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f i || * * 1 ' . ' : " ./" + rl.~.- ~ * - ' ' 1 ' , -VOLUME XXL : CAMDEN, SOUTH-CAROLINA, ^pSDAY MORNING, APRIL 24,1860. . NUMBER 17. ' ' -- - - &? ' - - .... * >ir ? ^ ? SPEECH QF *./ HON. JAMES CHESNUT, DELIVERED IN* THE UNITED STATES SENATE, MONDAY, APRIL 9, I860. V Mr. President, the resolutious introduced by the Senator from Mississippi are just, and thcrcnjjco In rptranl to the SllllicctS of which Uicv treat, they announce the true doctrine of the Constitution. Among other things, they denounce two capital- political heresies; that " Vbich claims sovereign power for the Government, unlimited power over this-subject; and that which claims sovereign, .power for the inhabitants of a Territory. One leads straightWay to despotism. The other, by yielding to \isurpation, abandons the duty and abdicates I )thc jnst authority of the Government; ;_JLnb.aior both. So entirely do I concur in the principles and the policy announced by the resolutions, that I had intended on this occasion to x discuss, them closply and fnlly; but as they !iavc been compassed already by my friend from Texas, [Mr. WigfallJ who spoke the other day on this subject, and as I shall have muclr ??"- an A nior ?nr>iit- nmro dirrartlv lipr<? w M"- **"V Tv"" .* lafter, I will relieve the Senate from the pain of Wing carried over the same ground on those .points, and address myself to sonic -cognate matters in which- the interests of the country # arc concerned. Since the fifSt Monday of last December, notable scenes have been presented at the Federal Capitol. The representatives of the people of the States and the representatives of the States themselves, brought together under the provisions of a common* Constitution, assembled hero with excited feelings and opposingthoughts. The collisions thus produced have, made mani*,? fost to the world the wide and growing estrangement between them. The opposing ^forces have, lead one angry conflict; and now, each standing on its own ground, they present themselves front to front, with lowering aspect * 'of distrust, discoutcnt and mutual hostility.? '? Again, they arc preparing for another, a fiercer, c-0 'a grander, and, sir,_can we hope, a final struggle ? The smoke of the first encounter hnv. - Hng passed away, it may be of some import.to survey the field and to explore calmly the ^causes wfeicli liavp tirougnt lis into tuis coius*?n.on. I enter upon this inquiry .with no view tto agitate, bat I trnst with .the better motive of ascertaining And recognizing the truth, that ^justice may prevail; and that the rights of ~ *cacli and the good of all may be secured. >Fpr tlie distracted condition .in which the country is found, many caftses have been as: iT varying and sometimes opposite; according to "the predilections, prejudices and the positions of those who' observe. Domestic ' African slavery, as it exists iii some of these ta{es, is a cause very proximate for 'present iirritation and disturbance ; but, sir, beyond rthis, there is yet another cause, which I have .. M*ng noticed, which lias been obserrcd before, and which is of great force. It is the misoonV ception, in most cases, in others the ignorance, " of the relations of the States to each other, and of the Federal Government to.the States; in short, of our system of govern inputs, lint there is yet another cause underlying all. It '33MT fiiluA anil fafol fltnAMr rtf ciwinfr n ntic. ' -cliievotis misapprehension' of the true relations . of wen to each other, to Uovcruinctifc and to KL-'i r)i?n>.vy.fJI'.i.K. \ ftaf ty arise* oat of this false; theory, proceeds from this misapprehension. _Tli?. life of their crc^d is tHe equality of all men of all races natural^ ' ly, and, therefore,'should be socially and politically. Their system is theoretical, aud altogether French, of the period of victorious anarchy. These gentlemen seem to hie to disregard the world as it-is, and to igno're the lessons of experience; whereas the people of the South and the Democratic party of the North, generally adopt different opinions. They regard man as/ l?c really is, not as presented l?y the imagir.n^ tion of idealists. Tlicy regard the races with ^ tlicir natnrnl inequalities, varying capacities, and differing necessities. They believe that government, to exercise, wisely the functions . for which it was instituted on