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y " _ ; (; o . > * S * . From the Old Dominion. INTERNAL IMPROVEMENT. Those who make it tlirir business to operate on public opinion, arc all agog for rail roads, canals, <fc'c. We have no rt'^r objection to such improvements. In fact, we are friends to them, provided tliey can be. made without infringing in the least, upon tin: rights and liberties of the people, wlirch are iucompartb|y more vulua* lilc than all the rail roads and canals 011 the face of tlu: earth. That the power of monopoly is leagued with the present system of internal iotpr vement, cannot he doubled by any one who will give to the subject the slightest con-ideration. At litis time most of the rail-roads belong to chartered companies. * nndrure exerting an influence hostile to the rights and welfare of (lie sovereign people. They are rapidly monopolizing the land transportation business, not excepting the carrying of the mails. And what are ihe consequences? Those Companies, controlled by a few individuals who have no reg ird for the equal rights ; of the people, are invested with immense power, which they can exercise in a way most conductive to their interest, regard less of the public weal. But tins is not the worst feature of the present system. It unquestionably exerts an influence adverse to the free exercise of the right of opinion on subjects of government. That this right has been interfered with in nia.ny instances, and attempts made to eon. trol it by fear, favour, or money, is no longer a matter of doubt. The recent elections furnish many well authenticated and alarming facts of this kind. If such are the effects ef th-is system 'during its comparative infancy, what mav reasonably be expected from it when it has reached its maturity; when the whole "face of the country is checkered with rail roads and canals belonging to the money power? Is not the subject worthy of the thoughtful consideration of every friend ,< to our free institutions? Undoubtedly it is. TKey should examine it with the utmost ? particularity, and if it is fraught with evils which must overbalance the good, they.should be destroyed, or else the sys- ' tern'should be abandoned, as it is 3 dictate of common sense, that lesser evils should be preferred to greatei ones. Undoubtedly those who are deeply In- j . tercsted in the success of the present system, and whose sole object is self-agran(lizement, will spare no pains to convince the public that it is the b'*si which human j ingenuity could devise; but prudence die-' tates that their arguments be carefully ex- j, .amine-* and their declarations cautiously!.! received, as they are the interested party, I and of course will use their utmost exertions to color their side of the picture as highly and as favorably as possible. Among die arguments used in favour of the p esent system of intern d improve-', meats, the most common and successful i oufe is directed to the pockets of the com- !| rnuility. The people are. told that these !, improvements will rapidly increase the j value of properly, give employment <?>!, labor, and facilitate the transportation ??f j t commodities. But they are not informed t whether they will iinpr -ve than otherwise t the distribution of wealth, which i.s by far , the must importa it consideration. True j national prosperity and social happiness r lit) not consist in the mere creation of v wfealth, but in its equitable distribution. t Even before the wonderful improvements p in labor-saving machinery, wealth was t created with astonishing facility and in y the greatest abundance. Since that time j its rapid creation has almost exceeded t calculation, and yet the great body of the people in every country, and the wealth creators ton, ere poor. England affords , a striking illustration of this fact. In ~ t 8 that country wealth is mure rapidly crealed than auv where else, ami yet the mass t of her population are miserably poor.? < *>. .. Can this strange circumstance be account* J , *;>j* cd fur in any other way save upon the principle of partial distribution? Certainly nut. Her laws regulating the distribu- t tion of wealth arc as bad as thev can be, - cordin luv by the. ncvn-cre ttors. She j has a- numerous privileged Aristocracy, , \Vho live iike princes and