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: vETom 7T ??: ?? VF.TO MESSAGE. To th? lloitse r.f Re pre sen (a tires ofthe U. Stales: ~ It is with unfeigned regret that I find myself under the necessity of rot urn in? to the House of Representatives, with my objections. a bill entitled "An act to provide revenue from imports, and to change and modify existing laws, imposing-duties on imports, and f>>r other purposes." Nothing can be mere painful to any individual railed upon to perform too chief executive da tics under our limited Constitution, than to DC constrained to withhold his assent from an important measure adopted by the Legislature.? Yet ho would neither fulfil the high purposes of his station, nor consult the true interests or the solemn will of the people?'lie common cor.sti-1 tuents of both branches of ihc Government?by j yielding hir well-considered, most deeply fixed, [ and repeatedly declared opinions on matters of great public, concernment, to those of a co-ordi- j nate department, without requesting that department seriously to re-exninine the subject of gi their difference. The exercise of some indepenh dence of judgment in regard to all acts of legislation, is plainly implied in the responsibility of *\"4 approvingthem. At all times a duty, it becomes a peculiarly solemn and impressive one when the subjects passed upon bv Congress happen to j involve, as in the present instance, the most mor mentous issues; to affect variously the various parts of a great country; and to have given rise,! in all quarters, lo such a Conflict of opinions as j to render it impossible to conjecture, with any! K ^ certainty, on which side the majority really is. I '' '^ Surely, if the pause for reflection intended by the wise authors of the Constitution, by referring j ,-Y the subject back to Congress for re-consideration, be ever expedient and necessary, it is in precisely such a case as the present. On the subject of distributing the proceeds of the sales of the public lands, in the existing state of the finances, if has been my duty to make known my settled convictions on various occasions dicing the present session of Congress.? , *?nf t|,p extra session, upwards of i: ./II U1C U|;cuiu- v. v..~ ----twelve months ago, sharing fully in the general 1 hope of returning prosperity and credit, I rccommend such a distribution; but tliat recommendation was even then expressly coupled with the 1 condition that the duties on imports should noi exceed the rate of 20 per cent, provided by the 1 compromise act of 1833. These hopes were not ' a little encouraged, and these views strengthen- < h ed, by the report of Mr. Ewing, then Secretary i g of the Treasury, which was shortly thereafter < laid before Congress, in which he recommended ' the imposition of duties at the rate of 20 per cent. ' ad valorem on all free articles, with specified exceptions; and stated, "if this measure be adopted, < there will he received into the treasury from cus- < toms, in the last quarter of the present venr, 11 (1841,) 85,300,000; in all of the year i842,1 > about .$22,500,(MX); and in the year 1843, after [ | the final reduction under the act of March 2,18- 33, about S20.S00,000;" and adds, "it is believed, 1 after the heavy expenditures required bv the ' public service in tbe present year shall have been t provided for, tharevenue which will accrue from i that, or a nearly proximate rate of duty, will be sufficient to defray the expenses of the Govern- [ ment, and leave a surplus to he annually applied j c to the gradual payment of the national debt, leav- {i ~ innrit^nnrf Tfl^Wlfi h'ids . to bo^dis-11 nappy tliat Congress, at the time, seemed entire- i j in tPp recommendations of tlie Exe-1 AJ IV cutive; and, anticipating the correctness of the 1 - Secretary's conclusions, and in view of an actu* al surplus, passed the distribution act of the 4th of September last, wisely limiting its operation to two conditions?having reference, both of 1 them, to a public state of the treasury, different j from that which had been anticipated by the Secretary of the Treasury, and to the paramount necessities of the pubic service. It ordained that if, at any time during the existence of that act, 1 there should be an imposition of duties on imports inconsistent with the provisions of the act of 2d March, 1833, and beyond the rate of duties ( fixed by that act, (to wit, 20 per cent on the val- t ue of such imports, or any of them,) then the I distribution should he suspended, and should con < tinue so suspended, until that cause should be removed. By a previous clause it had, in a like f spiritofwise and cautions patriotism, provided J for another case, (in which all arc even now i agreed,) that the proceeds of the sales of the t public lands should be used for the defence of i the country. It was enacted that the act should continue and be in force until otherwise provi- I