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1 * . "V ..... . v,-?'* THE ABBEVILLE BANNER. = -~ -~= ? - ^ J TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM, "The Union of the South, for the sake of the Union." PAYABLE IN ADVANCE BY HENRY S. KERR. ABBEVILLE, SOUTH-CAROLINA, FRIDAY MORNING, AUGUST 29, 1831. VOL. VIII NO. 92 SECESSION. [OriginalYm, we'Fl secede, and break the tie That's linked ub long and over; ? For Northern foes have struggled long The chain of peace to sever. Yen, we'll secede ! Fanatics proud shall Reign o'er us no longer; For while we bear their scoffing words Their tauntings will be stronger. We know our rights, and keenly feel That they uro worth maintaining: To vassalage we'll ne'er crouch, Nor bear n servile chaining. Carolina's Bona are on the watch, And ready, if to-morrow, To fight ber battles, Yankee boys, And whip you to your Borrow. You've had our ire stirred up long, And we're now for kicking, And if you'll meet us tele a tele, You'll get a desperate licking I Think no} that this is bragging, boys, Or any extra prating, We mean to lot you feel the truth Of what we'ro now relating. You, ve stole from out our pockets oft Without regard U> measure, And still your anxious prayer is " give, O give us Southern Treasurk." But by the God that mice on high, We must forever sever; The dye it cast?the Union's gone, Tub Union's gone forever. Mt. Carmcl. C. v EXTRACT FROM T1IE SPEECH OF Hon. F. W. PICKENS, Delivers* at Edgefield C. H. July 7, 1851. In the first Nashville convention I took tli3 ground that decided and concerted action of iliA omitlt A?*n ^?1 - * ? vuo ouuirugi u ovnico nvuiu \ U Ulir Fl^IJIt) And tbo union too. The states, if they had ' then united firmly and ^temperately, could have made an authoritative declaration of 1 their rights under the Constitution, and it 1 would have been equivalent to a bill of rights in all time to come. If Virginia bad taken thd lead in tbis matter, our rights would 1 have been preserved, and the Union too. I 1 said then, that without this the states would 1 bo driven to separate action, and this would ' bring on a convulsion and in all human pro- 1 bability disunion. I saw it then, and I see 1 it now. Virginia and Georgia permitted the occasion to pass, by which they might have saved the constitution and avoided a convul^, sion. Those two states acting together then could have controlled the south and dictated terms. They have passed it by and now wo must make our own liberties. We were the first state to put forth a written constitution, and form a government independent of Great Britain, oven before the joint declaration of independence, and we also as a state, won a gloriuus victory before that declaration, and if we are true to ourselves, we can Btand aione Again, i do not stop to ask the qucs- 1 tion, whether we will lmve the rendition f of fugitive slaves secured perfectly, or who- ^ ther it will affect the value of that epecioa^ot 1 property and its profits, if we move alone. * I scorn and despise this small view of a great * question. It is a question of chartered rights, ' of constitutional liberty, and rises far above ' these small views. 1 If they have a right to say that you shall 1 not go beyond a certain line with your slaves 1 they have a right to say, you shall not go 1 with any other species of property. If they bad declared in so many words that the peo- I pie of Mississippi, of Alabama, of Georgia and of Soutfi"Carolina, shall not go above a certain line'roto'any of the public territories ' of the union, tf.ihey had named these states, the result and degradation would have been , 5 so palpable, that at) army of southern soldiers would have taken the field at once to avenge the wrong ; and yet they have done < precisely the same thing in effect If they have a right to exclude \ ou with your slaves they have the right to exclude you as citizens of the states named. As far as constitutional power is concerned in government, the ingenuity of man cannot show why they should have the power in ono instance and not in the other. Ifthev can nnfc thft ratliAna lirilflinrr ulavM \n certain States under the ban of the Confederacy, they can put the states themselves i by name and the citizens as citizens. The Constitution declares that " the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of Citizens of the several States." And yet the Government openly asserts that the citizens of nearly half the states of this Uniottigl^ll not be allowed to go above a certain line with the privileges'of "hall dispossess them Hr 'W mo9t v?laa"'e Part of laflt theyean claim equality, in pf -. it suits them to Bt-ize half