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k ' PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. Telloie Citizens of the' Semite, and of the House of Representatives: In coming together, fellow-citizens, to enter again npon the discharge of the duties with which the People have charged up, severally, we find great ocrasaion to rejoice in the general prosperity of the country. We are in the en joyment of all the blessings of civil and religious liberty, with unexampled means of education, , knowledge, and improvement. Through the year ?tn r> rinse neic.e has been WHICH 19 WWW uti." -- , in our borders and plenty in our habitations; and although disease has visited some few portions of the land with distress and mortality, yet in general the health of the people has been preserved, and we are called upon by the nigh obligations of duty to renew our thanks and our devotion to our Heavenly Parent, who has - continued to vouchsafe to us the eminent blessings which surround us, and who has so sig, " V; flally crowned the year with his goodness. If We nnd ourselves increasing, beyond example, in numbers, in strength, in wealth, in knowledge, in every thing which promotes human and social happiness, let us ever remember our dependence for all these on the protection and haerciful dispensations of Divine Providence. Since your last adjournment, Alexander M'Leod, a British subject, who was indicted for the murder of an American citizen, and whose case has been the subject of a correspondence heretofore communicated to you, has been acquitted by the verdict of an impartial and intel,-ligent jury, and has, under the judgement of the court, been regnlarly discharged. * , Great Britain having made known to this , t Government that the expedition which was fitted from Canada for the destruciton of the steamboat Caroline, in the winter of 1837, and which resulted in the destruction of the said boat and ' in the death of an American citizen, was undertaken by orders emanating from the authorities of the British Government in Canada, and * demanding the discharge of M'Leod upon the ground that, if engaged in that expedition, he did but' fulfil the orders of his Government, has thus been answered in the only way in which she could be answered by a Government, , the powers of which are distributed among its several departments by the fundamental law.? "'Happily for the people of Great Britain, as well 1 as those of the United States, the only mode f by which an individual arraigned for a criminal offence before the courts of either can obtain his discharge, is by the independent action of < the judiciary, and by proceedings equally fami- 1 SB* . liar to the courts of both countries. 1 If in Great Britain a power exists in the < Crown to cause to be entered a nolle -prosequi, .yt which is not the case with the Executive power i k Si pf the United States upon a prosecution pend- 1 ing in a State court, yet there, no more than here, j can the chief executive power rescue a prisoner 1 from custody without an order of the proper tri- < ? . .x,.bu'ial drecting'his discharge. ' The precise stage of proceedings at which ' such order may be made is a matter of munici- ' pal regulation exclusively, and not to be com- 1 plained of by any other Government In cases 1 ^ . of this kind, a Government becomes politically ] ? ' responsible only when its- tribunals of last re3 ' sort are shown to have rendered unjust and in- '< vjurious. judgments in matters not doubtful. To 1 the establishment and elucidation of this prin- 1 V ciple, no nation has lent its authority more ef-11 ficiently than Great Britain. Alexander M'- J1 Leod having his option either to prosecute a, ] writ of error from the decision of tne Supreme 1 ' Court cf New Xork, which had been rendered k , upon hiflL application for a discharge, to the Supreme Court of the United States, or to submit his case to the decision of a jury, preferred the) latter, deeming it the readiest mode of obtaining his liberation: and the result has fully sustained the wisdom of his choice. The manner 1 in which the issue submitted was tried will satisfy the English Government that the principles of justice will never fail to govern the enlightened decision of an American tribunal. I can f not fail, however, to suggest to Congress the propriety, and in some degree the necessity, of $? making such provisions by law, so far as they ' may constitutionally do so, for the removal at their commencement, and at the option of the I party, of all such cases as may hereafter arise, < and which may involve the faithful observance < and execution of our international obligations, J from the State to the Federal Judiciary. This