ded by law, unless the United States should he i come involved in war with any foreign power; < in which event, from the commencement of hos- i tilities, the art should be suspended until the i cessation of hostilities. j Not long after the openingof the present ses- ! eion of Congress, the unprecedented and. extra- i ordinary difficulties that have recently embar- i rassed the finances of the country, began to assume a serious aspect. It soon became quite ? evident that the hopes under which the act of 4th 1 September was passed, and which alone justi- < fied it in the eyes either of Congress wlio im- i posed, or of the Executive who approved the i first of the two conditions just recited, were not ] destiped to he fulfilled. Under the pressure, i therefore, of the embarrassments which had thus i unexpectedly arisen, it appeared to me that the course to be pursued had been clearly marked out for the Government by that act itself. The j:.: in if. nR reoiiirinir a sus COIlUIUOil , -_-j_ 0 pension of its operation had occurred. It became necessary, in the oj?inio?is of all, to raise the rate of duties upon imports above 20 per cent.; and with a view both to provide available means to meet present exigencies, and to lay the foundation for a successful negotiation of a loan, I felt -S- it incumbent upon me to urge upon Congress to raise the duties accordingly, imposing them in a , . . spirit of wise discrimination, for the two-fold ob* *'ject of affording ample revenue for the Government, and incidental protection to the various branches of domestic industry. I also pressed, in the most eniphat jJaut respectful language 1 could employ, the i^iessiiy of making the land sales available to the treasnry, as the basis of ^ public credit. I did not think that I could stand '^excused, much less justified, before the people ; of the United Stales, nor could I reconcile it to myself, to recommenckLhe imposition of addition-1 al taxes upon theoi^ without, at the same time, j purging the employment of all the legitimate : '"'meansof-thaGoverhrnont towards satisfying its! v,ant?. These opinions were communicated in i * advance of any definite action of Congress on ihe subject either of the tariuor land sales, under a high of public duty, arid in compliance with an express injunction ol the Constitution; so that if a collision (extremely to be deprecated as such Collisions always are) lias seemingly arisen between the Executive and J-egisn lative branches of the Government, it has assuredly ijot been owiug to any capricious ipterfe ~ r n "l'?5n "nil f ?r> ?\L' ranee, w lO dli V wailtui a piUill U?n* # %*..? ration^of opinion, on the part of the former. Congress differed in its views with those ofthe Ex* P V "a - * a* '% 4 ecntive, as it had undoubtedly a right to do; and ! passed a bill virtually Tor a time repealing the proviso of the act of "the 4th September, 1841. The bill was returned to the House in which it originated, with my objections to its becoming a law. With a view to prevent, if possible, an open disagreement of opinion on a point so important, I tool; occasion to declare that I regarded it as an indispensable prerequisite to an increase,6Tduties above 20 per cent., that the act of the 4th'Septcr,iber should remain unrepealed in its provisions. My reasons for that opinion were elaborately set "forth in the message which accompanied the return of the bill?which no constitutional majority appears to have been found for passing into a law. The hill which is now before me proposes, in its 27th section, the total repeal of one of the provisoes in the act of September; and, while it increases the duties above 20 per cent., directs an unconditional distribution of the land proceeds. I am therefore, subjected a second time, in the period of a few days, to the necessity of cither giving my approval to a measure which, in my deliberate judgment, is in conflict with great public interests, or of returning it to the House in which it originated, with iny objections. With all my anxiety for the passage of a law which would replenish an exhausted treasury, and furnish a sound and healthy encouragement to median cal industry, I cannot consent to do so at the sacrifice of the peace and harmony of the country, and the clearest convictions of public duty. For some of the reasons whieb have brought me to this conclusion, I refer to my previous messages to Congress, and briefly subjoin the following:? 