earth, must be of continual growtlf; assuming such forms and providing-such laws as the natural inequalities, *|> varying capacities, and differing necessities of ? the uistiuct people upon whom it acts may * i from time to time require. With these, experience is _.tlie. great teacher which holds the light, while reason applies* such teaching to se cure the steady advancement*of society, and provide for the wants of 'members. One is f absolute theory, excogitated from the brain of v . the cyclopedists, resting on visions of dreamers, which all history proves to be unsteady, ? explosive and destructive. .Amid eternal confusion, it is ever busy in the endless task of dilapidation aud re-construction. The other view proceeds upon the laws of nature and the experience of the world. It moves on the ac? cumulation of well-tried facts, grouped by generalization, and imported into the ever-growing science of human government. It adopts a philosophy which insures steadiness, peace ? and advancement. Here is a fundamental difference between i its n .rtf /vf I/Innr An/1 n /iaaivI i n/v f A tlio U3 f ii cviimvt wi luvaa ^ anu av?wiuiu^ tu tuv ^prevalence of one or the other must our sysjp* 1 tem of .government survive or perish. Now. sir, let us look into these causes, and see the practical bearing of tliciu upon the condition of the country. The anti slavery feeling and action of the North proceed from a combination of elements. One is honest and earnest, though misguided, in which the understanding is marred by prejudice, and reason and judgment subservient to passion ; wild, blind, selfrighteous, and reckless; this is fanaticism.? Another party, embracing the mass, is unspeculutivc, though . impossible. This, without be; ? jng possessed of fanaticism, or perceiving the purpose and ruinous tendency of the combination, suffers itself to be drawn into tbc vortex to swell tbc power of a third and controlling element, which is purely political. This seizes jK upon the other two and converts them to its own use, which is the attainment of political power. This combination hot controls nearly >' every non-slaveliolding Suite of the Union ; threatens to engulf- the Constitution, and sweep from the crfintrv every vestige of the great heritage, which has been transmitted bv a common ancestry. This combination constitntes the'Republican party, as it is called, in ' this year oi grace J sou; ana against sucn a 1^ po^cr \vc must cry, "To your tenby oh, Israel!" ?|? find leave.the issue to the God of battles. Sir, let us examine what this party seeks to j "N Accomplish, by what means, and what will be ' the result if it succeeds. .They 6cek the emancipation of the negro slaves in the United States?one portion directly, and by force, if needs be ; the other by the longer way of circumvention. Both aim at the same end?the abolition of slavery ill the United States. The relative proportion of these elements cannot accurately be stated ; but I suppose it will be fnir to assume that .ill those who are sympatlii4K acre of*the notorious Brown, those who canonizc his memory and sing peans to his name |Sa and fame, arc of the first class ; and the proof is that their numbers are great. The third element is more unquestionable in shape and identity. We know it to be large, complete in organization, aud adroit and energetic in acm tjon. Those who oompose it seek also to abols ish slavery in* the United States. They proclaim, however, that they do not intend to intcrfcrc with slavery in the State?, but, a: the same time, declare their purpose to restrict it; to prevent its expansion ; to exclude it from the Territories ; to hem it in, that, increasing numbers mar press upon the means of subsistence;, to make it, if they can, not only worthless, but burdensome; to destroy its relations, and thus force the exodits of one or the other race from the regions they now occupy in the South, But this is a slow process. The general object is to be pressed on to a more rapid conclusion, if it can be done. Meanwhile. f>r this purpose, all the batteries of agitation are to i play their ceaseless thunders. Pulpit politic!