produce nothing, that. are exceedingly burdensome to pro- ^ ductile industry Aside from this immense. weight, the expenses of iter government ate enormously great, then comes . the interest on her vast national debt, and to cap the summit of her huge mountain . of injustice heaped upon labor, is her wicked corporation system, of which the ' Aristocracy here are the copyists, and are ' striving with all their might to fasten 1 upon the producing classes of this confe 1 drracy. If they succeed, the condition of the laboring population in these Slates will soon be as miserable as is the condition of their oppressed brethren across the water- But wc hope for the besl, i t* I - - - Having mncn continence in me foresight, ' the lionestv, and strong attachment of the laboring classes to our Republican tnstitu- ' thins. I v In view of these facts, we are opposed 1 to any. system of internal improvement, . v . no matter by what name it is dignified, ' that is not as favorable to the distribution ^ as it is to the accumulation of wealth, he* itig satisfied that all such systems are anlirepublicu i iu -their spirit and tendency; |j^ that tliuy. hi'itelit the few to the injury of M^^^tlie maiiy, and thus necessarily create l?Bjfctfvilegeil ojjl.ers. by the concentration of B&SBH^Mth,, in opposition to the Uwa of nafeud the intentions of Deity. .ifie itrgaments of those in fa^ ersent mode of rnakipg inter "re specious than sound. One is, that such i provements increase the value of propi ty. Suppose they do, and what then? a the majority of the people property hoi erst? Not at all. lience, according their own showing, the tendency of t system is to heap up and coneentrt wealth, rather than to diffuse and dist little it. The pbopie are also told of I wonderful facilities afforded to transpor tiou, the astonishing impulse given tot siuess, of towns springing up as if magic; but are nil these advantages to compared to the rights and liberties oft many? Suppose the whole face of t country was cross>barred with rail-roa and canals, and the great body of the pe pie were slaves, would such improvemei tiro fit them? By no means. England the great pioneer in these improvemen and yet her population are miserably poi The whole Island nl Great Britain is ehet ered with rail-roads, and yet the peoj are driven by oppression to the brink revolution. Provisions can be transpo ed from one extreme of that Island to ar ther with the utmost convenience and I cility, and yet the millions are sufferi for bread. Rail-roads are rapidly inert sing in France, but is the condition of t people at all improving? D.? those ii prorernents liberalize the political sen ments of Louis Phillippe, and thus ma him a better king? Similar improvemer . - - n _ n lire aiso exienumg in n.u??ia, urrmai and other despotic governments of Eurnj but does the onward movement of liber to the opprnssed keep pace with them? If not, of what benefit is the system to t degraded multitude? It neither fills t stomachs of a starving population, n causes the galling manacles of slavery set any easier. In our humble opinion, all internal ii provements should be made at the e pense of the community in which they a located; that the necessary funds be rais by a direct tax on the people, and thalt progress of the works keep pace with t funds raised for defraying their expensr la otbfcr word*, that the people make i such improvements themselves, at tkc own cost, and pay for lliein as they go.o The present mode of chartering injnpani for such purposes, we believe, is fraug with mighty evils, dangerous to the si biLity of our free institutions. We al look with alarm at the present plan <0 laining loans fox purposes of internal ir provement upon the credit of the State because it makes the many tributaries the few, imposes grevious burdens < posterity, and must resuttjn conseque res far more injurious to the people thi the improvements wiH be beneficial them. D. Correspondence of the Courier. WASHINGTON, AUGUST 2S. The proceedings in the two Houses of Congrw yesterday, were interesting and very important. Tiic Senate it waa supposed, would dispose of the la Jill. But an unexpected obstacle was interposed in amendment offered by Mr. Berrien, which 4 urges the scop3 of the debate, and hazards the pi iage of the bill. Ho moved to amend by providii hat the distribution should cease when the rate lulies shall be so regulated as to exceed the rate wentj .per cent ad valorem, or, as he explained vlien the compromise act shall be infringed upc Hr. Huntington, and others, who are unwilling ecognize the compromise act in this manner, ai vould raifior give up the distribution than bo boui 0 abandon the principle of protection in all cast >roteste4 against tho amendment, and declared th h?