vwS^jpiWR^ Louisiana and then, instead gMd frith, a* it IP bad few or no followers and I believe he v mobbed in the streets of Liverpool, or least treated with great indignity. The pi ductions of those islands nnd slnvo labo wero then of great importance to Englar and the movement was looked uj>on as direct blow to her prosperity and coinmerc wealth. The proposition for emancipate was 6Couted and received but slender suppc in the Hrititih Parliament for j'enrs. Ai yet Wilberforce lived to see the day when i bore down the common sense and talent 17., ! i i .1 r. 1 ' ' uu^inuu uy iiiuu miiiiuumiil iinu >vnu pilllM trophy. The deed was consummated again the judgment of the thinking classes. At the prime minister of England, in the san speech, by which ho carricd the eraancip tion bill, congratulated the country that I would thereby, finally be enabled to wit draw troops from these West India statioi and place them in Ireland ! 1 Eniancipa the black man of the West Indies and static British bayonets to keep in slavery the whi man of Ireland ! What a comment on lii tisli philantropy !/_ And what has been tl result? Ireland under the British bnyonc in cnains nnu penslnng with starvation?tl West Indies free, yet poor, miserable, an wretched, in degradation and ruin. Au tliis is what the world called humanity ! The movements for emancipation i France and England were then transferre to the United States. And as short tiir ago, as 1834 and '35, when I first enterc Congress, it was talked of as belonging to few obscure fanatics who were considere madmen and utterly unworthy of all kind < notice. They were merely laughed at. I 1836 they began to send in petitions quit frequently, to abolish slavery in the Distrit of Columbia, &c. Gen. Hammond and mj sell, although very young members, at tin lime, iiiciuu Luc question oi reception o those petitions. It produced great cxcitc merit, and it was thought even by Souther members that wo wera ultra and extravj !jant in our views. I recollect well, in speech I then delivered, denying the Consti tutional right of the government to nboln! slavery in the District of Columbia withou Lbe consent of Virginia and Maryland, said that there was danger from this party c lbolitionism, and that the day would cum ivhen they would hold the balance of power md overrun both parties at the North an< judanger the existence of this Union, ivas pronounced a madman, and it was grave y put forth in a New York paper that >iigbt to be expelled from the House of Rep esentatives for such sentiments. A lar<y najority even of Southern members had i lecided feeling against me on these poinu rhings went on rapidly growing worse am worse until 1837. Mr. J. Q. Adams pre tented a petition from twenty three slaves o Fredericksburg, Virginia?praying Congres xx abolish slavery, &a. Thi.i produced gren jxcitement, and after much discussion, it end 2d finally in the House passing a resolutioi which was equivalent to affirming that slave bad a right to petition. Tho Souther members called a meeting and I proposei that we would not again take our seats uti Lil the obnoxious resolution were repealed b; the non-slaveholding members themsclvct A A 1 J * ?\iu'i uuverai uiiju 01 excitement, my pro posi tion was voted down and the resolutioi was repealed by the assistance of Soulheri rotes. I refused to vote at all, and neve ifterwarda attended any caucus of Southeri members on the subject of slavery. I wa rebuked as an agitator, and, in a circular ad Iressed by the delegation from Mississipp to their constituents, I was openly denounc :d as a traitor to the Union, while other were praised for saving the Union. I mere iy iuuuuou inese lumgs now, 10 snow ui rapid progress of events, and not to ehoi the humlHe part I may have had in tbcrr for I only happened to be put iu that )>os: tion from the deep interest I then felt iu th matter. It was about this period that Mr. Adam began to assume the doctrine that Congref might have power over the whole subject c slavery in the States?and used the reiuart able language upon the floor, when asked b a gentleman from Alabama, what he woul do if abolition produced sluices of blood, li exclaimed in great excitement, "Let it flow Let it flow 1T* I mention Mr. Adams mer? ly because he was the great leader of agit* tion?and gave form and consistency to ?i naticism. His high position and eminer abilities gave'dignity-and power to all tboc movements whicn were started under his ac vice, and which will end wher?, J sincere! believed, ho desired them to end, in a diss* lotion of this Union. Then came on the e: citement, as to recognition of independen< and annex&tioo of Texas. A