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. -.3mm ' ;5tev ''iP' \ . v I : C #'' ^ ^ ^ ^ B g__, -* ' I . : __ ^ ^ ? ^ TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM! "Taa Pnion ox* Xiibbrtt xs 3DtanX?.3\r AIj viaiiiAiroii." __ [PAYABLE IN ADVANCE. BY DAVIS & HOI.LINGSWORTH. ABHKVILLK, SOUTH CAROLINA, THURSDAY MORNING, JANUARY 8, 1857. ym. vm ^ ? 2 _TT I I I i . < .i-- I -..I- i ? I - - KEMAKKS OF JLOxN. V. S. UKUOKS, OF SOUTH CAROLINA, In the Jloitse of Representative*, Dee. 17, 1850, on the question of referring the President's Message to the Committee of the Whole on "* state of the I'nion, and the printing v Jfc thousand copies thereof Mr. Biiooks said: -4*> Mr. Speaker: I Iiavc waited until my friend fiom IiKliana [Mr. K??ijliali J had finished his speec h, i" "T1}' lo ,lis question, \vhether or '<ot ',0 was corrcct in stating ^ *!...? c?,.//icrn Democrats would vote fur tliu <iuln"'ss,on Kansas as a free Slate, if that was the clearly ascertained wish of a majority of her people, as would the Northern Democrats to admit her as a slave State, should that he the will of the majority ? i 'did not interrupt my friend while lie was speaking, because it breaks the thread of one's remarks, introducing irrelevant issues, and squanders the time of the occupant of the floor. There was a tacit admission of the correctness of his position. His subsequent remarks, however, caused me to doubt whether I, for one, could respond affirmatively to his interpretation of the Kansas mid Nebraska act. and to bis tiromisitimi ? -- I l" ? exactly as lie had stated it. My position, and the position of the South generally, as I understand it, is that, whenever it shall he legally ascertained that the Territory of Kanr-as (or any other Territory of the United Slates,) has a population of ninety-three thousand four hundred and twenty, it is then in a condition to form a State constitution ; and that the will of a majority of the actual residents, as expressed in that, constitution, shall obtain, and the Territory ho admitted into the Union as a State, with out refelvtii'M to iinv ?*otislitiitif?ii:il mv.vUiiin iL may contain in regard to negro slavery. This I now understand to be tlie proposition of iny friend. We now concur thus far, and I announce distinctly that, should the people of Kansas coiuply with the terms of the Kansas-Nebraska act as I understand it, and apply for admission as a free State, they will encounter 'no obstacle in my vote. But iny'friend went on to say that, in his y opinion, ji TcJiiilorial Legislature had the j jmrtjrkw? prohibiting the. iubxn j ^ dilution or slaves. If it {i.-rjj'Uat e-o*er, j wftw Ynav not the Legislature ' ' . . V fri.i . ii 'jJJWiatuttJ, repftfiscutiiig len thousand people I may pass a law forev?> . slavery. j If ton thousand niav niaki> stwli ? l.-nv w in ur?y not five thousand I If five thousand, wliy may not five hundred? Why not fifty? Why not ten? And with such a ? doctrine prevailing, what security have I, as a Southern man, in emigrating to any Territory with my slaves? I dissent in tolo from any such doctrine. I not only repudiate the doctrine of my friend from Indiana, hut I also repudiate another which has keen here taught, and which is, virtually, that we of the South are to he excluded *" from a Territory until the judgment of the Supreme Court is rendered in regard to the effect upon our peculiar properly of Jaws pae6cd by a Territorial Legislature. i uo 1101 ciann mat the Constitution carries slavery iiitu a 'JVrriiory; but I do claim that, as a citizen, I have the light to take my property into any Territory of the ?, United States, and that the Constitution winch protects me, also protects my property. If, in the exercise of my rights as n. citizen, my right of property should he questioned, 1 will appeal to the legal tribunals of the country and abide their de " fission; but I will not he the first to distrust my constitutional rights, and will 1 . content myself with defending them when assailed. We arc the sworn law-makers of tlie land, and arc persmned to be as ro/ gardful of our constitutional obligations as rife the'judge# of the Supreme Bench. It i? but a gorrv commentary upon a law made by a majority, when that majority ' ^ disagree* as to its legal effect. It is said .that there nre many roads to heaven, and that gentlemen were led to the support of *l"> tlio Kansas-Nebraska bill by as many dif' fcfeut roads. There is but one heaven, and l)ut d*e sound, constitutional, and national '^Vrfe6iple in the Nebraska act: and the i ITV all Iijjivu 10 81H1IU upon tuat V principle. and approach it hy the same road, the better will it be for tho Dcino, Speaker, tho discussion which has occurred *upon tho President's message, .