*y would iiot vote for a bill with the prevision.lr. Archer declared that, without this provisio 1 -t? u -_4 ?*. n: UUi C?>UIU now pd09. iur. uivos wuiivu iv uiui ho principle of the amendment farther, and provi d that the distribution shall cease when the dul m any oae article shall exoeod twenty per center Berrien objected to this that it might be nece ary to impose countervailing duties, ia particul :ases exceeding twenty per cent, and Mr. Rives' ra ion was lost. After a good deal of discussion, tl Senate adjourned in some confusion. The friends he bill will consult and endeavor to save it fro his new danger. In the House, Mr. Sergeant offered a reaolutic o take the "Fiscal Corporation" bill out of corami ee, and stop the debate, at 4 o'clock tho same da This raised a storm on the part of the opposition.Mr. S. modified the amendment so as to fix 4 ochx Monday, and the previous question was order* lpon it. The opposition then began, one after an ,her, to ask to be excused from voting on the res ution, for the resson that it was intended to st< ree debate in the House, and to force through i mportant measure before it could be examined eugth. The resolution passed by a very large m orily. The House went into committee on the bi ind Mr. Sergeant advocated it as a measure wbii vould have some good effects on the currency, ai vas much better than nothing, and the best whic jnder the circumstance, we could get. Mr. Wise vehemently opposed the measure, ai ind made a deliberate and severe personal atta< >? U. PI,B Thi? aneech was. indued, intendi ?. -r is a reply and an offset to Mr. Clay's animadversioi jpon the "kitchen cabal," who sought to contr Vlr. Tyler, and make a third party. As to this bill. Mr. Wise expressed his hope ai xslicf that it would fall under the veto. He said t! President was opposed to a bank of discounts, b is was not in favor of a bank of exchange. N Marshall has the floor for to.morrow, when the w between Mr. Clay's friends and those of Mr. Tyl will be continued. It was hoped that direct hoeti tios between these two sections of the whig pax would be avoided; but they have drawn tho swo and thrown away the scabbard. Mr. Wise assail Mr. Clay in every possible way?when he was call to order and stopped, he evaded the objection, ai was allowed to go on in the same strain, of invectii by personifying rumor, and remarking upon tbi instead of Mr. Clay. In tho coarse of the dayu Mr. Brawn, of Pa., r jectedto thp bjU as intended io "head Capt. Tyle .and "%ton him," refemnx to -Mr. BoUa' Ictt ' ;>4, I . %+ ' * ; ^- ' -Vm* 1 rhich has produced so much excitement here. Mr, [ ur? Botts stated that his letter was private, end had ire been fraudulently obtained and published. Id- ? to WASHINGTON, AUGUST 23. he At 10 o'clock, yesterday, the House resumed the ite consideration of the Fiscal Corporation bill, in comri miltee of the Whole, and Mr. Marshall, of Ky., lie spoke an hour in support of the bill. It is a strong ta- evidence of the popularity whioh Mr. Marshall hasj Hi- obtained here, that he drew the fhllest galleries that' by we have had in the House this session. Many of be the Senators also were present. Mr. Marshall's he speech was very conciliatory and respectful towards he the President, though he handled'Mr. Wise's views ids i and arguments with some severity, but in perfectly <>- good temper. He reviewed the veto message, and its drew from it the inferenoe that the President would IS ffprfninlv firrnthii. tfl it nhriat^H all hil ohiectioni. fat give peace to the country, and union to the party.? Jr. He had not himself voted for the bill which the 'It* P/esidont had rejected, and there were many atrong >le objections to it He greatly preferred this bill, He of. had never considered a bank to lend money as one of ft* the necessary means of carrying out the granted ??