largo portic of tV.A "NTnrth wnrA ?nlitb>d nominal Tovn simply c?n the ground that it might incretu the power of the slave States. They d olared often and over in their resolutions an through their papers that annexation of Te: as would be a dissolution of the. Union.This baa been their feeling ever since tt purchase of Louisiana. Mr. Joaiah Quinc an able and leading member of Coopret from Massachusetts, when the bill for U admission of Louisiana waa before Cetogfe wed this language: "If ibis bill pawes it iy;-deliberate opinio*, thai it is virtually ^ iation of the Union?that H would fri 5<|teflUtea from their moral obligations; at iHniMl jriU be the right of all. so it w; jggrtf'iourt?, definitely to propose f upiveryd in v Wl'-fiT >< ras old thirteen Stales had at the time of tho at formation of tho Union." Ue Bays, as to ro- the annexation of Texas, "I sought an ocur casion to proclaim my utter aversion to any id, such measure, and I determined to resist it i a with all my strength to the last!" He Atrial tlier says iu the same speech, "I will not on now or liearafter consent to he numbered >rt among those who introduce new slave pownd or into the Union. I was born at the North lie ?educated at tho North?have lived all of my days at tho North?I wish to sec all men n- free. I have no associations out of the st Northern States?my people are your j>eo..1 Ml /? 1 - " ' iu jiiu. iuu wiiuinu mo liuo to tlie JNortli, no bccause all my sympathies are with the a- North." If this had been uttered by a 10 Southern statesman he would have hccn deli nonnced by the minions of power as narrow I is and sectional in all his feelings?an ultraist i to ?a disunionist. >11 And yet when it is proclaimed by tho I to highest minister of State, and comes to us 1 i- with the unction of official dignity, and un- ? le der the patronage of magisterial authority, t it, it is all eloquence?all genuine American I le patriotism 1 What right has he, as an ofli- I id cer of government, to proclaim himself ex il clnsively a Northern man ? Has it come to r this tlint the Government is already assuin- t in ed to belong to one section, and are we to a d be considered merely as their provinces? Is ! ie he to be the Secretary of State for the I d North alone ? And is this to be his polic}' v a in conducting the foreign negotiations of ( d the country ? Arc wo to be out-lawed?? J jf And is he, in no event, to protect slave pow- t n er or slave property ? Whore then is onr i e protection under tho national flag? Talk :t about a single State not being r.ble to give e r- protection to our interest i?better, far bet- ] it ter stand alone?than to receive such pro- r n tection as is thus tendered to us by the Sec- [ retary of State for the Union. Is this not j n a pregnant chapter in the history of our c i- downward career? Fellow-citizens, I tell f a vou it sneaks a lanfruacG not to lw? mistaken _ - I O O ... *""" * II i- and we must bo prepared to assort our own a |i rights, or we are gone beyond redemption. r t But, to progress with tlio history of Abo- j I lition, as connected with the annexation of c if Texas. It is well konwu that a great move- c c ment was made in this country, and also in j Great Britain, against that annexation, be ji I cause it might strengthen and perhaps perI petuate slavery intthese states, About this j i- period, " the World's Convention" was held I in Loudon, with reprb93$tativ?s from tliis ( i- country, as well as everywhere else, for the n iihnlitinn nf Afiinin elflvftvir flirAiKylmtif it world. The representatives from the northern i. states became fully possessed of the opinions J of such men as Mr. Webster and Mr. Adams 5 - at that time, and acted strictly in concert f f with British pliilahtophists and British stau-a- I B men iir nil their moves upon Texas. / <3 t There was a communication made by tii?r -<1 i- Mr. J. Q. Adams to the British government J n through Mr. Lewis Tappan and by him pro- f 3 claimed in the " World's convention." c [i Mr. Tappan said : " In a conversation, t J which I had with J. Q. Adams on that sub- v il^t fillA nnnftvofinn nf Tovno\ lta 44 T l! J V- ? v.. HBMUU 1 , y deem it the duty of Great Britain, ns a chris- u !. tian nation, to tell tho Texans, that slavery t - must be abolished ; that it shall not be plant f< ii ed there, after all the efforts that have been n n made to abolish it all over the world. The t r annexation of Texas will be a leading topic I ii next session, but I will oppose it with all tho J s vigor and talent that God has given me. If 1 - slavery is abolished in Texas, it must speed- 1 (i ily fall throughout America and when it falls S >- in America it