I Government, by our institutions, is charged ' with the maintenance of peace and the preserva- t tion of amicable relations with the nations of 1 the earth, and ought to possess, without ques- < tion, all the reasonable and proper means of 1 maintaining the one and preserving the other.? t Whilst just confidence is felt in the Judiciary i ' of- the States, yet this Government ought to be < competent in itself for the fulfilment of the i high duties which have been devolved upon it, J ] under me organic iaw, uy uie ?iuvco uiciu- < selves. I In the month of September, a party of armed 1 men from Upper Canada invaded the territory of 1 the United States, and forcibly seized upon the ' person of one Grogan, and, under circumstan- 1 ces of great harshness, hurriedly carried him I beyond the limits of the United States, and de- 1 livered him up to the authorities of Upper [1 Canada. His immediate discharge was ordered j by the authorities upon the facts of the case be- 1 ing brought to their knowledge?a course of ] procedure which was to have been expected t from a nation with whom we are at peace, and 1 which was not more due to the righ s of the ;1 United States than its own regard tor justice.? ] The correspondence which passed between the, i Department of State and the British Envoy, 11 Mr. Fox, and with the Governor of Vermont, j I as soon as the facts had been made known to i this Department, are herewith communicated. 1 I regret that i'. is not in my power to make ] known to you ah equally satisfactory conclu- : sion in thq case of the Caroline 6ieamer, with 1 the circumstance* connected with the destruc- 1 tion of which, in December, 1837, by an i armed force lit'ed out in theJProvincc of Upper i Canada, you are already made acquainted.? No such atonement, as was due lor the public l wrong done in the United States by tins invasion < of her territory, or wholly irreconcilable with 1 her rights as an independent Power, has yex been made, in the view taken by this Govern- i went, the inquiry whether the vessel was in the employment of those who prosecuting an unauthorised war against that Province, or was engaged hy the owner in the bdailies.-; of transporting passengers to' and from Navy . Island in hopes of private gain, which was most probably c the case, in no degree altera the real question at issue between the two Governments. This Governmant cau never concede to any foreign ' Government the ?ower. except in a case of the I liioet urgent and extreme necessity, of invading "its territory, either to arrest the persona or destroytihe property of those who may have violated tKo municipal laws of such foreign Governmenf, or have disregarded their obligations ariv ' slug under the law of hfc'.ious. The territory % " ' * M * . . . V Jf _ ; ?' . of the United States must be regarded- as sacredly secure against all such invasions, until they shall voluntarily acknowledge their ina-! bility to acquit themselves of their duties.? 1 And, in announcing this sentiment, I do but af- j firm a principle which no nation on earth would be more ready to vindicate, at all hazards, than the people and Government of Great Britain. If. upon a full investigation of all the facts, it shall appear that the owner of the Caroline was governed by a hostile intent, or had made common cause with those wno were m tne occupancy of Navy Island, then, so far as he i3 concerned, there can be no claim to indemnity for the destruction of his boat which this Government would feel itself bound to prosecute ?since he would have acted not only in derogation of the rights of Great Britain, but in clear violation of the laws of the United States; but that is a question which, however settled, in no manner involves the high consideration of the violation of territorial sovereignty and jurisdiction. To recognise it as an admissible practice that each Government, in its turn, upon any sudden and unauthorized outbreak, which, on a frontier the extent of which renders it impossible for either to have an efficient force on every mile of it, and which outbreak, heretofore, neither may be able to suppress in a day, may take vengeance into his own hands, and without even a remonstrance, and in the absence of any pressing or overruling necessity, may invade the territory of the other, would inevitably lead to results equally to be deplored by both.? When border collisions come to receive the sanction or to be made on the authority of either Government, general war must be the inevita ble remilt While it is the ardent desire of the United States to cultivate the relations of peace with all nations, and to fulfil all the duties of good neighborhood towards' those who possess territories