* power; but a bank of exchange he had proferred and fa* advocated at home. He replied to the remarks 11S which Mr. Wise had made on the course of Mr. >a* Clay, with great point and success, and concluded h? his speech with a high wrought and eloquent eulo. J1" giura on that great man. "* Mr. Gilmer contended that this bill was the same ke in principle with the bill which the President bad re. 'fa turned. 'y* Mr. Everett preferred this bill greatly to the bill which was returned, Mr. Cost Johnson was in favor lY of the bill, and gave it his preference over a Bank ~~ of Discounts, and he insisted that the President "e would sign It. If he did not, he would answer for "e one Whig State, Maryland; that she would disown " r and repudiate him. The bill was finally pnuti, yeas 125, payee 91. and sent to the Senate for concurrence. 71 * The Senate has, at length, brought to a cousin?ion, the debate on the I/and bill, and passed it to a third reading. The roajoritj waa unexpectedly large ->-yeaa 28, naya 22, one Senator, Rfr. Smyth, of ^ Conn., absent. Every Whig Senator, except Mr. JPrcaloQ, voted for the Bill. Mr. Berrien's anjend^1 j rocnt eraseo modified by him as to provide that the distribution shall cease when the Compromise shall be violated?i. e. when the rate of duty on any artides shall exceed 20 per cent. This amendment P5 ^ saved the bill. Messrs. Bates and Choate voted against the amendment. a* so ~ b. WASHINGTON, AUGUST 25. n. The Fiscal Corporation Bill from the Hoose, was ( >s, yesterday read twice in the Senate, and Mr, Tappan Iq moved its indefinite postponement There was but )n a thin attendance of Senators at the time, but tl?e < n. motion was lost Mr. Berrien spoke in relation to ID the necessity of providing some means for the regu- ( Iq latioa of the custody of the public money. The ( bill took the usual course. After the passage of the { Land Bill, it will undoubtedly be taken up. Rumor ( says that it will not pass the Senate unless it be well ascertained that the President will approve it ( M| The efleet of another veto, it is conjectured, will be ^ adverse to the union and strength of the party, es ( n(] well as the interests of the country. Some doubts bv are now expressed by the whigs, whether the Presi- ( m'. dent will ?ign any bill at thia session.' Hiring once j IB. lest their -confiidence, tbej are porhaps now too dis. ig trustful. of The Land Bill waa read a third time, and the of question being on its passage, Mr. Calhoun spoke it, groat length, and with unusual ability against m. the measure. It is said to be the best speech lie to has made thia session. Mr. Aaciiea common :ed an id argument in reply, which he will continue to-day.? id The Senate spent some time in Executive busi. *, "want The more important nominations will not, it is _ believed, be acted on at this session. The nomina. n, tion of Bcla Badger, which has bean the subject of ry so much comment, was reported against by the d. Committee on Commerce, and will certainly berejec. Ly ten. _ The House was engaged in the discussion of a g_ bill to provide for paying the defts of the Post Office ir department. The sura sppropriatod by the bill ia o. $497,000. It doea not appear, hov-ever, that there ie is a deficiency to tliat extent, taking a number of of years together, for tlie public treasury is now indebted m to the Post Office department more than eleven hunthousand dollars. It is admitted that the depart. >n meat ought not to be looked to as a source of reven. j it. ue, and that all its receipts should be expended in * y, aid of its objects. Mr Roosevelt gave notice that ? _ he would offer an amendment for the reduction of the g present nign iau? vt raiwi j?vw??