will expire throughout Christ- 1 b endom." ? i- Sir liobejt .Peel, immediately after this, I o carried the discriminating duty on Susar, t v which is an annual tax, on tlio ground that- t i, it would enable him to .make a treaty with ? i- Brazil for the abolition of slavery; his words c o were : 41 Make the attempt; try to got con- ) cessions from those from whom you geLyour s supplies. You'may depend upon it, that r ;s there is a growing conviction between (lie j ,f |>eople of these oountries that slavery is not i .. unaccompanied by great dangers. In Cuba, i y in the Uuited States, in the Brazils, there is | j a ferment on the subject of slavery which is i 0 spreading, and will spread. Some from t 11 humane and benevolent motives?some on J 5_ account of interested fears begin to look at { i. the crreat example we have set and befrin to , look at the 'consequences which may result 1 ,t from that example nearer home, it is im- j (g possible to look at the discussions in the U. j. States of America and especially to the con- ] ? flicts between the Northern and Southern ? y. states without seeing thatslavery in that na- r lion stands on a precarious footing (cheera). The same feeling is growing up in Brazil and qi Cuba," <kc. " - 8, Not long after this?Dec. 26th, 1813, le Lord Aberdeen, at the hood of foreign afe fairs in Great Britain, addressed that famous d letter to the Secretary of state in (he United X- States, which produced such profound sen? sation in tilts country. He justifies tho is course his government pursues towards Texas j*, in attempting to procure emancipation there. , He says-1-*" With regard to the latter point, / i _i? i i _ _ r*? \ . . * l Ejaoonsu slavery m jiexns) it mnsi oe ana is 1 well known both to.the United States and to u the whole world'that Great Britain dessires, -a and constantly exerting herself to procure 3e the general abolition of alavery throughout id the world." Again be Bays: " With regard ill to Texaa, we avow that we wish to see alavor cry abolished there, as elsewhere, and we if ahonld' reiofos; if the recognition of that <c~ okttiqtry by toe l^xfoan government hootd .1 *0 at^i^panied by ^ on , ^ 1* Iruiitio ? Via hkiAn nt i ?.bey iuteod to stnk?ilieUoWfWbon tli?y ] SB ' daro do it. This letter of Lord Aberduer was formally laid before our government ami if tho present Secretary of state had been al the head of affairs, where would we have been ? With his present declaration, thai he never had and never would add to the slave power, lio would then liavc prostrated us at the feet of Great Britain, and thrown Texas to tho lion as a sweet morsel to be devoured, only to whet his appetite for tho victims that were to be prepared for the greater slaughter. But, thank God! other 111 nil woi'ft of I It a lma/1 nf Calhoun's great letter as Secretary of state, turned the tide of events.. Texas was annexed and our foreign and domestic enemies were foiled*. The Hon. John Reed, a leading man and friend of Mr. Webster, from Massachussetts, used this language in a letter dated 4th Aug. 1843?" It must bo understood that the free states will neither conseut nor submit :o the annexation of Texas to the Union.? Such annexation would result in its dissolu ,ivm. j ii met ib wuuiu oe nn ansoiuuon iroin .ho bonds and obligations of the Constitution." At meetings in Massaeliussetts, it was esolved over and over that annexation was lissolution, and tbiit Massaeh ussetts was nbolved from all political obligations to the ^jivo States." At the close of the 2Sth Jongress, 13 influential meml>ers, among vhotn were J. Q. Adams, N. 13. Calhoun, iov. Slade, Mr. Morgan of New York, and tfr. Howard of Michigan, all united in a innlifusto in opposition to annexation of Texas, u which they used the following Ifiiiguage: " We hesitate not to say, that annexation ffoctcd by any act, or proceedings of the ederal Government, or any of its depart nents, would bo identical with dissolution, t would 1x3 a violation of our nation::! com>act?its objects, designs, and the great lemeutury principles which entered into its onnntiou, of a character so deep and fundanental, nnd would be an attempt to intermix in institution, (slavery) nnd a power of a laiure so unjust in themselves, so injurious o the interests and abhorrent to the feelings if tho people of the free states, as in our pinion, not only inevitably to result in a lissolution of the Union, but fully to justify t!" In a studied address delivered by Hon. . Q. Adams, to .the Young Men of lioston, eported in the National Intelligencer of 12th Jclober, 1844. lie uses these striking and igniticant words : YOUNG MEN OF BOSTON! " The generation