1. The bill unites two subjects, which, so far from having any affinity to one another, are wholly incongruous n their chara> t :r.'"i It is bot i a revenue and an appropriation bill. It thus imposes on the Executive, in the first place, the necessity of either approving that which he would reject, or rejecting that which he' might otherwise approve. This is a specie of constraint to which the judgment of the Executive ought not, in my opinion, be subjected. But that is not my only objection to the ac; in its present form. The union of subjects wholly dissimilar in their character in the small bill, if" it grew into a practice, would not fail to lead to consequences destructive of all wise and consoinntioiis legislation. Various measures, each ' " * "~e> igrccable only to a small minority, might by being thus united, (and the more, the greater bianco of success,) lend to the passing of laws, which no single provision could, if standing alone, lommand a majority in its favor. 2. While the treasury is in a state of extreme embarrassment, requiring every dollar which it ;an make available; and when the Governmcut us not only to lay additional taxes, but to borrow money to meet pressing demands, the bill jrososes to give away a fruitful source of revenue ?which is the same thing as raising money by oan and taxation?not to meet the wants of the aovernment, but for distribution: a proceeding which I must regard as highly impolitic, if no: inconstitutional. A brief review of the present condition of the I >ublic finance will serve to illustrate the true I :ondit.ion of the treasury, and.exhibit its actual lccessities. On the 5th of August, (Friday last,) here was in the treasury, in round nmnhors, I ?2,150,000 tU L.li I'l'lMUll'u m iimi'l trust funds ?300,000 interest on public debt due in October 60,000 ro redeem treasury notes and pay the interest 100,000 Laud distribution, under the act of the 4th of September, 1841 040,000 1,180,000 "V' ^"" i Leaving an available amount of .970,000 : The Navy Department had drawn requisitions >n the treasury, at that time, to meet debts ac-" ually due; among which are bills under protest or SI,414,000?thus leaving an actual deficit of 51-14,000. There was on hand about S100,000 of unissued treasury notes, assisted by the accruing everiue, (amounting to about ?150,000 per veek, exclusive of receipts on unpaid bonds,) omect requisitions for the army, and the dcnands of the civil list. The withdrawal of the sum of ?640,000, to jc distributed among the States, as soon as the statements and accounts can be made up and rompleted, by virtue of the provisions of the tct of the 4th of September last, (of which merely a moiety goes to a few States, and only lhout ?683,000 is to oe divided among all the States,) while it adds materially to the embarrassments of the treasury, affords to the States no decided relief. No immediate relief of this state of things is ! unices rwhat would most deeolv i iuiiLipai,bUf u^?vww. ^ t ^ be deplored) the Government could be reconciled to the negotiations of loans already authorised by law, at a rate of discount ruinous in itself, and calculated most seriously to affect the public credit So great is the depression of trade, that even if the present bill were to become a law, and prove to be productive, some time would elapse before sufficient supplies ! would flow into the treasury, while, in the mean j time, its embarasstnents would be continually ; augmented by the semi-annual distribution ofj the land proceeds. Indeed, there is but too much ground to be ; apprehended that, even if this bill were permit- ( od to become a Jaw?alienating, as it does, the1 proceeds of the land sales?an actual deficit in the treasury would occur, which would more than probably involve the necessity of a resort to direct taxation. Let it be remarked, that $5,500,000 of the public debt becomes redeemable in about two years and a half, which, at any sacrifice, must be met; while the treasury is always liable to demands fur the payment of outstanding treasury notes. Such is the gloomy picture which our financial department now presents, and which calls for the exorcise of a rigid economy in the public expenditures, and the rendering available of all the means within the control ?>i J the Government I most respectfully submit whether this is a time to give away the proceeds of the land sales, when the public, lands constitute a fund which of all others, may be made most useful in sustaining the public credit. Can the Government be generous and munilicent to others, when every dollar it can command is necessary to supply its own wants] And ii Congress would not nesuaie to suuer mc yiu?jsions of tlie act of the 4th September last to remain unrepealed, in case the country was involvin war, is not the necessity for such a course now just as imperative as it would be then? 3 A third objection remains to he urged, whictr would be sullicient, in Itself, to induce me to return the bill to the House with my objections, By uniting two subjects so incongruous as a tariff 4 * ' -las*T ? * '%? ? land distribution, it inevitably makes the fate of the one dependent upon that of the other, in future contests of party. Can anything be moro'i fatal to the merchant"or manufacturer than such an alliance? What they most of all require is a system of moderate duties, so aranged as