adjoining their own, that very desire would lead them to deny the right of any foreign Power to invade their boundary with an armed force. The correspondence between the two Governments on this subject, will, at a future day of your session, be submitted to your consideration; and, in the mean time, I cannot but indulge the hope that the British Government will see the propriety of renouncing, as a rule of future action, the precedent whach has been set in the affair at Schlosser. I herewith submit the corresqondence which has recently taken place between the American Minister at the Court of St. James, Mr. Stevenson, and the Minister of Foreign Affairs of that Government, on the right claimed by that Government to visit and detain vessels sailing under the American flag, and engaged in prosecuting lawful commerce in the African seas. Our commercial interests in that region have experienced considerable increase, ana have become an object of much importance, and it is the duty of this Government to protect them against all improper ind vexatious interruption. However, desirous the United States may be for the suppression of :he slave trade, they cannot consent to interpolations into the maritime code at the mere will and pleasure of other Governments. We deny the right of any such interpolation to any one, or all rhe nations of the earth, without our consent.? Wo claim to have a voice in all amendments or iterations of that code; and when we are given to understand, as in this instance, by "a foreign Government, that its treaties with other nations cannot be executed without the establishment and enforcement of new principles of maritime police to be applied without, our consent, we must employ a language neither of equivocal import nor BUscfptible of misconstruction.? American citizens prosecuting a lawful commerce in the African seas, under the flag of their country, are not responsible for the abuse or unlawful use of that flag by otherp, nor can they rightfully, on account of any such alleged abuses, be interrupted, molested or detained while on the ocean; and if thus molested and detained while pursuing honest voyages in the usual way and violating no law themselves, they are unquestionably entitled indemnity. This Government has manifested its repugnance to the slave trade in a manner which cannot be misunderstood. By its fundamental law it prescribed limits in point of time to its continuance; and against its jwn citizens who might so far forget the rights )f humanity as to engage in that wicked traffic it has long since by its municipal laws, denounced i die most condign punishment. Many of the States composing this Union had made appeals :o the civilized world for its soppression long 1 jefore the moral sense of other nations had be:ome shocked by the iniquities of the traffic. Whether this Government should now enter into : xeaties containing mutual stipulations upon this 1 subject, is a question for its mature deliberation. Certain it is, that if the right to detain American ships on the high seas can be justified on the plea of a necessity for such detention, arising 3ut of the existence of treaties between other aations, the same plea may be extcnted and enlarged by the new stipulations of new treaties, to ivhich the United States may not be a party.? This Government will not cease to urge upon' ;hat of Great Britain full and ample enumeration for all losses, whether arising from deten:ion or otherwise, to which American citizens liave heretofore been or may hereafter be sublected, by the exercise of rights which the Government cannot recognise as legitimate and sroper. Nor will I indulge a doubt but that the sense of justice of Great Britain will constrain. Iter to make retribution for any wrong or loss which any American citizen engaged in the i prosecution of lawful commerce inay have experienced at the hand of her cruisers or other public authorities. This Government, at the same :ime, will relax no effort to prevent its citizens, f there be any so disposed, from prosecuting a :raffic so revolting to the feelings of humanity, it seeks to do no more than to protect the fair ind honest trader from molestation and injury; aut while the enterprising mariner engaged in :he pursuit of an honorable trade, is entitled to its protection, it will visit with condign punishment others of an opposite character. I invite your attention to existing laws for the J i suppression of the African slave trade, and re- < commend all such alterations as may give to' them greater force and efficacy. That the Ame-! rican flag is grossly abused by the abandoned and profligate of other nations is but too probable.