- | unc Rnepcli-tnono'ers. and all the i ?I - 0- -T otlier howling elements of a hellisli enginery, are to irritate, disturb, and endanger. The demon of civil discord, too, is to be invoked, tliat all the horrors may revel at the same time and in tiie same infernal dance. Mr. President, let.us suppose for a moment that abolition is accomplished; that its triumph has been gratefully celebrated by a gra.id libation of the blood of every slaveholder; that the meek eyes of its advocates are flittering r with satisfaction over the blighted, fields and smoking ruins of desolation?and then ask, what is gained ? Ay, sir, that is a pregnant question, winch the country may well heed. Whoii^ will it benefit? I will not speak of the dissipation of the sublime idea of a great and just Republic of confederated States covering a continent; I will not speak of the annihilation of a nascent power looming up into such vast . proportions that its shadow already covers the civilized earth ; nor of the abandonment of a hi<rh and holy trust, nor of the injustice to the uiiborn millions that msiv follow; noi;ofthe hoarse jeers of re-assured despotism when we prove the incapacity of even civilized man for" splf-govcruinent. These are the themes of the orator, and to the orator 1 leave them. In this practical day, I will address myself to more material considerations. Sir, who will he benefited by the abolition of slavery in the United States? No, man, woman, or child, of any race, of of any condition. If any benefit can result from such an achievement, it will redound to the 'interest of foreign people and foreign power. Yes, sir,-wittingly or unwittingly, the anti-slavery party of this day is laboring for the interests of foreign power and people, and against the interests of every laborer in the Unite"*] States, free or slave, North or South, as f will , attempt to show. . If abolition be confined to the United States what will be the result ? The first result will be such an enhanced price of the productions of slave labor elsewhere, consequent on the diminished supply, that those States then retaining slavery-would bound forward with such power and nrosDcritv as would be without a oarallel. I' # 4 # k except in the instance of this country and a few others at the time England passed her emancipation act.?Cuba and Brazil would be the beneficiaries of the first result. Under the combined iutluence of enhanced price and diminished supply, there would fallow a demand for more and cheap labor; the African slave trade would be re-opened, for under the condition of things which would exist on the abolition of slavery here, I doubt if there exist power enough in the world, even if the world were inclined to exert it, cither to prohibit or if #Tf ic mncf. ^ adoption of the system of African slavery. If < that should be done, it would strike down the ] proud pre-eminence, of this Confederacy, and < transfer the power of the continent further j South. The first result then would be for the j benefit of Spain and. Brazil, or other countries ] having this institution. But suppose that', under the combined pressure i of the.other civilized powers of the earth, Spain 1 and Brazil succumbed to lis influence, and emancipation at once became universal, what i then would be the result' Great Britain, with iier skill, capital, energy,- perscrvcrancc and : intelligence,,commanding such vast regions in Africa, Asia, the East and West Indies, so well adapted to tropical productions, would command them all.. Under the influence of enlianched price and diminished supply, she would be able ; so to stimulate and establish her system of slavery?her system of free labor, as she calls it,-but slavery in fact?as to give her a virtual mrmnnolv of .ill Hiosr> nroriuctinns. That would enable her to retrieve the blunders of the pltst, and would replace her tipon the throne. In ; the centre of the earth, reposing on conscious strength, without a rival or the fear of rivalry, she would again stretch her sceptre through the earth and dominate the globe. The other countries of the world, and the United States more especially, dwarfed and humiliated, must thenceforth move at herwill beneath the shadow of unquestioned power. That is the secon'd result of the abolition of slavery. It redounds to the establishment of English power, the predominance of English commerce, the overshadowing, overwhelming power of that.mightv and grasping empire. Sir, that is the second result, to which the efforts of the anti-slavery party tend. [The Senator then preceded to show, t>y quotations from British authorities, the disastrous