|v# jd It is again strongly asserted that there will be some . o. changes in the Cabinet very soon. Mr. Rives will, ( o. in no event, accept any situation in the Cabinet? { >p He announced this in his speech in the Senate, in j. in reply to Mr. Clay. ^ at j a 0*The following is the letter of Mr. Born, alluded 11, to in ota of the above letters:? ( sh AUGUST 1G, 1841. g id Hear Sin The President hu finally resolved to } h, veto the Bank bill. It will be sent in to day at 12 o'clock. It is impossible to tell precisely on what id ground it will be placed. He has turned and twisted c :k and changed his ground so often in his conversations, * that it is difficult to conjecture which of the absur- f ns ditics he will rest his veto upon. ol In his last conversation reported, he said his only 0 objection was to that provision which presumed the ? id assent of the States, where no opinion was ex. rested, ? he and if that was struck out he would sign the bill.? r ut He hod no objection to the location of branches by lr. the directors, in the absence of dissent expressed, t ** but whenever it wai expressed, tlie power to die- j er count promissory note* rauit cease, although tire g i- agency might continue, for tho purchase and sale of i lJ foreign exchange. However, you will see his mcs- f J? sage. i ?d Our Captain Tyler ia making a desperate effort | ed to set himself up with the Loco Focoa, out he'll be f nd headed yet, and I regret to say, it will end badly for f 'o, him. He will be an object of execration.with both c it, partieai with one for vetoing our bill, whrbh was bad r enough?with the other for signing a worse one; but r >b- ho is hardly entitled to sympathy* He hu refused c r," to listen to tho admonition aad entreaties of his bast 1 or, friends, and looked only to th# whisperings of am- v bitious and designing mlschief-makeri that have eoU leeted around him. ' The veto will be received without a-word, laid on the table, and ordered to be printed. To-night we mu?t and will eettle matters, aa quietly as possible, but they must be settled. Yours, &c. ,z JNO. M. BOTTS. You'll get a Bank bill, I think, but one that will serve only to fasten him, and to which no stock will be subscribed; and when he finds out that he is not wiser in banking than all tho rest of the world, we m*r ir?t aitftt/TF- Tim excitement here is tremen. doui, bat it will bo smothered for the present. The above letter is port-marked "Washington, lGth August," and addressed to "Coffee House, Richmond." (Frco) JNO. M. BOTT8. THB SAl?D3tTfrOT7pJfAL. CAMDEN, S. CAROLINA. WEDNESDAY MORNING, SEPT.l, 1841. MILITARY ELECTION. An election for Brigadier General of the fifth Brigade, to supply the vacancy created by the promotion of Gen. Canto, took plaoe on Saturday lost.? Toe fifth Brigade includes the Districts of Kershaw, Lancaster, Richland and Sumter. The Candidates were Col. W, HorejNs, of Richland, Col. ?? Nettles, of Sumter, Col. W. J. Taylor, of Kershaw, and Col. T. W. Huer, of Lancaster, We have no official retnms, but learn verbally, that the following is the result. a 2 a - o o b c "2. c ^ ? ^ Si ST J ? * " Kershaw, ? ? . 15 3 26 0 Lancaster, , , - 5 0 5 39 Richland, * ? , 46 1 10 0 Sumter, . , * 16 71 1 0 82 75 42 39 Tn? BiNKRorr Law.?We (hall publish this law gaxt week, so that our readers, may examine its provisions. FISCAL CORPORATION. The whig majority in Congress, with a spirit and a pertinacity, worthy of a better cause, scaln determined, at ail hazards, to force upon the country a Nation.-*! Bank of some description. Since the veto of Mr. Clat*s bill by the President, a new scheme has been introduced by Mr. SgROEANT of the House of Representatives, the details of which we have not seen, and which has al. ready passed that body and been sent to the senate, and haSI in all likelihood been hurriod through the latter before this paragraph shall reach our readers. It is framed with the view of avoiding the objec. Lions of the President, as stated in the Veto Mes. age, but in our opinion, it is fur from accomplish, ng this object, though Mr. Trcsa may, perhaps, think differently. True, the schema proposed, is tot to be a Bank, but only a Fiscal Corporation, the old thing by a new name. There are to be no Wanchss to the thing; agencies are simply to be lorated in each State, and without their consent? * n ali. :j_ is.li. au. d.?.: til kill awiufl, cdpiullljrf hid uujtliuvllo ui aidoj* lent Tyler. He it only opposed to a "National Bank to operate per ?t over the Union." This beng a mere Fiscal Corporation, although evidently veil calculated to operate perse over the Union, hut tot being a National Bank, of course does not mae under the reasoning of the Veto. Mr. Ttter too, is opposed to the establishment >f the branches of a National Bank in the Slates vithout their consent, and therefore the Fiscal Cor. mutton, to steer clear of this difficulty, is to have 10 branches, but is to be carried on through the in. itrument&lity of Agencies. The objection of the President being to the branching power, this objec. ion is, at once, happily set aside. Thus it will be seen that we are to have a Nation. 