-'3 Congress has, not long since, had this subject under its consideration, and its importance well justifies renewed and anxious attention. I also communicate, herewith, the copy of a correspondence between Mr. Stevenson and Lord PalmerstOD, upon the subject, so interesting to several of the Southern States, of the rice duties which resulted honorably to the justice of Great Britain and advantageously to the United States. At the opening of the last annual session, the President informed Congress of the progress h?/l fl-?o? * Knnn in norrAlintinnr a pnn. WUlt-U Jiau uicu uggu uiauv iu iiugwtuviw^ ww*?vention between this Government and that of England, wiUC-a view to thedincd settlement of the questiorfof the boundary-between the territorial limits of the two countries. I regret to - ? - -n * - - . * v a, ' \ ' - , ????? ; i ; say that little further advancement of the object has beeii accomplished since last year; but this is owing to circumstances no way indicative ol any abatement of the desire of both parties to hasten the negotiation to its conclusion, and to settle the question in dispute as early as possiKin Tn tho miirco nf flif> session. it is my hope *14 yuv vwu.uv Vl to be able to announce some further degree oi progress towards the accomplishment of this highly desirable end. The commission appointed by this Government for the exploration and survey of the line o: boundary separating the States of Maine anc New Hampshire from the counterininous Britisl provinces is, it is believed, about to close its fielc labors, and is expected soon to report the results of its examination to the Department of State.? The report when received; will be laid before Congress. * * * * : ' The joint-commission under the Conventior with Texas, to ascertain the true boundary be tween the two countries, has concluded it3 la bore; but the final report of the commissionon on the part of the United States has not been re ceived. It is understood, however, that the me redian line, as traced by the commission, lie; somewhat further east than the position hithert< generally assigned to it, and, consequently, in' eludes in Texas some part of the territory whicl had hitherto been considered as belonging to the States of Louisiana and Arkansas. The United States cannot but take a deep interest in whatever relates to this young, but growing Republic. Set'led principally by emigrants from the United States, we have the hap. piness to know, that the great principles of civil liberty are there destined to flourish, under wise institutions and wholesome laws; and that, thro' its example, another evidence is to be afforded ol ' the capacity of popular institutions to advance uic prosperity, happiness and glory of the human race. The great truth that govennent was made for the people, and not the people for governmenf, has already been established in the practice and by the example of these United States; and we can do no other than contemplate it3 further exemplification by a sister Republic, with the deepest interest * >35? * * The war with the Indian tribes of the peninsula of Florida has, during the last summer and fall, been prosecuted with rm untiring activity and zeal. A summer campaign was resolved upon as the best mode of bringing it to a close. Our brave officers and men who have been engaged in that service, have suffered toils and privations and exhibited an energy, which, in any other war would have earned for them unlading laurels. In despite of the sickness incident to the climate, they have penetrated the fastnesses of the indians, broken up their encampments and harrassed them unceasingly. Numbers have been captured, and still greater numbers have surrendered, and have been transported to join their brethren on the lands elsewhere allotted to them by the government; and a strong hope is entertained that, under the conduct of the gallant officer at the head of the troops in Florida, that troublesome and expensive war is destined to a speedy termination. * * * Should it be necessary, in any view that Congress may take of the subject, to revise the existing tariff duties, I beg leave to say, that in the performance of that most delicate operation, moderate counsels would sccirt to be the wisest.? The Government under which it is our happiness to live, owes its existence to the spirit of compromise which prevailed among its framers? jarring and discordant opinions could only have been reconciled by that noble spirit of patriotism which prompted conciliation,' and resulted in harmony. In the same spirit, me compromise bill, as it is called, was adopted at the session of 1833. While the people of no portion of the Union will ever hesitate to pay all necessary taxes for the support of the