to withdraw the tariff question, as far as possible, completely from the arena of political contention.? The chief want is permanency and stability ? Such an increase of the tariff"I believe to be necessary, in order to meet die economical expenditures of Government. Such an increase, made | in the spirit of moderation and judicious discrimination, would, I have no doubt, be ontirely satisfactory to the American people. In the way of accomplishing a measure so salutary and so imperatively demanded by every public interest, the legislative department will meet with a cordial co-operation on the part of the Executive.? This is all that the manufacturers can desire, and it would be a burden readily borne by the people. But I cannot too earnestly repeat, that, in order to be permanent, it must command general acquiescence. But can such permancy be justly hoped for, if the tariffquestion be coupled with that of distribution?as to which a serious * conflict of opiuion exists among the States nand ' ' 1 on r\i\rvt*f l\oro I llie people; w/iicti enusis in u? ou|.ruil ?* ! majority?if, indeed, there be a majority?of the II .vo Houses of Congress? What permanency ! or stability can attach to a measure which, warring upon itself, gives away a fruitful source of revenue at the moment it proposes a large increase of taxes on the people! Is the manufacturer prepared to stake himself and his interests upon such an issue! I know lhat it is urged (but most erroneously, in my opinion) that instability is just as apt to he ! produced retaining the public lands as a source | of revenue, as from any other cause; and this is a-cribcd to a constant fluctuation, as is said, in ! the amount of sales. If there be anything hi } tiris objection, it equally applies to every imposi-! lion of duties on imports. The amount of re-1 venue annually derived from duties is constantly j liable to ckmge. The regulations of foreign Governments, the varying productiveness of otli- j er countries, periods of excitement in trade, and ' a great variety of other circumstances, are con-1 staully arising to affect the state of commerce, foreign and domestic, and, of consequence, the revenues levied upon it. The sales of the public domain in ordinary times are regulated by fixed laws, which have tiieir basis in a demand increasing only in the ratio of the increase of population. In recurring to the statistics connected with this subject, it will be perceived that, Cora period of ten years preceding 1834, the average amount of land sales did not exceed ?2,000,000 For the increases which took place in 1834-'5 and '(i. we are to look to that peculiar condilion of the country which grew out of one of the most extraordinary excitements in business and speculation that have ever occurred in the history of commerce and currency. It was the fruit of a wild spirit of advanture, engendered by a vici-! ous systemol credits, under the evils of which the country is still laboring, and which it is fond- 1 Jy hoped will not soon recur. Considering the ! vast amount of investments made by private in-1 dividuals in the public lands during those three ! years, and which equalled ?43, 000, 000, (equal j to more than 20years' purchase,) taking the avc- j rage oi sales of the ten preceding years, it may! be safely asserted that the result of the public i.iTiii ?!.. -.an hold mi! noi?"m' renoirm me jiiuii- i "UjaclulCTt. rri?, 1 p'iniiiry in U1C re- I venues-, and consequently in the course of the ' Government. j Under what appears to mc, therefore, the soundest considerations of public policy, and in view of the interests of every branch of domestic industry, I return you the bill, with these my objections to its becoming a law. I take occassion emphatically to repeat my anxious desire toco-operate with Congress in the passing of a law which, while it shall assist in supplying the wants of the treasury, and re-es-! tablish public credit, shall aiibrd to the manufacturing interests of the country all the incidental 1 protection they require. After all, theTOllect of what I do is substantially to call on Congress to reconsider the subject. 1 If, on such reconsideration, a majority of twothirds of both Houses should be in favor of the measure, it. will become a law, notwithstanding 1 my objections. In a case of clear and manifest ' error on the part of the President, the presumption of the Constitution is, that such majorities 1 will l>e found. Should they be so found in this case, having conscientiously discharged my own duty, I shall cheerfully acquiesce in the result. JOHN TYLER. 