of men to whom, now il years by-gone, I gave this solemn pledge lassed entirely away. Those in whose name gave it are, like hiin who addresses yon, Iropping into the grave. But they have releeiwd-tWir wxl ttiy pledg?. They were 'our fathers and they have maintained the recdotn transmitted to tbetn by their sires if the war of independence. They have ransmitted to you that freedom, and upon 'ou now devolves the duty of transmitting h unimntiirn/1 tn vaii naofof!fit V/\n? V WIIMKj/ll'l * Vi kV? JWMI IVJ AV/UI UIOI j approaching. The spirit of freedom and he spirit of slavery nre drawing together, or tlie deadly conflict of arms. The aunexition of Texas to this Union is the blast of he trumpet for a foreign, civil, servile, and ndinn war, of which the government Qf -our country,- fallen into faithless hands, lave already twice given the signal?firstly, >y a shameless treaty, rejected by a virtuous >enate, and again by the glove of defiance, lurled by the apostle of nullification, at the ivowed policy of the British empire, peace'ully to promote the extinction of "slavery, hroughout the world. Young men of Boson ! burnish your armor, prepare for the onflict, and I say to you, in the language >f Galgacus to the ancient Britons, think of our forefathers, think of your posterity I" This is no common language from a comnon man, 1 d4yiot choose to quote from rour common fanatics, and your ordinary T f * 1 ?1 JIUII, UUb JL UUUWJ IIVII1 luuao Willi lire lllgil n intellect?high in popular favor, high in )o\ver. And I say to you in reply. Young nen of Carolina 1 The contest may " draw ogethcr for the deadly conflict of arms."? 3urnish your arnor?prepare for the conflict md if that terrible day docs come, do your luty, strike for your country and her altars, rhink of yotfr forefathers! Think of your x?terity 1 After the British Government and our Northern brethren were .defeated in .their ichemes against us, to bo effected through lexas, they fell back to circumscribe us by .he 'Wilmot proviso. After the acquisition of hose vast territories from Mexico?it was luddenly laid down, that thore was no need 'or the Wilinot proviso to exclude us, for we i l ? l.. l? >t.. u?: i? wcig aucauy vauuuwi uj iuu aiuAiutlJ JilW* \nd in addition to this, it whs gravely laid lown, as American law, that any band of idventurera that might peixe upon those ter^ ilories, under the natural and inalienable ighu of man, could assume to themselves io\ ereign power and then erect any governrient they thought proper; w? as tbey called tastAfe and extend their jurisdiction to any >oundaries they might .declare, no LU?H|P iow cxtensivif-or wjjere the lines might rrtflL Until this, we had supposed that the states, united throng|i their common ageoty the federal gpver^tnent, had alone the power to .ake incipient steps', in. tbe organization of errltoHes in tbepublfc domain.- But under his dootrine, together wilfr the assumption w?power U> K i new states sufficient to make any law?or, if t [ the letter of llie constitution should happen v ; to stand in ths way, they will have ample r< ! power to make a direct amendment. Fifty ti , years is but a very short time in national tl > existence, and fifty years will fix us beyond b the hope of n patriotic and courageos strug- o glo. No! now is the day, and now is the liour. Rise and rush to the " Red sea," and d if the God of hosts will not save us, we may yet again praise Ilim, who shall lead us out !< of the power of our enemies. v< JJnt it is said there is danger and difficulty tl in going alone. That separate state action vi will be full of disaster and ruin. Those who g say so. admit that it is ruin fr? ?(?? W?? ?. have been denied equality as a State?we ai have been spurned and contemned. Instead fii of conciliation and kindness, our institutions have been derided and we have been held up e: for denunciation, in our morals and social w intercourse, before the christian and moral e.world. Our country is one constant scene of bitter agitation and painful anxiety. There In is not a mother or father in our land that In does not ask the question every night, what t,i is to become of us ? Is this the fostering st care of kind, protective government ? This tl itself is odious tyranny and intolerable de- m gradation. What though there be difficulty p? and danger in the State acting alone, it can w not be worse than to stand and bear it.? 01 Better to move like freemen boldly for the tl independence and rights of the country, for n< should we even perish, we will fall with our hi honor saved and a name unstained, for the es admiration of posterity. But, if we stand th still, \vu aha!! perish like mice under an ex- tfa hausted receiver?with no consideration save cc the pity of the world. us Mr. Chairman, has any man thought se- bj riously of the terrible effects of Abolition, lo when brought to our home and our fireside ? S( Three millions of black slaves, turned loose pi upon the community, would present such a of scene .is the world has never conceived.? vc They would come directly into competition bi ??: 1 nibu i.uu vriutu invtii.iuiw, ill LI?