* - particularly that portion of it which relates jo in alters in Kansas, was not uucXpactcd by mo. It Was expected, bccaoso .of the iteop hostility which I knew to oxistftl the j^uth^as well as At the North, towards the ' %gfcifdent and the DeinocratidBl^ty. ' T^o Z"' .A*? frank, I expected it beetle of our i^frie&iu cortnin points, which exposed m ?o nWOCK, ^na even invuetf it. I 'J I trusted. TI.u stnoKo 01 u.o naci hardly arisen from the field before observatjr Wro taken of our lino with tho cau.1 sagacity of practiced strategists: /, k is in vain to disguiso it?our weak 'point has been detected. f 1 I also expected tliis discussion, because of tho prying vigilance of another organization which, bccauso of its having its hand against every other party, and particularly that which at this time happens to be in the ascendant, may appropriately be called tho Jskmnelitish party. They, too, have discovered our weakest point, and have already twice attempted to break our linc? and bring our two wings into conflict willi eacli other. Tlie gentleman from Kentucky, [Mr. II. Mar-diall.] wbo is their distinguished and recognized leader, made the iirst charge; and that was shortly succeeded by the folio wing resoulution of tlie member from Tennessee, [Mr. Ktheridge :] " Resolved, That this Ilouso of Representatives regards all suggestions and propositions of every kind, by whomsoever made, for a renewal of the African slave trade, as shocking to the moral sentiments of the enlightened portion of mankind; . and that any action on the part of Con- ! gross conniving at, or legalizing, that hor- ' rid and inhuman traflic, would justly sub- ; ject the government and citizens of the i United States to the renrnaclKM! -in/l ariwiH. ! lion of ;ilI civilized and christian people ' throughout the world." Tliis resolution, as it was doubtless intended. fell as a bomb-shell into the Democratic ranks. Opposition to Democracy is always motive enough for him. I appro- ! bend, however, that a purpose somewhat ! more of a personal character united with a party purpose in producing that unneces- ! sary and inopportune resolution. A diver sion was necessary to conceal the magnitude j of the gentleman's political sins. He had I *1-1? - .1 - 1 ruiisun lu uuueve mai ins soundness upon the slavorv question was doubted not only here, but in his own State aud even in his own district. By creating a new issue, and one upon which he could better stand than j upon past issues, his prospects of re-election j inirritt improve. The argument he has i furnished ti> the enemies of the people who ' ?. , .. I ?i??.?- i?H3 | HoliSC 1j rejn:./. -. .?? 01 b-foro tlic ) Senate to annul tlie treaty which refers ! lo the African slave trade, I could have heard the views of tlio gentleman from Tennessee with patience, had I not coincided with him in opinion. In view, however, of the fact that our laws denounce llie tratlic as piracy, and impose the severest penalties upon offenders?that their repeal is notoriously impracticable?I can but re gard the introduction of the resolution as intended for sel!i*li and party purposes, or as an unprovoked and volunteered rebuke of a distinguished cliicf magistrate of a State, whose genius or patriotism will compare with that of the member from Tennessee, an light to darkness. I regretted, Mr. Speaker, that any resolution was offered, and that any passed tl is House.? After the passage of that presented l>y the member from Tennessee, no cither was necessary. As a minor proposition it was included in the major of the samo character. Though I am sure it was not so intended, yet I apprehend that it might be construed into implied ccnsure of the Governor of the State which I have the honor i ir. part to represent. I was unwilling to occupy a position which iniglit ho 60 construed, though I may differ with his Excellency in tho propriety and opportuneness of the recommendation. I was unwilling to seemingly reflect upon the origin of an institution which is inseparably interwoven with the fabric of the society in which I live. Tho resolution of my friend and colleague [Mr. Orr] was intended to disembarrass such of our northern Democratic friends as had voted against the resolution of the gentleman from Tennessee, and to guard them against misrepresentations which might he in rule to operate against them nod tho Democratic party. I have said that tho party with which 1 affiliate has bocu sagaciously assailed by each of tho other parties, which, io their co-op.