1 Washington, August 9th 2842. ' Executive Department, (Gr.) ) ! AJiiledgeville, May 27,1W42. \ Dear Sir:?1 had the honor, some time since, to receive your letter, informing me that the j House ol Representatives nau passea me apportionment bill, with a provision requiring the State Legislatures to lay off* the territory ol their J respective Stales into Congressional districts; ( and should long ago have answered it, but for my multiplied engagements, some of which called me from home, on public business. ' Satisfied that Congress has no authority to is^ ( sue this mandate to the State Legislatures, I \ spoil determined that, if the bill should become , a law, 1 would not convene the General Assentbly to carry it into effect. Whatever Congress ' might constitutionally do in rpgard to the ina-)j king or altering the regulations (as to the time, 1 places, and manner ol holding the elections ot j 1 Representatives) it has no authority to direct. State legislat-iou on the subject, in fact, the pow- j er conferred by the Constitution on Congress was , to prevent the catastrophe that might ensue, j upon the failure or refusal of the Legislatures of! the States to provide by law for holding these i' UlCUUVUa. JL JJU cat?e /las IlUt IIU|J|JCIICU iuai ( would render it necessary for Congress to exer-! cise the power given in the Constitution; though ; ( 1 entertain no question that, the authority being I ( given, Congress has 110 right to determine 011 ( the expediency of usinc it. But it is absurd ' to suppose that a State would obey a mandate from Congress on this cubject, alter it had re- ' solutely resolved either to enact no law for hold- J ing elections for Representatives in Congress, or to repeal laws already enacted. The framers ' ol the Constitution were not guilty of so great a lolly as to suppose that the Legislature ot a State would-*couiply with a requisition of Congress to do an act that it had previously determined it would not do. Hence they gave to Congress all necessary authority to do uic act, if the State should reluse; or to alter the act, if it should be so done by the State as to be iin pracucaoie 01 execution. liut, conceuing me point that Congress his the authority to direct State Legislation in regard to the limes, places, and manlier of holding these elections: ,s the power conferred to direct the districting of the Psamn section and clause which ogress the power to prescribe or iines, places, and manner of holdfor Representatives, confers the> tr? ? ? n j?~ # ? * * S8"Stfi same airthority in regard to the election of Senators. DoeiP'ihe manner of holding an elefctiori jpean one thing when used in regard to Senators, and a different thing when used in reference to Representatives! If Congress can either divide the State into districts, or order it to be done, can it not, with equal propriQttg bisect the Legislature, and say that one mK representing one geographical division of the State shall filect one Senator, and the other half sbliil elect tlie other] There is as much authority for one as the other. It might be said, in reply to this view, that the Constitution declares that the Senators shall be chosen by the Legislatures. True. It also says that.the members of the House of Representatives shall be elected by the people of the several States. If all the members of the Legislature have the right to vote for Senators, and cannot be controlled either by Congress or the State Legislature itself; so ail the neonle have the ritrht to vote for the whole complement of members of the House of Representatives to which the State may be entitled alike independent of this control. Representatives, when chosen, represent the State, and not any particular district of a State; and any law which deprives a constituent of the privilege of voting for all his Representatives, infringes constitutional right Again: alter a State is laid out into-congressicnal districts, no election can be held, until the times, places, and manner of holding elections are proscribed. If you prescribe the time, as the lirst Monday in October?places, as the court-houses of the counties respectively composing the district; no election can be held, until you prescribe the manner, also?as viva voce, by ballot, who shall preside/ how returns shall be made and the results certified. I assume it as incontrovertible, that the object of the Constitution was to prevent a dissolution of Congress by the contumacy of the States in refusing to provide for holding the elections'. It could never have been contefnplated to divide the otates into districts'as a means of prevent,ng this evil. It is more likely that the people of some districts, in times of great excitement, would refuse to elect members, than that all the people of the State should enter into a comination. liven if a majority of the people should reluse to vole under the general ticket system, a minority would still elect the full representation to which the State is entitled, regardless of the voluntary disfranchisement ot the majority. -This suggests a&Qbjection which might be urged with great propriety against the j Qnnnooo como Afatrint fchnill/1 UlSti iGl r-y OLCIXI* KJUj/jJVOt. uumw Wi|9?t twv ??? ? reluse lo return, members; is