<1I19 UIIU CUU1- III mon labourers of tlie whole country. Tliey would work for little or nothing?a l>ottle of D ruin and a twist of tobacco : what would ca become of the free arlizans, enterprising Fa mechanics, and industrious laborers of our ( ]< country? Brought down to a degraded com- fri petition with three millions of slaves made in free. Now, they arc regulated and labor in sp an entirely different field. Who then could br live hero ? Now the white man feels freedom m to bo his privilege and rank ;?it separates K him from the cast below him. Ho will then ar have the blnr.k man to put up as his equal, a and they will siuk together into a coinmqn, ri? but degraded level. Tho wealthy man, if al he is mean enough and biise enough to desert ca tho country, may be able to save something sis and do so, but the poor man, whooe fate is gr fixed from necessity in the doom and destiny in of the country, is here and here forever? be there is no escape. Let no man hug to him- wl self the fatal delusion that he is too poor to of feel the withering blight of that dreadful op curse, if it should ever come. There is none so so high and none so low, but he will shiver pr under the howling of that dreadful blast.? |y There will be no peasant cottage that hangs re upon our hills, however humble, but will Ol fall before that midnight storm. There will nt< be no sign upon the door posts or lintels of nc any chosen or elect, by whicn the destroying th angel inay know to pass by. wt Gentlemen, many apppose because slave- tie ry has been extinguished in other countries su without a convulsion that it can be done Jo here. But the circumstances are totally it ainerent. in the Itoinan republic lue slaves pr were of the same color and of the same he race. Many of them were learned and refin- wi ed. They were taught those things that fiti were supposed to bo effeminate by their war- sh like master*. They merely changed as the if Government and laws, and society changed, qt and were gradually and finally lost in amalgamation?-the races all being the same.? wl lo in England.. And although the follow- th era of William the Conqueror looked for no ages in contempt upon the Barons; yet en Hr color and physical attributes were the sp I. True, when one of their kings, at to ^ intermarried with a Saxon, it prodnc co ed a shock to the conquering race, yet it was tic the beginning of that amalgamation which ho nuiuiy intermingled tue two racts until uio 111 distinctions were lost and forgotton, And If slavery gradually fell witbout a convulsion, Kz and without even s general law in- relation ?n to it Not so hove. God himself lias mado ca such distinctions of color, and Other physi- mi cat as well as moral attributes, an forever ?ti forbid the same termination. No ! no! go Oi forward in this wHd #eheme of mad fanati- ca; cism and whining pliilantbrophy, and you f?< convert this land of happiness into scenes of de universal blood, and then, finally, into a bar* pe i _ fi t Ti ;ii _n aL. 7 oanan wiiaerne&s. it win ary up bii ma sources of prosperity and refinement, and m; we will have nothing but a melancholy and in; deserted land, with, perchance, here ami it there a solitary inhabitant to.point out the fat grave* and the monuments of our.oo?e her on roic race. . And this Ss done in a far snorter by time than many of us imagine. Look ?' 4 | 8t Doiuinffft?tjiB. vflrjf. n?nw i!ur(ff6S one's he veins?look at all the West India Islands of jut France and England. Less than twentyfive ycara ago?cultivation, refinement and the arts held their mingled sway over those fairest regions of God's Crieatiotf, and w^ere now are they? Laidlow in ruin and^f**- ** latioD^VaSWfat inlb djiM?^B We submit no* to an uDwa j u^ua wrtmllniHted governmorifc *1 wilHotrt^jd^cuUy ftbd d*Dg^ Pe^e, qiri^ Of *afetj% .e?w, are tho lulUbiea of despotism.