*ration against the Democracy, paradoxically illusirato the affinity of hatred. Nor have their efforts been altogether unsuccessful ; and I call upon the bona fide' Democrat* of our whole country instantly to close up their rank*, stand elbow to elbow, and fortify the point ofwepkneM with a double column, or wp will lie irretrievably divided and vanquished. Heretofore, and elsewhere, I have declared that I was not much of a national Democrat. Nor am 1 ;'yct 1 have affiliated with, the Democratic party, and so ioug as our present Government continues I shall continue to co-ophite with the porty^fcy whatever mime it tntff* t>e called, which represents its vmsfaf : witb u, bowevor, is uot of so imitate a chnraowr M to mHke it r?pdmiW#ftir toy position#, or- to embnrmj MA<Ibe. l?v? th*t met* oT its principles are tbttrua pna^nU, ti? -ftl TfHftW i uie fullest confidence in tlie wisdom, pairiJ otism, and orthodoxy of many of the party ] leaders at tlio North, and in the free Stales, | Yet in the party, as such, I hare neither the ! fullest reliance nor confidencc, and I will ; give my reasons. When I first entered | this Ilall, I was an unqualified disuuionist. ; I had been made so by the action of the ; General Government in reference to the tar| iff, to the territory acquired from Mexico J and its whole legislation in regard to slaves, j Shortly after the meeting of tho Thirty| Third Congress, a bill was passed repealing the Missouri restriction line, whereby the States of the South had been excluded, as interiors, troiu Hie cointuou domain. A change of sentiment immediately occurred within me, and my heart expanded with love for our whole country. I chidcd my; self for having done injustice to the Democratic party, which, by repealing an odious restriction, had relieved my people from an insult which had burned them for many a long year. I reproached myself for distrusting the virtue of a people who, by an unprecedented majority, placed General Pierce in power over the greatest living military <...[jl.uu wuii -.111 uic prestige ot military glory fresh upon him. I felt that I had wronged, in my appreciation of them, the Democratic member* of Congress who had nobly redeemed their pledge of non intervention made at Baltimore and on the first occasion which presented itself, had applied the principle of non intervention by removing the obstacle they encountered in Kansas and Nebraska?the line of intervention* Tiiey had been elected, as had the President, upon the Baltimore platform, the cardinal feature of which was non-intervention by Congress with the subject of slavery in the District of Columbia and the Territories.? This was the distinct issue before Northern and Southern 1 democracy, and the people of liolli sections elected Democrats to Congress Vet, sir, for faithlully doing that which they were com missioned to do, what was the consequence ? Complaints of treachery and broken faith filled the air. A contract had been broken, with the terms of which one of the contractfa. tie* had never complied ; a con??".oi; statute had been repented, which, forsooth. irropcalable and chri.-: j .. mi-sections, unon it : oit?- ir icsentatives fro::. the ' . - .. : r-dUciiitiinatcl;." vo?cJ *. . . : against. A pu!v' - rum y ' luwa, 1 down wnh .1 hue 'tnd c"" The act .>iucii repealed llie Missouri 'ostriction also provided territorial governments for Kansas and Nebraska, and further provided for their admission as States upon the terms and conditions heretofore stated.? \VI.~~ ?l-~ 'IT!-. 