government, yet an innate repugnance exists to the imposition of burthens not really necessary for that object. In imposing duties, however, for the purposes of revenue, a right to discriminate as to the articles oil which the duties shall be laid, as well as the amount, necessarily and most propferly exists. Otherwise, the Government would be placed in the condition of having to levy the same duties upon all articles, the productive as well as the unproductive. The slightest duty upon some, might have the efTect of causing their importation to cease; whereas, others, entering extensively into the consumption of the country, might bear the heaviest, without any sensible diminution in the amount imported. So also the Government may be justified in so discriminating, by reference to otber considerations of domestic policy, connected with our manufactures. So long aa the duties shall be laid with distinct reference to the wants of the treasury, no well founded abjection can exist against them. It might be esteemed desirable that no such augmentation of the taxes should take place as would have the effect of annuling the land proceeds distribution act of the last session, which act is declared to be inoperative the moment the duties are increased to 20 per cent the maximum rates cs* Sfc tablished by the compromise act. At your late session, I invited your attention to the condition of the currency and exchanges, and urged the necessity of adopting such measures as were consistent with the constitutional competency of the Government, in order to correct the unsoundness of the one, and as far as practicable, the inequality of the other. No country can be in the enjoyment of the full measure of its prosperity, without the presence of a medium of exchange, approximating to uniformity of value. What is necessary as between the lifferent nations of the earth, is also important as between the inhabitants of different parts of the ?ame country; with the first the precious metals constitute the chief medium of circulation, and 5Uch$l60 would be the case as to the last, but for inventions comparatively modern, which have furnished, in placo of gold and silver, a paper circulation. I do not propose to enter into a comparative analysis of the merits of the two systems. Such belonged more properly to the period of the introduction of the paper system. The speculative philosopher might find inducements to prosecute the inquiry, but his researches could only lead him to conclude, that the paper system had probably better never have been introduced, and that society would have been much happier without it. The practical^ statcsi?koc i imnr Altterpnt task to perform. He UiCUl HCAO u, # has to look at things as they are; to take them as he finds them?to supply deficiencies, and to prune excesses as far as in him lies. The task o 1 furnishing a corrective for derangementa of the paper medium with us, is almost inexpressibly great The power exerted by the States to charter banking corporations, and which have been carried to great excess, has filled the country with, in most oMhe Statesman irredeemable paper medium, is an evil which, in some way oj other, requires a corrective. The rates at which bills of exchange are negociated between differ eni parts ofthe country, furnish an index of the value of the local substitute for gold and silver which is, in many .parts, so far depreciated, at not to be received except at large discount, ir & . ,v Jt ' ' " %rdwn? ? i \\wm'?urwrm.,3exAsjL?v<?t*jutm wn w wIBUWHU payment df debts,.or m tho purchase of produce, a It could earnestly be desired that every bank, tl : not possessing the means of resumption, should a > follow the example of the late-U. States Bank of b i; Pennsylvania, and go into liquidation, rather than p j by refusing to do so to continue embarrassments d s j in the way of solvent institutions, " thereby aug- ii r!mentingthe difficulties incident to the .present I ! i cQndition of things. Whether this Government I with due regard to the rights of the States, has e - J any power to constrain the banks, either to re- p f | hume specie payments or to force them into 0 i liquidation, is an enquiry wmcn win not iau to r i claim your consideration. In view of the great a 1 advantages which are allowed the corporators, c ? not among the least of which is the authority c - contaiflod in most of their charters, to make n h loans to three times the amount of their capjtal, n thereby often deriving three times as much in- d 1 terest on the same amount of money, as any in- s dividual is permitted by law to receive, no sufii- f " cienVipology can be urged for a long continued d ' suspension of specie payments. Such