11 Bank, the opinions of President Tyler to the :ontrary notwithstanding. His difficulties in icla. ion to the constitutionality of such an institution ire all obviated, and he can now, according to the noral code of the great file leader of the whig par. ;y give his assent to the scheme. In other words io has been "headed" to use the significant language >f the notorious John M. Botts, in his letter to he Richmond Grog Shop; at least this effort is nade with that intent, but how fur it may succeed j emaina yot to be seen. We arc mucti misiaKcn, lowever, in our estimate of the character of Mr. as exhibited in his Veto Message, if this trap set only to fasten him" according to Mr. Botts again, ha!l succeed. We shall be much disappointed if 1 e [oes not look with contempt look upon this effort, as l wore by fraud and stia'.agcm, to obtain his assent, o what he has, in advance, pronounced unconsti. utional; and wc shall confidently expect this bill to tc treated in the same manner, and to meet the same ate, which the celebrated compromise section, in Hr. Clay's bill enoountcred. How he can escape the eloquent and manly con. lemnation to which he says he would have been ubjected, had he signed the other Bank Bill, if ie assents to this, we cannot divine. He says: i "1 could not give my sanction to a measure of the haracter described, without surrendering all claim, o the respect of honorable men?all confidence on he part of the people?all self respect?all regaid or moral and religious obligations, without an ob ervance oi wnicn no vrovernmeni can ue prosperus, and no people can be happy. It would be to ommitacrime which 1 would not wilfully commit ogain an earthly reward, and which would justly uhject me to the ridicule and acorn of all virtuous nen." The bill which is now, or will in a few days, be i tefora him, is as objectionable in its princiial features as the one to which he rcfcrsin the above < ontcnce, and in tho estimation of a large body of I lis follow citizens, he will as much violate all the i irinciplea which he has heretofore sustained by giv. i ng it his sanction as if he had assented to the other, i Jow he may view the subject, it is, of course, im- j Kwaible to say, but if any correct opinion is to bo I ormed from tho history of his past life on the Bank 1 |uestion, a history which is marked by as much, If 1 lot more, consistency as that of any or all the emi- I tent politicians of the present day, wc come to the i onclusion that be will arrest this bill also. Specu. ( ation is, however, useless on a question the fatoof rhichwill so soon be dccidod. A few days wilj' { ' r " :' ..'r-:'^va' ! ' . - * -j-- ^ - y p - i" ?.4 '*.' i" " * , * "tf; givfl 09 the result, not ?nty of the ddibe rations of Congress, on the subject, but also the President's CONGRESS. The correspondence of the Charleston 'C#riee. /$*%. which will bo found in another part of our paper; will fumiah our readers with information in relation to the latest measures which have been matured ijt:* '' Congress. Letters ih that paper of Monday, under date of the26th and 27th ult. for which we have not room to day arc full of bright promiaea for the as^' V cendency of democratic doctrines?a dismember, ment of the whig party seema absolutely inevitable, and a veto of any Bank project which may pa*. "ed ia looked upon aa a matter be/ond 'all doubt 9 . . 1 1.1 Bank op tub United States.?The Ifon. Wit* uam Drayton has resigned the Presidency of this" ' institution, and Mr. Jambs R-oimtson, of Richmond Va. has been elected to supply his place. ^PVsLLbw Fcvmu?This disease ia ipakfog cad nu vages among the inhabitants of St Joseph, In florida. It has also made its appearance in New/ Orleans. 