1- ? ii ui-ii uiu i iiuiy-rounu vjoii gross assembled, and I inspected the new material sent ti> succeed tlie Nebraska Democrats of the North?when I learned more of their principles and observed their efforts to extend them, my faith in northern Democracy began to lose some of its saving grace. I had observed the deluding influences of a secret political association, which mysteriously made dark lanterns of the thinking heads of men, and endeavored to cajolo myself into the belief that northern Democracy had been temporarily led astray by its bewilder mentH; but that, aided by the light of the Constitution, they would ultimately recover the true faith. 1 hoped for a reaction, and felt bound in honor and in gratitude to stand by such of onr northern friends as had remained faithful, and who had stood to us in the hour of their adversity. Influenced by these and other like considerations, my !.- - ? " .iiviiu ui LUC Ji'uuuiiii u 1SInet 111 OOUlll Carolina [Mr. Orr] and myself alone of our delegation, advocated the representation of our State in the Democratic Convention at Cincinnati; and the people of our State, not because of our iufluence, but of their own free will and generous nature, which never fails to respond to acta of justice or inngnaniinity, met our Democratic friends in common council for the common good. We were thcro to organize for a great political contest?the most momentous that this couutry ever yet has witnessed. Our old lenders have been gallant, vigilant, successful. They were entitled by overy right to the glories of the victory which had been won, since upon thein rested the responsibilities of the measures passed, and whatever of odium might to them attach. Northern prejudice and northern hatred had been specially directed towards the President wbo bad approved, and towards the illustrious Senator who had matured, the Kansas-Nebraska bill. They had been identified with the principles of the bill, and, in suataiuing tbem, we bat sustained its principles; and, in rejecting them, we seemingly declined tbe naked issue which the Kansas-Nebraska bill presented. I confcss that, when I anw the distinguished leaders to wbom I have referred?able statesmen, and .each ft resident of *fre$f5tate?put aside, and another leader chosen, who had uo placd in the picture Of tbe fight, my faith in northern De. mocracy was' again shaken. I reasoned with myself in this way : if northern TW* nioeraoy ? so tender-footed ppott t|i? K>.iMXtbtnk* bill reM ?*n, against a construction w'.iich had been suggested, nnil upon wliieli the Senate had , been congratulated, and which, in my judg. i ment, is as fatal to our interests as the pos! itive enactment which had been repealed ? If non-connection with the bill and absen, teeism is necessary to gild the pill, how do t I know but that it may bo rejected when its essential components are ascertained ? Mr. Speaker, enough lias transpired to show that my apprehensions were not altogether without foundation. The assertion has hero frequently been made and uncontradicted, that at many of the Democratic .t-- -vt - ? -i hi iiiu ^orin me people were rallied under banners upon which was inscribed " Buchanan, lireckenridge, and free Kansas." llavo not largo placards been here exhibited with these words in the largest letters upon them, and tho word free in italics ? We are told by our Democratic friends 011 tho floor that nothing more was meant than that the people of Kansas should be free to decide upon the subject of slavery for themselves. What was meant is not the question, llow were the words understood by tho masses ? What was their effect upon the voters ? That is the question ; and if the presidential election was carried upon false pretenses, what cause of triumph have we ? My friend from Indiana [Mr. Kngli-h] has frankly avowed his I preference that Kansas should he a free , Stale, though ho is willing to admit her j with a constitution recognizing slavery.? To his position I do not object. We of the South would prefer that she should be a slave State, yet wo hold ourselves prepared to voto f-?r her admission even with a constitution rejecting slavery, if that is the clearly ascertained will of tfyinjority of hor citizens. . ->A But in sections whero the,sovereignly feature of the bill 'maintained, is it not presumable that ilic uniform and continued expression of this preference at meetings where banners were flying with " Buchanan, Breckeniidge, and free Kansas," might delude the voters into tho belief, that after all the Kansas-Nebraska .net was the 14 hest