effects of emancipation in the West Indies, upon the commercial interests of Great Britain. He also had some extracts read giving a correct description of the miserable condition of the emancipated negroes in ilayti, and Jamaica. He then resumed his remarks:] s Thus, Mr. President, thrice have we seen this foul fiend appear. In contempt of human experience, and iti mockery of Divine authority, it comes with words of angelic grace upon its lips, but with the flaming fires of hell in its hands'. Sir, wheresoever it touches the earth, blight and desolation mark its train. Bright promises always herald its advent, but the echo of its departing footsteps cvcrmingles with the rising wail of human woe. When will vain man be taught by experience ? or impious ignorance bow to the wisdom of God's decrees ? Mr. President, we have seen what this spirit has accomplished for England?what it has accomplished for the race emaiicipatad. Now, let us see what it would accomplish for the United States, if the anti-slaverv party can succeed. Let us regard this matter in relation to the Northern States?the free States as they are called?first, in a commercial aspect, and then in its effects on the industrial classes, the honest, hard-working men and women of the country. I find, from official authority, that the exports ; nf.tbo ennritrv in the vcar 1859, were $278,- I ! 392,082. Of these the ' Free States furnished exclusively, ?5,281,091. Free and slave States together, 84,417,493. Slave States exclusively, 278,392,080. It is stated that one-third of that eighty-four millions justly belongs and should be credited to slave labor, or to the slave States, as thev are called. Thus the value of the exports for i the year 1859, from the slavcholding States, I would be over two hundred million dollars. The commercial and navigating interest of ' the country, which is almost entirely at the I North, feeds, lives and fattens on these exports. I To what extent these branches of industry are ' - * ' - I I involved, wouui oe ?i tpie^uuu <ji iuh-icm, iv. | those who tire Concerned. But, sir, in times ; past?in 1788?there were some wise men in I New England, as there are some now. They I ; understood this business; and I will ask to read I from t!;i. debates of the Massachusetts Come;: tioti, showing to wlmt extent they regarded tlieir interest involved in the carrying of the Southern trade. I will ask my friend to read for me from Elli.ott's Debates, volume '2. Mr. Wigfall read as follows: ' But it is not only our coasting trade?our whole commerce is going to ruin. Congress lias ndP had power to make oven a trade law, which shall confine the importation of foreign goods to the ships of the producing or consuming country. If we had such a law, we should not go to England for the goods of other nations; nor would British vessels be the carriers of American produce from our Sister States. In the States southward of the Delaware, it is agreed that throe-fourths of the produce are exported, uud threefourths of the returns are made in British vessels. It is said for exporting timber, one-half the property goes to the carrier, and of the produce in general, it has been computed that, when it is shipped for, Loudon from a .Southern State, to the value of SI.000,000 the British merchant draws from Unit sum $300,000 ur.dcr names of freight and charges. This is money which belongs to the New England States, because we can furnish the ships as well as and much bettor than the lirit. h."?Extract from the speech of Mr. Dawes, in the , M'jussachusclls Convention, Elliott's Debates on the Federal Constitution, vol. 2. p. 53. Mr. Clicsnut. Also a sliort extract from the ' speech of Mr. Phillips, a member from Boston. " But wc see the situation we are in. "We are vergiug towards destruction, and every one must be sensible of it. I suppose the New England States have n I treasure offered to them better that the mines'of Peru; i and it cannot be to the disadvantage of the Southern I States. Great Britain "and France come herewith ( Uicir vessels, insieau 01 our parrying- our prouuec 10 those countries in Aniericau vessels, navigated by our citizens. When I consider the extensive sea-coast 1 there is to this State alone, so well calculated for coin- i meree, viewing matters in this light, I would rathe r | sink all this Continent owes me, than this power should , be withheld from Congress.''