suspen- i; sion is" productive of tile greatest detriment to Ii - the public, by expelling from circulation the pre- s ? cious metals, and seriously hazarding the sue- \ i cess of any effort that this government can make ? " to increase commercial facilities, and to advance i the public interests. * * * * t ' In the absence of sny controlling power over i: this subject, which by forcing a general rcsump- c tionof specie payments wotlld at once have the r t effect of restoring a sound medium of exchange, s ' and would leave the country but little to desire, \ what measure of relief, falling within the limits a I of our constitutional competency, does it become t ! this country to adopt? It was my painful duty j 1 at your last session, under the weight of most a f solemn obligations, to differ with Congreb3 on d ! the measures which it proposed for my approval, c 1 and which it doubtless regarded as corrective of I ! existing evils. Subsequent rcflection^arid events 13 since occurring, have only served to confirm me a in the opinions I then entertained and frankly ex- li pressed. * * V * . * I In pursuance of a pledge given to you in my v 1' last message to Congress, (which pie Jge 1 urge ti as an apology for adventuring to present you the t< details of any plan) the Secretary of the Treasu- ii ry will be ready to submit, should you require it, n a plan of finance, which, while it throws around fi the public treasure reasonable guards for its pro- g tcction, and rests on powers acknowledged in C nractice to exist from the origin of the govern- o incnt, will, at the same time, furnish to the n country, a sound paper medium and afford all ti reasonable facilities for regulating the exchanges. n When submitted, you will perceive in it a plan b amendatory of the existing laws in relation to t: the Treasury department?subordinate in all re- ti spects to the will of Congress directly, and to the y will of the people indirectly?self-sustaining, p should it bd; found in practice to realize its pro-, a 1 miees in theory, and repealable at the pleasure! c Tof Congress. It proposes by effectual restraints!? :'p and by involving tlie true spirit of oiir Intitutions, ,] to separate the purse from the sword; or, more p properly to-speak, denies any other control to j the President over the agenta who may be in- tl d is pens ably necessary to secure the fidelity of h such agents; and by wise regulations, keeps & plainly apart from each other private and public t' funds. If contemplates the establishment of a k Guard of Control at the seat of Government, ? with agencies at prominent commercial points,; ei or wherever else Congress shall direct; for the j safekeeping and disbursement of the public. moneys, and a substitution at the option of the j p, public creditor, of Treasury notes in lieu of bi gold and silver. It proposes to limit the issues j 0< to an amount not exceeding $15,000,090, with- : e: | out the express sanction of the legislative pow- j 1 er. It also authorizes the receipt of individual s; depositcs of gold and silver to a limited amount, a: and the granting certificates of depesitos, divid- tc ed into such sums as may be called for by de- b. positors. It proceeds a stop further, and au-1 <r thorizes the purchase and sale of domestic bills ' ri and drafts, resting on a real and substantial ba- S sis, pnyable at sight, or having but a short time tv toiun, and drawn on places not less than one ir hundred miles apart; which authority, except al in so far as may be necessary -for Government ti purposes exclusively, is only to be exerted upon tl the express condition that its exercise shall not e j !;e prohibited by the State in which the agency tl j is situated. ^ Z ]( In order to cover tne expenses i ciuem 10 the plan, it will be authorized, to receive moderate premiums for certificates issued on depositee, and on bills bought and sold; thus, as far as its dealings extend, to furnish facilities to ll commercial intercourse at the lowest possible n rates, and to subduct from the earnings of in- ^ dustry the least possible sum. It uses the State t( banks at a distance from the agencies, as aux- n iliariee, without imparling any power to trade 01 in its name. It is.subject to such guards and rcstariuts as have appeared to be necessary. It " is the creature of law, and exist only at the " pleasure of the legislature. It is made to rest e on an actual specie basis, in order to redeem H the notes at the places of issue; produces no I:t dangerous redundancy of circulation, affords Cl no temptation to speculation; is attended by no P: ?ria <,nnnhlr> in its oneration: w | ilJiirtllUll \ji jniuwc, ... _r y i makes the Treasury notes which it may use along j