for her give satisfactory evidence that they are disposed to make reparation to the United ttiaics, for the injuries her Govern menl has received, and make propositions of peace. I'crimps some of the llegiinents, nt present in this capital, who have seen hard service, would prefer remaining i? a city which they havo done so much to gain. They will, however, find the different places where they are to be stationed quite as pleasant and agree -blc. Ii" there is any thing to do, they are the "hoys to do it. The heroes of Contreras, Cliuiuhusco and Chflpultnpec, are not to be beaten in any engagement. We do not, however, anticipate any severe encounter at any of the points to he occupied. The authorities of the different j Slates and cities must understand, however, that they cannot hereafter have their own way. TJio a Americans will sec that the revenues, at the im- ] porta nt posts in the Republic, pass into the hands ' of the United Statesauthoritics here, to aid in defraying the expenses of the occupation of the count y bv their troops. Those who are about leaving will not he wanting in any emergency that may itiise. . , Washington, Jan., 1843. To the Editor of the Charleston Mercury; Sin:? In an editorial article you bare thought proper to condemn my refusal to vote on the third ballot against Mr. Winthrop; and you uijiiiiiiciicu your essay ny a rcmara : i hat you had hoped that Mr Holmes would have explained his course to his constituent*." As you have called upon me thus publicly for an explanation, I shall thus give it. The Southern Whigs, opposed to the Wilmot Proviso, nominated Mr. Winlhrop in caucus in opposition to a majority of the Northern Whigs, who were in favor of the Wilmot Proviso, and who opposed the nomination of Mr. Winlhrop. Why this? Because Mr. Winthrop had been succossful in defeating the Wilmot * ... t 4