?Ibid, p. 07. There was a Mr. Knsscl! in that Convention, , who seemed to have a very lively conception of the benefits of this trade. After showing that j the carrying trade would increase tiic naviga- ^ tion interests cf New England, furnish a nurse- . rv of seamen, give eniplovment to the people, , &c. "These, he said, were some of the IJessings lie an- ( tieipnted Irom the adoption of the Federal Constitution; ' and so convinced was he of its utility and necessity, that, while ho wished that, on the grand question being put, there might not be one dissenting, voice, if he was i allowed lie would hold up both bands in Ihvor of it; < aud lie concluded, if his loll hand was unwilling to be , extended with his right, in this ail-important decision, . lie would cut it oil'as unworthy of him, lest it should . infect his whole body."?Ibid. pp. 139, 14o. 1 If you take the estimate, furnished byNMr. j ^ Dawes, of one-third, you would' have as the ! ! profit of freights some sixty-six million dollars j j annuallv ; but this is too large, for the North ! would not get it all. I liavc a more ^correct ! and closer estimate, which shows that the 1 freight for ' the exportation of the produce of 1 slave labor by the ships of the North amounts 1 te ?36,000,000 annually. If you ftdd the ! S150;000,000 in value which the Northern J States sell in manufactured articles to the ' South, or if you include the West with another ?50,000,000, you have ?200,000,000 that the ' Northern States sell annually to the South, the 1 slave States, which slave labor enables them to 1 buy. Add,' also, the profits of the coasting 1 trade, of which the North hasa monopoly, and 1 then superadd the bonus of ?50,(^,0,00*0 an- ( nually which is derived from the in/position of ' tariffs.upon lis, which enhances the price of 1 their nnufufactures to that amount, and you ( just conception of the importance of 1 ot tne south to tne people or tue | * Destroy those resources, and wliat becomes ^ jf your shipping, manufacturing, mercantile 0 parts of your States, and of the vast interests c Jepeiident on them? One cannot fail to see at S i glance. Now let us regard its effects on the 11 industrial classes, individually, the honest, " hard-working men and women of the country. J There are three articles of tropical production, . chiefly of slave labor, which touch very closely 11 the necessities and comforts of the laboring people' of this country; and those arc sugar, a coffee and cotton. The sugar consumed in the United States for the fiscal year 1858-50 was '' from slave labor, 050,097,8(33 pounds ; from J free labor 42,153,017 pounds; of domestic '' maple sugar from the Pacific coast, 97,580,000 pounds; making the whole 1,072,370,880 l' pounds consumed in the United States. Now, F strike, off the slave-grown sugar, of cane alone, s 050,C97,8G3 "pounds, and then yon will have left 121,000,000 pounds to supply the wants of the country?about one-teuth of the amount c necessary. But if yon regard the cane sugar 8 alone, which is that chiefly for general use, and 8 strike out that produced by slave labor, you F will have about one twenty-fifth of the amount e left in the country to supply its wants. What effect that would liuvc upon the enhanced n price of tliis article, which lias become such u necessity, as well as a luxury, to the people, L' and how far it would he put out of the reach of the poor man, one may well imagine. We inay form sonic idea, however, hv referring to the f condition of England in 1840. I quote from Porter's Progress of the Nation, page 547 : ' The cost to the people of this country, [England] c of the ditrerential duty ou-sugar, imposed for tlie bene- c fit of the English sugar colonies, had become extreme- f ly burdensome. The cost, exclusive of duty, of three <j million seven hundred and sixty-four thousand seven j hundred and ten hundred weight retained for consumption in 18-10, was ?0,15C.87H, if calculated at the 1 Gazette average* prices. The cost of a like quantity of 1 Brazil or Havana sugar, of equal quality, would have t been ?4,141,181; and. consequently, we paid in one L year ?5,015,691 (over twenty-live million dollars) more tlian the price which the inhabitants of other countries in Europe would have pud for an equal s quantity of sugar. This, however, is an extreme view I ol the case. If our