free-soil measure ever passed ?" This may be said to be but an inference, but i wl-.en it is coupled with the fact, that many ' northern Democrats have admitted that, in tho event of Kansas becoming a slave State, tho.y w'U go by the board, it strikes me | ! more a# n lo?tei?l deduction. i Thf.t the grav< ,t differences of opinion in i i rer?!iiii th. irfft "nnciiii^iiiiii *i?" i^??? ! . .... :'c. ;>tc entertained by north- \ i <?i ii and southern Democrats, and by each among themselves, is beyond doubt, and i tliis difference is the shoal which is threatening us with wreck. The Senator from ] IVtmsylvanin, [Mr. Biglcr.] when interroga- ] ted as to the power of a Territorial Legis- i lature to exclude shivery, replied: , " I am of opinion that the people through | their local Legislature have that power. I j arrive at this conclusion, because I can see | but two sources of law-making power for a i Territory?the one, Congress; and the other, the people. I hold that, when Con- < gress lias conferred upon the nconle of a i Territory all the law making power which { it possesses under the constitution, tlie pow- ? er i? complete in the peoplo, equal to tho < question of domestic slavery, or any | other subject, but this Is a legal question t and I fur one should be gratified to sec it < decided." j This seems to be the same ground as j that occupied by my friend from Indiana, [Mr. English,] as I know it to bo that on i which many other gentlemen from free < States stand. ] I this position they are sustained by dis- i tinguished sou them gentlemen. In the | ' speocli of my friend from Tennessee, [Mr- < Jones,] I find ibis paragraph, which he will pardon me for saying, is crammed full with i her political heresies : i "But I understand that even those who i cry 'squatter sovereignty' throughout the South, *nd who most sijfhally failed in the 1 hist ennvass under that cry, admit that tho ' people of a Territory havo a right, when I they come to form a State constitution, to 1 determine whether they will have slavery 1 or not. Am I correct in that position and understanding of what they hold to he the < correct doctrine upon this subject I If so, i there may be not more than twelve hours' < difference of tiine between them find.my* 1 self. I say they can do It to-day; and they 1 say that the sarae'men can do itto-motrow' i by framing a State constitution. Then then j is between us but one night's difference in I time, and perhaps but oue hour. It is the * manner of doing it. and not the th inr* /Iama I w . "B ' which seems to be iu controversy, even in the Democratic party. Now, it seems to ' me that ibis should be no cause of dissatisfaction with tbo Democratic party, nor should it be any objection to the Democratic party. Oar positions are , I think -welt1 understood?as much ur, least, as those of the party to which you, I Mr. Sneaks belobg." i us. A Territory is added to our domain ; somo ten thousand people, coming from different States, where different institutions prevail, settle upon it. They require law for the regulation of their society, and a territorial government is given them. For what! To protect them from anarchy during their territorial condition. The people of all the States have an equal right with themselves to enter upon T ? - * me i?mwr)', ana are protected in their persons and property by the Constitution of the United States which recognizes property in slaves; and yet my friend from Tennessee would permit a majority of this ten thousand (it tnny be one thousand) to exclude, by a territorial law, every slave owner from the South, or imposo a condition of admittance contrary to his tastes, habits, interests, and the spirit of the Constitution. I do not inquire into the authority of acnllil'inrr Tnrri(nn? Tl..? !- - c~ -t_ 0 .