a with the certificates of deposite, and the notes of ^ specie-paying banks, convertible at the place e i where collected, receivable in payment of Go- ? vernment dues,* and, without violating any prin- * ciple of the Constitution, affords the Government u and the people such facilities as are called for by P; the wants of both. Such, it has appeared to me, are its reccoinincndations; and in view of them ir it will be submitted, whenever you require it, to I3 your consideration. ta I ain not able to perceive that any fair and pi candid objection can be urged against the plan, ei the principal outlines of which I have thus pre- pi sented. I cannot doubt but that the notes which tl it proposes to furnish, at the voluntary option b; | of the public creditor, issued in lieu of the revc- di 1 nuc and its certificates of deposite, will be main- ir tained at an equality with gold and silver ever}-- b where. They are redeemed in gold aud si'ver, tl on demand, at the places of issue; they are re- c< ceivable everywhere in payment of Government r< I dues. The Treasury notes are limited to an ] j amount of one-fourth less than the estimated afl- no | nual receipts of ihe Treasury; ana, in aumuon, pj 'they rest upon the faith of Government for their A! .'redemption. If all these assurances are not k; , sufficient to make them available, then the idea^ e< ; as it seems to me of furnishing a sound paper si : medium of exchanges, may be entirely" abandon- ti 1 ed. aJ I If a fear be indulged that the Government may 111 11 be tempted to run into excess in its issues at any ^ . future day, it seems to me that no such appre- a ^ hensioncan reasonably be entertained until all confidence in the representatives of the States t t and of the people, as well as in the people them- cl 1 selves, shall be lost. The weightiest considera-j is !; tions of .policy require that the straints now pro- la ,' posed to be thrown around the measure should ci ! not, for light causes, be removed. To argue ai i against any proposed'plan its liability to possible ' c; 7 * # -? .Jt . bnse, is ,to reject-every .esjpedient, since everyriing depended on human action is liable to bnee. - Fifteeitf-millions of Treasury notes may e issued as the maximum; but a' discretionary ower is to be given to the Beard of Control uner that sumrj and gvery consideration wjjl unite i leading thorn tcffeel their way with caution, or the first eight years of existence of. tfcfc late lank of the United States, its circulation barely* xceeded 84,000,000; and for five of- its most rosperous years it was about feqn.al to $16w. 00,000. Furthermore,.the authority given.to eceive private depositee to a limited, amount, rid to issue certificates in such suras as may bet ailed for by the depositors, may $o far-fill up the hannels of circulation as greatly to diminish the . tecessity of any considerable issue of Treasury totes. A restraint upon the amount- of private^ *. epositcs has scorned to bo indispensably necesa:y, from an apprehension thought to be well ounded, that, in any emergency of frade, confixlence might bo so far shaken in the banks as to nduce a withdrawal from them; of private depostes; with a view to insure their unquestionable afety when deposited with the Government* vhich might prove eminently disastrous to the State banks. : i ' ?,. Is it objected that it is proposed to authorize 110!r /-? ' ? WH ? -? ? 1 M ' ugvuvito w ucai in uuj? ui cxcnange.' it s answered, that such dealings are to be carried in at the lowest possible preunum?are made to est on an unquessionably sound basis-^are deigned to reimburse merely the expeness-which could' otherwise devolve upon the Treasury, nd?are in strict subordination to the.decis^m of he Suprem Court, in the case of the Bank of Vngusta against Earle, and other reported cases; nd thereby avoids all conflect with State jurisliction. It leaves the banking of the State, withmt interference?looks to the Treasury and the Jnion; and,, while furnishing every facility to the irst, is careful of the interests of the Jast. But, bove all, it is created by law, is .amenable by. , iw and, is repeaJabto by law; and, wedded as .' am to no theory, butrloukino- solely to tbb ad?' ancem9nt ofthe pubKcgoco, I shall'be amongst.1 lie. very first to urge its Te'peal, if it be found not". -.a 3 subserve the-purposcsand objocts, for which ; may. be created. Nor will the plan .be subfitted in any overweening confidenco in the suf- _ ciency of my own judgment, but with much ", rcater reliance on the wisdom and patriotism of loDgress. I cannot abandon this subject with-;ut urging upon you, in the most emphatic man-, er, .whatever may. be your action on the suggesions which I have felt it to be my duty., to subfit, to relieve the Chief Executive Magistrate* y any and all constititfional.'rneans, from a conrolling power over the public .Treasury: If, in he plan, proposed" should you deem it worthy, .of our consideration, that separation is not as comlete as you may deStre, yon will doubtless . mend it in that particular. F6r myself," I -dislaim all desire to have any control over - the - ublic -money, othei?mm what is-indispensably ecessary to execute-the laws which you may a3S. ' ,*..