markets had been open at one rate r of duty to the sugar of all countries, the prices of foreign c sugar would have been somewhat raised, while that from tlic British possessions would have been lowered; j . but it may be confidently said that, oven in that ease, j 1 the saving would have been more than four millions ol' I money." c Thus, on a diminution of about one-eight of \ the supply the cost was more than double. <, What the cost or incicasc of price would he t with only one twenty-fifth of the supply in the .1 /iAiinfi.r [ Lnv/i Qiiti-itr>i*q tn imsirrini*. y The article of coffee furnishes a condition of t things not less striking. The amount of coffee i produced in the world in the year 1859, from ] slave labor, was 422,0110,000 of pounds; free la- : bor 320,000,0U0 pounds; total production, i 742,000,000 pounds. The amount of coffee con- I suiucd in the United States alone, in 1850, was s 293,832,830 ]>bunds,say one-third less than the ' whole production of free labor. Now, sir, strike j out the production of slave labor, and you leave i a little more than enough to supply one single j country, at an increased cost, on account of the ; diminished supply, of one-half. Senators may ^ well imnginc, from what I have said in relation i to the condition of affairs in England, in 1840, touching the cost of sugar, what would be the price of coffee. These two articles may then ' lie considered as beyond the reach of the every- ' day and hard laborer, when you abandon the | products of slave labor. i In relation to cotton, it is still more striking. ' The total production ofcotton in the world (ex- ' eluding local consiftription, except in the United ' States) was 4,814,481 bales; of wliicTi the | United States slave labor produced 3,851,481 i bales; Brazil, 125,000 bales; making together 1 3,078,481 from slave labor. J u the East Indies, ? .... t- . ?i... 1 510,00U; iigypr, iui.uuu; uju i) tMi Ainu.;.-, I 7000. These last are tree labor countries. The i total production from Iree labor, in L859, was 1 618,Oi4P bales. /The consumption for the same 1 period in the United States, Nortlr of Virginia, was 760,217 bales; elsewhere in the United States, 167,433 ; total, 99.7,651 bales. The j remainder was consumed in other parts of the I world. Sirilrf off rhc jrodu-'t.** >f :!avf labor from that, and there iswt enough in the world to supply the manufacttvcs even in the North. Then strikeout this- Trticle of cotton, with which shivering humalif)' is enabled to clothe itself abundantly with dicency and cheapness, and cease to co;isuinc tic seven hundred and fifty thousand bales in jyoiir- factories in the North, and thereby dcsti&y the investments for that purpose, by whicj toil arc. enabled to make profits and pa}'. Wigcs to the thousands dependent on them, a?dt*hat becomes of the power, the prosperity, th? respectability ofyour States ? Your eonniierccgone, your ships decayed. yoi\r industry paralyzed, your people unemployed, or, if enroled at all, pressed to (lie maximum of lalmr villi the minimum of wages, and thus deprivcd?of the means-of procuring the necessities ,i>d comforts of life; cursed by fanaticism, anfrchy and desolation coines upon you ; ruin grin glares over your unhappy land?and whyjr ^VJjy do the antislaveiy party pursue a course so remorseless and destructive? Is it betausc slavery is a sin ? Sir, it docs not concern tfjWn underlie provisions of our Constitution; they have naught to do with it; their intermefdlmgissolf-righteous and insufferable; but if iSbyffsiu, we are equally concerned'. I meet thc? upon the highest grotiud. Why is it a sin J Do you say it is against the law of nature,'which is the will of God J How do vou get a- the will of God in this particular ?" Do yon go to His revealed word I Then I any to you? search the Scriptures, for they were written ?Sr yotfr instruction, and if you pursue your inquiries ,!n a spirit of truth, I have 110 doubt tl^t vo'.r philosophy will be mended, and that your country and the world will be greatly benefitted by your conversion. Consider the theocracy of the Jews and the institution of slavery utidcr?t; but do you take refuge in the new dispensation? I say to you lgain, search the Scripture^, and among the jtlicr numberless good tliiijg* that you there will find, I commend to yoif consideration the :nsc of Oncsiimis, in thc'haAds of the Apostle Paul. But