-wit, *???? i3 <? ivivguue con* elusion. We have it; and if, without constitutional authority, it comes ns a waif into a corporation, by every principle of justice and equity, it should be held for the common benefit of all the corporators, and not for the exclusive benfit of the few who chance to stumble upon it. Some of our friends maintain that tlio common law protects property of every description, and will protect it against the local law of a Territory which may conflict, because of its assumed unconstitutionality. But how does the common law get into a 4 f I ?? - * i Ana vwimuou iaw 01 every iiinu was carried into all tbe States by express statute. If no law can be found for tbe acquisition of Territory, it is absurd to suppose that any law can bo carried there by virtue of tho Constitution, except the laws of Congress which are authorized and regulated by the Constitution. That clause of tho Constitution which provides for the making of "needful ruies and rpnriil:itif.n? - " "O for the Territories" must apply to Territory acquired since its adoption, now that we have them in possession; and the Constitution must authorize the making of such local laws by tlio Territorial Legislature as may not coullict with its other provisions, or the laws of the country from which the leriitory as RCijUiicu would coritiiiiie tu prevail. However intricate these questions may he in reference to Territory conquered from Mexico, no difficulty exists in regard to that purchased from France; for iu the treaty of cession it was provided, and with a view to protect the slave owners of Louisiana iu their property in slaves, that it ri*? _ i t . - - -- a no uinaoiianis of tho ceded territory shall be incorporated in the Union of tho United Stales, and admitted as soon as possiblo, according to tho principles of the Federal Constitution, to the enjoyment of fill the rights, advantages, and immunities :>f citizens of tho United States; and in the mean tiino they shall be maintained *nd protected in the free enjoyment of .heir liberty, property, and the religion which they professV Kansas is a part of the Louisiana r>t?r A 1 :hase; and in my view, the rights and interests of the people of the slave-owning States arc protected l?y treaty, by the Constitution, by the common law, and by the organic law of Congress, and that this protection is now and will continue perfect until the people shall, in convention, make a institution in which slavery shalj be rejected, and Kansas, with that constitution, xdmitted as a State into the Union. My colleague, [Mr. Orr,j wliilo he rcpudiutes what is called squatter sovereignty, and Jenies that it is to be found in the KansasNebraska act, yet holds that in reality it is & matter of no practical consequence whether it is or not. In his speech the other day, he remarked as follows : " I say, although I deny that squatter sovereignty exists in the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska by virtue of this bill, it is ei matter practically pf little consequence whether it does or not; and I think I shall bo able to satisfy the gentleman of that.? The gentleman knows that, in every slaveliolding community of this Union, we have local legislation and local police regulot irtna a?nm? i/* *!"?* **" ' ' "* ?* IMWVIIO W ilinw IliailllUIOII} without which the institution would not only he valueless, but a curse to tho community* 'Without them the slave-holder pould not enforce his rights when invaded by others { and if you had ho local legislation for the purpose of giving protection, the institution Would be of no value. 1 can. appeal to every gentleman upon this , floor who represents a slaveholding constituency, to attest the truth of what I have stated upon that point* " Now, the legislative authority of a Territory is invested with a discretion to vote for or against laws. We think they ought to pass. .laws jn every Territory, where the rn . , ? ? ? 2a amA* Ia ??J - ivniwr/ w wj^m w avkviomwi^jiuu - slaveholder# gOtWe, to protect slave property. whether squatter sovereignty does, or does not, exist? Practically it is a matter of little moment." The language of my friend amounts to this ; that public opinion is paramount to law. That there are occasions when public opinion does and should restrain the penalties of the law, is readily admitted, as it also is tUat laws passed by the Representatives of the people are usually the reflex of public opinion. I have already reinared that no specified number of people aro requisite for a territorial government; and I utterly repudiate the idea that the first few hundred stragglers who may enter upon n territory should set up to bo the manufacturers of public opinion, or of law, which may conflict with tho rights of a citizen under the Constitution ; and so do I understand my friend. His position is, that, if a Territorial Legislature fails to pass