the. State to lose a part of its representatives.' Because a portion ot the people prove refactory, it is no reason why the balance should be deprived of their rights. The district system might conflict, too, with the principle that, in the popular branch of the National Legislature, the majority of the whole people of the State should be represented. You may easily imagine that, in a districted State,,a majority ol the members might be elected by a minority of the people. The election in Ave districts in a State composed of eleven, might be carried in one way by overwhclmning majorities; while the election in the other six might be carried the other way by slender majorities. . These are objections based upon expediency, and opposed to the district system, whether adopted by the National or Sfaip Legislatures, uui uiey go aiso to wrr.<i. me position, ^ tbn Constitution, in giving to Congress the power of prescribing the manner of holding elections, never conferred an authority to place the Government in the hands of a minority of the people?which might be easily accomplished under the district system. 1 have the honor to be, your obedient servant, Charles j. Mcdonald. Hon. M. A. Cooper. Thrilling- Incident.?Col. Jno. McDonald, of Ross county, at a public dinner, related the following touching incident: In 1787 Wheeling was besieged bya large army of British and Indians. So suddenly was the attack made that no time was offered for preoararion The fort, at the time of the assault, was commanded by Col. Silas Zane; Col. Ebenezer Zane, the senior officer, was in a block-house some fifty or one hundred yards outside of the wall. The enemy made several desperate assaults to break into the fort, but on every onset they were driven back. The amunilion for the defence of the fort was deposited in the block-house, and the attack was made so suddenly and unexpectedly that there was no time to remove it. On the afterNoon of the second day of the siege, the powder in the fort was nearly exhausted, and no alternative remained but that some one must pass through the enemy's fire to the block-house for powder. When Silas Zane made the proposi:ion to the men, to see if any one would undertake the hazardous enterprize, at first all weresilent After looking at each other for some ime, a young man stepped forward axra^eiid he would run the chance. Immediately half adozan nftoroH their fiorvirea in tlio /Innarprmis enter. W"W4V'W ",w" ' ?wvu " "?'b"' 3nze. While they were disputing about who should jo, Elizabeth, sister of the Zanee, came forward uid declared she would go for the powder. Her arojther thought she would llinch from the enterprize, but he was mistaken. She had the intrepidity to dare and the fortitude to bear her up in the heroic risk of life. Her brother then tried to Jissuade her from the attempt by saying a man would be more fleet and consequently would run less risk of loosing his life. She replied that I hey had not a man to spare from the defence of the fort, and if she should fall, she would scarceIt? Kn miccnfl SJlm f hon rlivocfr?f1 hnrcplt of Slirli IJ L?u liliOOVi}! bKVil ?? .?.. ? ol her clothing as would impede her speed, and ran till she arrived at the door of the block-house, where her brother, Col. Zane, hastened to receive his intrepid sister. The Indians, when they saw her bound forth, did not fire a gun, but called alour', "Squaw, squaw, squaw!" When she had told her brother the errand on which she caine, he took a table cloth and fastened it around her waist, and poured into it a keg of powder. She then sallied back to the fort with all the buoyancy of hope. The moment she was outside of the block-house the whole of the enemy's line poured a leaden storm at her, but the balls went whistling by without doing her any injury. She afterwards married a Mr. Clairville, of Ohio. RELIEF.. nnU/> wtii/r nmcrs rried for vears: Reneal the X ?io ?* "'5 r?j 7 7" J ~ * ?r Sub-treasury, and relief, immediate and general relief, will come and raise up the prostrate and blighted interests of the country." Well, the whigs got into power and repealed the Sub-treasury, and where is the relief they promised.' Ii was repealed more than a year ago, and every whig leader from Henry Clay down to his hum-' blest follower, declares that all classes of the community were never so embarrassed as they are now.? Washington Index. ap.- v? . J A. t iu ? ' ijfftli fnii~ -if nil WEBTOAI MOSTO, Vt'akhiugtoa TemperabceSwlMffips^ An Extra Meeting of this Society will belietfr at Davis's Hall on Saturday evening nextf at 8 o'clock. Several addresses will be delivered. The friends of.the cause are respectfully invited to attend. 7; " ^ To C0BRESP0NDEKf9.