* 'r%~ .. v*'* ir Nor can I fail to advert, in.this connection, to -. - - ? le debts which many of tlw. States of the United . ave contrncled'abroad, and under which they ontinue to labor. Th it indebtednesa amounts_ ) a earn not less than $200,000,000, and which / as been retributed to them, for the most part, in , orkn of internal improvcrpeat, wliich are destinfl to prove of vast importance in ultimately * ivancing1 their prosperity and wealth. Por the ibts tluisTontracted, (ho .States are alone reeansible. I can do no more than express the' eiief that each State vrill'feel itself bound by very consideration of hopor, as well as of inWr-^ * ?t, to meet its engagements with punctuality,^- " 'he failure, however, of any one State texdo so, lould in 110 degree affect the credit of the rest;: ad the foreign capitalist will hay#fnojustcau60 > experience alarm as to. alt other Sftate stocks, scauae anyone or more of the States may ner foctto provide with punctuality the mc'anggbf " , icloetning- their en^d^epients. Even * talcs, should there beany, considering thdgreat ipidity with which their resources are developig themselves, will not fail to have the means, : no-very distant day, to redefefn their obligaons to the utmost farthinjj; Ootavill I doubt"but latin view of that'honorable conduct which faaisf vermore governed the States, and the people' <r lis Union, tliey will each and all resort to every -~ jgitimatc expedient, beforo they wfltj.foregD a lithful compliance with their obligations. J- < I feel it mv dutvto brins under vour'comidera- : on a practice which has grown up in the adlinistration of.tbe Government, and which, lam ccply convinced, ought -to be corrected. I aHude ) the exercise of the $nver, which usage, > ithcr than reason, has vested in the Presidents, . F removing incumbents from office, in in forder * ) substitute others"more in favor with the domi-. ant party. My own conduct, in this respect,. v as been governed by a conscientious purpose to xercise the removing'power, only in case of nfaithlulncss or inability, or in those in which s exercise appeared necessary; in order to disauntenance and suppress that spirit .of active artisanship on the part of holders of office, rhich riot only'withdorws them from the steadynd impartial discharge of- their official' duties, ut exerts an undue and injurious influence over lections, and degrades the character of the Govrnment itself, inasmuch as it exhibits the Chief . fagistrate, as being a party, tiirougii ms agents, 1the secret plots or open workings of political , arties. ."jr. * " In respect to the exercise of this power nothlgsh'ould be left to discretion, which may safer be regulated by lawr and it is of high impormce to restrain, as far as possible the stimulusof jrsonal interests in public elections. Considring the great increase which has been made in ublic offices in the last quarter of a country, and ' le probability of fart her.increase," we incur the azard of witnessing violent political contests, rcctcd too often to thc'single object of retainig office, by those who are in, or obtaining it, y those who are out, : Under the influence fof lese convictions, I shall cordially concur inany mstitntional measures for regulating; and by jgulating, restraining,.the power of removal. 1 suggost for you consideration, the propriety of iaking, without further delay, some specific aplication of the funds derived under the will of lr. Smithson/of England, for the diffusion of uowledge; and which have heretofor, been vest1 in public stock, until such time as Congress lould think proper to give them a specific airecon. Nor will you, I feel confident, permit any jatement of the principal of the legacy to be lade should it turn out that the stocks, in which >? imfMtmonts have been made, have undergone depreciation.:s v In conclusion, I commend to your care the invests of this DistrSi, for which you are the exusivc legislators. Considering" tliat this city the residence of the Government, and for a irge part of the year, of Congress and, considring also, the great cost of the Public Buildings, id the property'Of affording tiiem n* all times ireful protection, it scams not unreasonable