laws protecting and regulating property in slaves, there is no power to compel it to do so, and that, iu the absence of such police regulations, our slaves would not only be valueless, but a curse to tho community ; and it is in th>H that I think my colleague errs. As a citizen of a sovereirMi T lm?M? O * ? J " "" " v tlio right to pass with my property into any , State or Territory where the national flag I is recognized. If I take my slave into a State where public prejudice is against the institution, I may be robbed of my property, and, although my right of property is intact, I am powerless if the local liw is averse to my detaining him. But here I am in a sovereign State, and, though the ! State may be in open defiance of a constitutional enactment of Congress, I have not the power to enforce it, nor do I know where the power is to be found. Asa citizen of South Carolina, I go in to a Territory, however, with goods, wares and merchandise, and, anterior to the passage by the Territorial Legislature of a law regulating the distribution of estates, I die intestate. What beccirtes of my property ? It is certainly subject to the statutes of the Stale of which I am a resident. So, if I take my propeVfy in slaves into a Territory, which I do under the Federal Constitution, and tho Territorial Legislature have failed to pass any law to regulate, dispose of, or protect such property, then the local law of tho State of which I am a citizen will apply to such property, provided it does not conllict with the Constitution and the laws of Congress made under it. I presume that my colleague and myself will coincide in the opinion that the Territorial Legislature has no authority to pass laws prohibiting the introduction of slavey or the manumission of them if iu the Territory, and any laws to that effect would be void. The point of difference between us is, as to the effect of a failure to make police regulations, lie gives virtue to public opinion at too early a period, and his position would as effectually cxclude the slave owner with his property, as that of those gentlemen who admit the right of a Territorial Legislature to exclude, lte makes ... I ill A nrfknornl a!' ? ?.? ?. ? ? ... - bV..v.... V^MMVM vt o itn oinig^icra more efficacious tlian a territorial law. In ' the name of public opinion, he prohibits the free exercise of opinion ; in truth, his | position is the squatter sovereignty of opin- , ion. < "YVhcn Kansas comcs to us in the majesty of a sovereign, I will regard her opinion? 1 not before. But it has been suggested that I the squatter sovereign doctrine will work as 1 well for the South as fol* the North, and * that the time may come when it will be to ' our interest that the doctrine should pro- i vail. And thus we are cajoled into making 1 this (if it has not already become so,) a 1 Government of expediency. For my own part, I prefer the Government of the Con- 1 stitution. t have alluded, sir, to these differences of opinion and construction which exist between Democrats, as elements of weakness 1 in the party organization. No good can ' result from concealing them, or harm from ' alluding to thom. The differences are no> 1 torious; and it is the part of wisdom and ' of patriotism to reconcile litem at once and 1 for us all to occupy a common ground, 1 which may be clearly defined and clearly ' understood both at the North and the South. If'the advocates of squatter sovereignty persist in their construction of the Kansas- 1 Nebraska act, they will inevitably drive off many of Us from the South, who desire to act in concert with them. Cau they do without us! No. Nor can we do without 1 them, and retain any party strength; We believe that Bquatter sovereignty is aa fatal 1 IA HQ aa tliA WHIMAI kmmia'v - ? ? 2? ?