^i^Tbc6ill^^^*,Philo Tocsin" shall appear inborn ext. VTHE STEAMElt KERSHAW. ' We invite the attention of our citizens to the advertisement of Mr. Hillard, proposing to navigate the Wateree by steam, the coining season.. Notwithstanding the difficulties which hav?5gre- tofore presented themselves in the way of'steam navigation on our river, for ourselwe, wej*hhve never doubted for a moment, its entire practicability. The Camden which was . unfortunately" lost a few years since, was not" constructed in . such a manner as to warrant, in any greatdegree, the hope of success, but from what we learn of the Kershaw we do not doubt, but the expe^HjJIfent will prove eminently satisfactory, so far las proving the adaption of our river to steam navigation is concerned, and we trust our merchants ^ will make it profitable to the ente^^^g pro- ^ THE TARIFF BILL VETOED. The President, as was to be expected, has re fused to sign the Tariff Bill. The message containing his reasons will be found in bur columns w ** this morning. The veto has created quite a sensation arftpng the whig members of Congrefe.? They held a caucus on the 9th inst at which propositions for a new Revenue bill were brought 'forward^ but they received no counteifence. The probability now is, that Congress will adjourn and leave.the President tQ^gq^money as he can, to carry on the Government The meesagfehaa been referred to a committee, of which Mr. Adams is chairman, who wilhreport in a day or twi)f " and as tire old man has got his dander up, jfce inay look out for tall talking when the report is made..y He has already declared "war to' the knife,""against the President On the lOtfrbe said? ^ "If this bill had been signed by the President, every thing that had passed would h^ve been forgotten and forgiven. The reconcilement; would have been the harbinger of jjd'qgs and prosperous times. But the biljl/tyas not signed, arid now-the,J^egislature and the Executive were in a state ofetvil war. For this case, there was rib remedy but^iat which the people had in thei* own bands.*"''War was now declared and neither Congress nor the President could retrace their' 1 steps .without disgrace. The issue was given and accepted... And now there was nothing left but the content; and he prayed to God that it might not be settled by ah appeal to the God,of until in:" ,_i; STATE TEMPERANCE CONVENTION: This body assembled at Greenville on the 8th * inst. Wp hfivn rpppivnH t.hp Mmintampar <*nn_ J taining an abstract of the proceedings, which we ' regret we arc unable to lay before our readers this week. There were,-says the Mountaineer, upwards of two hundred Delegates in attendance, representing nearly every section of the State. The concourse of spectators was very large, and amongst them a goodly number of ladies. The Convention was opened with prayer By the Rev. C. C. Pinckney; Judge O'Neall, President of the State Temperance Society, took the Chair, and after appointing J. M. Roberts and E. J. Arthur delivered an appropriate address and stated the various subjects that would: claim the attention of the Convention. v ?*' ': ? VVe will publish the proceedings next week. New Paper.?We have received the first and -s second numbers of the "True Carolinian," pub- lishedatWinnsboroughby J. D.O'Connel. Tbe'V i selections are judicious, and the editorials well written. Its principles are democratic. We wish the editor all possible success. - - > -f- Nokth Carolina Elections.?From the returns received, there is little doubt but the whig candidate for Governor is elected by about 2,00^Jf votes. In 1840 his majority was upwards of8j00jw*&v So far, the democrats have elected a majority ^! of 10 in the Senate, and 16 in the House,J making a majority on joint ballot of 26. '-i^ast year the whigs had a majority of 36-on joint ballot. ; 1 j If the "Mill Boy of the ShifKjjs" don't trem{ ble at the result of this election, he is hard to . shake. The New World Publications?We have before us an original American Novel; a tale of The Great Fire of New York, entitled "Abel Parsons or the Brother's Revenge,' published at the New World office?It is a tale of thrilling interest throughout?and gives a most vivid and graphic description of that great conflagration, with the origin of which the story is connected. It is 6old by the Agent here at 25 cts. The Magnolia.?This able Magazine is fast - - it :* tt-n nvnenf uril! regaining me nine u uaa iuai, auu .... v.?r?v ..... hereafter make its appearance on the first of the month. The August number is now on our table, richly stored with choice contributions from some of the best pens in the South. It6 mechanic- ^ al execution is greatly improved, and in this respect it will compare favorably with any monthly in the country. * -i*? ** ?-? . ...... mi. _ a The .Ladies ^owi-awius.? ine August number of this monthly is on our table. It is embellished with two steel plates, besides a plate of Fashions and a piece of Music. Its literary conents tare interesting; the "Romance of Carolina,', by Sinms, peculiarly so. The incident dwelt * upon in this number is one of thrilling interect*