-? V Go into th? interior of ^ria^-Iook jipoq gi hat vast and calm sea "sleeping like an unbailed infant"?visit its coast, and you will ee one wide spread plain of salt and desolaion?and no living creature can breatbe in lie hot air that rises, from its calm, heavy, ituininons surface?that, sir, is the deadBea f despotism and submission. V Turn to another picture, and look at tho eep blue waters of these bounding billows ?the spray dashing against tho Heavens? >ok at the coast covered with the richest erdure. All nature leaps and bounds under le plastic hand of n benificent God?culti;ition and refinement rise up to bless and to ladden the heart of man. True, the wa:rs rise mountain high, and there is peril nd danger to all who ride on its stormy surice. That, sir, is the sea of liberty. llo who expects to live a freeman, must tpeet to encounter danger and difficulty ; ithout this, liberty itself looses much of ib? isential worth. I think the probabilities are that we will itvo t act alone if we act at all. I hope, owever, wo will do nothing rash?we must tke proper time and be prepared before we rike. We must do nothing to offend even 10 pride of our sister Southern States. We mst do something under an idea of cojnslling them to act. If \vc are driven to it, e must make oufoWn issues according to ir own infcscil^, jirdepepdent of them if ley wilL^htiBjfifnsul walrus. We must it forcu^SpHCi farjjjcm. After we shall ive acted '^tyVj?|^^modorato and modt in an 7- feWTrly .perceive should 10 gen^Mgbv;e>nmeut* attempt to usurp e power hrddt&tay^ind teudor us force to impel subnit^ajC^D^^t'o. -.hinder or annoy that then, in"T<?ality a new Issue is made r the govefUtnent, aa?l what may be our t must finally be the lot of every other juthcrn State. Like the victims that Poly 11 ? /* t * * cuius Hiugicu om lor eacn repast, me lot all will be, to he devoured by the same -l Hcious jaws. We may be the first victim, it there will be no escape for the rest uu3s they pass out together with the flock. I have hopes in Georgia. And if Mo-: onald, the noble standard bearer of the use of justice and right shall succeed tlifc ill, and a majority to the Legislature U cctod with him, I feel that we will have ends there. Aud any proposition thai lght be made to us from them, I would roectfully receive and consider it as from our ethren. Su of Mississippi. There is Quitan, from the storm of battle, as brave as a night Templar from the holy land itself, id the gallant Davis who waved as bright sword as ever flashed over the perilous lgc of victory. These are men who are >le at the council board, as well as mighty rvf nina I? tltA 4w?1?l if J/WllliO 111 bliu UUIU) tutu II tllUj L4II I jr iUlOisippi, as I feel assured they will, we will eet whatever propositions, they have to ake witli a cordial and a hearty welcome, cause we know they could make none but lint were compatible with the vindication our rights and our honor. I am for cognition if it cau be obtained in any reanable time. I will do anything, but yield inciple, to obtain it. The elections in nearall the States take plA^Jbefofe our Conntion can meet. iio has already elected open abolition Sen ors,?so hits New i oifc, 4d fe &?!&*husetts. They at# openly for at epwd of e fugitive slave 1|HP> 'pMk'i Hpol?lrr UMm is, in fact, no two parts in Pennsylvania, have recently made ise upon precisely the same points. If Gov. bnstonand his friends carry Pennsylvania, is upon the ground that there is no comoinise, and that the fugitive slave law must : repealed. If they succeed then''there 11 be no alternative, We must strike and -ike immediately, although the Union ould fall, we must strike and strike alone, none will strike with us, be the conse? lences what they mny. I was elected a member of the convention bile I was absent from the State, withont e slightest consultation with me. It was > post to be covetcd. And I desire to bo tirely free from all party feeling that may ring up?to be perfectly unbiassed, so as be able to do my duty conscientiously tic* rding to circumstances, when the conven?n meets. Hie final destiny of the slaretiding raed is one of ^.greatest problems at is to be worked oaj^-fn modern times, we are wise we can sere our order of citation?but it will require gre?t judgment A vmit hnMn?u. Tlinra nu> 1m t/in fnnch Ution. A bold move. At the proper time, ay be the batis of strength! The, internal uoture of our society hits great strength, ir militftry organization gives much greater pacity for defence than appear* on the aur* ?. I trurt w* shall be able to fulfil oar sUny ns becomes an intelligent and brave oplo. I love my own hills and valUea, because f friends and my kindred live there. I lore y own home and my own'country* because was the home and the country of my foreberg?I love my own ?tate, each and every e of her institntiona, handed down to us a gallant and heroic ancestry. Whatever in* and whatever I hope to be en earth*. t? re and here forever. I stake it^_o?^e Jopendence my countfjr, ^ jj oes 4 *'"?* ' y ' ''