- '? w hw mw ?uv ii iiiuvi Jliv? iov i aiiu w)* lieving, it would be suicide to w?uk at it.? With them it is *:oi z mnudfr of life aud death. Many distinguished Northern gentlemen give adhesion to the Southern construction of the act. Why, then, should ; we not all agree that She Territory of Kafi* sas shall be free and open to eyery cilieeti of the United StaWs, with >;ev?ry, kind of property, slaves included and named, uutil 1HHHH may prescribe at the time of their sion." .. r '^H|H My individual opinion, Mr. Speaker, mud I give it for whatever it is worth, is Unit the principle of tho Kansas bill, as generally understood at the South, is worth mort-.? T?fl to the South than the Territory itself; and, ' *'3||fi?! for my own part, I would willingly givo up the Territory to scc'are the principle, btit : ^ for tho fact that the equilibrium of the > great sections would thereby be hopelessly destroyed in the Senate, and that the per- ' manent majority would afterwards laugh at , ^ ^ I take the following extract from the thirty-second section of tho Kansas Nelmui* ' -V. ka act: a ' That the Const illilion and laws of tho United StntcR wlin.1i : v.. ?*iv uub iui;aiijr cable, shall have the stunt) force and effect within the said Territory of Kansas as elsewhere in the United States, except tlio eighth section of the act preparatory to the admission of Missouri into the Uuion, ap- ? proved March sixth, eighteen hundred and twenty, which, being inconsistent with thu principle of non-intervention by Congres? with slavery in the States and Territories, as recognised l?v the liM'ishktimi f?f w V O " ,, hundred and fifty, commonly called the compromise measures, is hereby declared \t? inoperative and void; it being the true intent ami meaning of this act not to legislnM v slavery into any Territory or State, nor to Vexclude it therefrom, but to leave the pqopl# Z ? thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of tho . ? United States: Provided, That nothing, herchicontaincd shall be construed to revive or put in force any law or regulation 1;] which may have existed prior to the act of sixth March, eighteen hundred and tw*-'v. cither protecting, establishing, prohib or abolishing slavery." This nsir.nyrnnli sonmo (/> -??1? i WWV-..J., iv uQ uucjai *>?" of tho intentions of the frnincrs Hiul porters of tlio act. IIow I understai has already been expressed. Its me; .. , appeared clear to me then ; it "seen - . now. In voting for the bilM hoped -.?! believed that my influenco was being tributed towards transferring the ngit...lu., t, _ of slavery in Territories from these Ilallt to the Territories themselves. I fancied that the bill embodied principles just and right in themselves, and in strict conformity with the principles of States liight and the Constitution. Tho more sanguine of us cherished both the hope and belief that an easy solution of sectional difficulties had been discovered, and that our national nren wouui inuemutely expand?each State nlid Territory revolving in its own orbit? tlie whole system warmed and enlightened by the snn of the Constitution, and the dangers of centralization be corrected by the extent of our natiom ' ** * , remote separation of ili tots. It is .Vet within the |! bers of the Democratic ' bo realized this dream :i they do it 1 ^ ^ ? A Stubborn Dog.?A few "days since ' (says the Provincetown (Cape Cod) Banner of Saturday last) several families left Provincetown to locate iu Eastern Virginia.? Fliey took along with them n large dog of the Newfoundland species. While on thoir passage to Boston in a small schooner the Jog broke loose, leaped iuto the sea, and parted on his long and weary passage Ijome. Ho was seen an J passed l*v one of sur packet!*, near night, about five miles off Race Point and nin? from this town, heading for tlio Itace Light, nobly breasting the waves, often covcred by the spray. The next morning at an early hour, and beforo the family had arisen, Mr. James Doyle, lo wliom the dog was much attached, hearing an unusual noise near his door, rose and opened it, and was much astonished to behold the fugitive. Mr. 1>. jays when he opened the door the dog*'- , urose, placed his great paws upon hitf '*1 shoulders, find fairly embraced hilt), givitig . such demonstrations of joy as lie never believed any animal could exhibit. In what part of the bny he left his master and the Jistance he must bftve ttynm in a rough sea, is not now known, but when.seen ho J. wan five miles from land. ... This is the fourth time an attempt h?f ' beeu made to Cah-y off this dog, and in every instance ho baa managed'to leave in his passage to Boston and-s^tum swimming homei The noble . now be adopted by the tow'tt,;^||^^(r , ' freedom of the city," and a pension (of Hard Timet for Printers.?The ville Journal says that the Prrae&ttm Clarion issued a late number a <k/ ofr; *d*ahce to give the bo^ f _ 'i