1 ? Graham's Maoazine.?We arc again in possession 'P, of this exquisite Monthly, for/September, jn\a&-4 v juice 01 an us coiemporaries. ~l no JVOUOT mate to spare neither pains nor expense in placing hu? ' *. I. Magazine in the front rank of the periodic&Mitenu ^ ture of the day, and few have succeeded so happily. For a year past we have noticed a regular, steady and progressive .improvement, "5?r : in its literary department, as in its embelluhments.x^ The embellishments of tho presort number are two ; beautiful steel engravings. "The Cottage Fireside*' \ and "Cottage Piety," a plate of Fashions, and twor pages of Music.' This roagnziue numbers among , its regular contributors many of the ablest writersiri?V' ^ the country, and the number before us isrichj^ stored with their various labours. Tho reviews of new books which appear monthly, are richly worth > v\ I fliA AiikuAvrnfiAn rtvi/in JT it- lin/1 MA ?<!?? ? ?ft?? V- C ? I ura ouvobtJj'uvu ?vo| u it jium itv uuivi UIUUIUUU/ _ C'"- > .- * Awful Catasteophe?The newspaper* _ contain a heartrending account, of groat loss of life, from the explosion of Gunpowder, at a fire in Syracuse, New -York, which occurred on the night of the I9lh ult. A small wooden building in that tq*a was fired, it is supposed, by an incendiary, on.that niglit,:'ip.ywhich wes stored ten or fifteen kegs of gunpowder, the explosion of which was attended by the most fatal consequences. Thirty person* Xtwere immediately killed, and fcrty others wounded, y many of them dangerously. From the Savannah Georgian. ORIGNAL LETTER OF JEFFERSON. At the meeting of the Georgia Historic cal Socidty on the 9th inst. Dr. Stevens, ..$&>* in behalf of the Hon. Asbur^' ffqjl,. ;of'' Athens, presented to the Society an or|? giual letter of Thos. Jefferson, written before he went to Ghllege. We have beenr. favereii with a copy of it to lay before oju.f '& readers, as an intere&tingspecimen otepu-, tolary writingby a youth of sixteen, thefgture signer of the Declaration of Indepgp- . dence. It shows great force and directness of mind, and exhibits the fact,,thst. even then his aspirations reached int.o the .% shadowy future. SHADWELL, January 14th 1760. . ^Sir?I was at Colo. Fetter Kandplplt!* about a Fortnight, ago,1 aiijl my schoolings falling into discourse, he said lie thought . jra it would be to my advantage to go to College and was desirous?* should go* indeed I am myself for, several reas^e.rr^v. In the first place as long as I stay .at the Mountains the loss of one fourth of ray time is inevitable, by company's coming^ . here and detaining me from school. ; ?yd. V likewise my absence will in n great sure put a stop to so much Company, and by that Means lessen the Expenses.of the Estate in House-keeping. Am] on, the . other Hand by going to .then. CpHegiC^V. shall get a more universal Acquaintance, which may hereafter be serviceable to mej. and I suppose I can pursue my studies in the Greek <& Latin as well there as here,. & likewise learn something.of the Mathematics. I shall be irlad of VOUr opinion and remain Sir, Your most humble serv't ,5% THOS. JEFFERSON, Joor. . f To Mr John Harvey at / Bellemont. . Jefferson was born at Shariwell, Albermarle Co., Va., April 2d, O. S. 1743. and v was therefore not quite seventeen.whenthe letter was penned. This appeal to Col. Harvey, who was his guardian; his . father having died when he was but-twelve 4^: years old, was successlul, and in the*- / spring of 1760, he entered William Mary College, which, at that time, was . der most excellent management. Why he signs his name Thomas Jefferson? Junforv is a matter of doubt. His father's name <* : was Peter and though the name of one of ? " his uncles was Thomas, yet he died before-^ ^ : young Jefferson was born. The only solution is, that there might have been another perhaps a relative of the same , name, and instead of following the new ; ungliiuu jmoii in sutii u.iaco auu inj Thomas Jefferson 1st and Thomas Jeflerion 2d, he wroteThomas Jefferson, Junior. Our friend, Mr Tefft, has in his splen- ^ lid collection of autographs, eight or- ten letters of-Jefferson, but the easiest date n his collection, is an order of Jefferson's while governor of Virginia, dated Rich* nond, 8th May, 1781. This order was , ;iven at the request ofLafayetle, to facili;ate the movement of an officer whop) he tad despatched to break down the bridge/ :o retard the enemy. The style of-pepnanship is similar in all, though rath'er . note cursive and easy in the meridianand., dose of life. Col. Harvey, the. gentleman o whom the letter is -addressed, and the juardian of young Jeftersdoj was -the