if you go outside of the revealed word, and say yon look fol it in the laws- of nature, then I know of but o?? mode in moral questions by which you can'arrive at it. God wilis the happiness" of mank/ifil. Any human nstitntion orlitlman actionyjhich promotes the lappincss of mankind is in; accordance with His will, and receives lijs sanction. Thus the juestion is narrowed between'us: ' Does the nstitntion of slavery in thesf States destroy the i.ippincss'of mankind ? Yoiir cities rest on it; t builds your factories; it freights your ships; ,t whitens every sea with the sails of your coinnercc?employs the idle, fc^ds the hungry, :lothcs the naked. Commerce, civilization aiid ^fristianity go hand in hand, an<l their conoint efforts receive their ch&f earthly impulse j rem this reviled institution. \ But von snv. "I leave out 'pf the considcra- | ion the happiness of the race enslaved."' By io means. It is an importalfc element ?f t'lc noral argument. I point- you to Ilayti; I t x>int you to Jamaica; I pdiutyoutQ Tunis ; 1 loint you among yourselves; ^ompare the conJition of the freed negroes w>rally, mcntnlly, ind physically, in those placua with the condiion of the slaves hei;e, 'afcfflritw your own inclusions. In thegeiierttl^arch of human progress, then, no one intorcstlThumaiuty-has idvanced more ffipitlly thaijjjJi^' institution of i t hd^Jood the test o?^very Jfrial. In spite I f the-efforts of the nnti-slavery.party, so well < alcnlated to retard its in:p?5vemeiit, it has f one on improving and lo ijfaprove, until its < iission and its ends shall be accomplished. It? i lission is to suhdue the unbrihen regions of < lie warm and fertile SjputhJ Its end is the ] nppuiess and civilization of tjlie human race, ? minding the race of the slavqf ,jn all respects, i But, perhaps, some Senator; as 1 have heard f 1 readyappeals to his own hehrt for testimony. < ow, Mr. 1'resident, for the ; iirfpulsos of the ! i nman heart, lightly instructed and educated, t have great respect; hut \vo.|nre toid that the 1 umnn heart is "deceitful al)oyu all things, and i esperately wicked;" and when it suffers its<4l < a be driven to and fro by tjU whirlwind of i lassions, surely it is the most, unwise and un- ' afe of all guides. , 1 History and experience proVe that the negro i ias nowhere been found tit. for any degree of i ivil liberty. His own good: as \vCll as the > ood of the world, requires that he should he I ;uided and restrained. Yet, the anti-slavery j iarty weakly and wickedly . attempt to force mancipation upon us. But, Mr. President, itma^eem strange that . Senator from the South shoidJ seem to advo- i1 ate the interests of-the North. This requires j xplanation. The truth is gpod for all sections, j aid while I am n<5t unwilling to contribute j nets and arguments that muy enable all to j icrform a common duty, I hijve a purpose he-1 oiul. I desire to show thej wickedness and | nadness ftnd folly of ihc anti-slavery party, ij lesire to point out its tendencies to the people i if inv section. I desire to Ire-fissure the rieo-.' ilc of the South of its hnprtiirnabl^ power. I lesirc to convince them of their capacity for ndepcndence. Sir, 1 am constrained, from : teep conviction, to say that, unless this maJicss shall cease, the sooner sjh,. puts herself on hat reliance, the better for |ier, the better for j ivil liberty, and the better f<n- mankind. Sir, I have spoken hypothetically. I have , upposed that this party might he triumphant, j will say to the anti-slavcyy <party, "you can-1 lot abolish slavery ; no, not| though vou have j ipened to you all the treasures ofKxcter Hall." | L'here is but one way by wlijt.|i you can abol- ! sh slavery; that is to destroy your factories, i iiirn your mills, and cease consuming the pro-! 1 net of slave labor; dcsolutu|yonr country, and : vith it, some other coiinlries.1 and then-you can j lo it; but, you have not the nerve to adopt j hat course, and you eatinolj accomplish it in j my other way. Great Brfjtaiu now cannot | nake direct and destructive Jwar upon our sys-1 cm of slavery. But you in:jy do that which is : lotso diastrous to us, but equally fatal to you. j {ou may destroy our systeijn of Governments, ind, my word for it,you wilj. She is not quite eady at this time. It turns 0l,t that the comjined production of free nn{] 5|ave labor is inniflieient for the supply ot (the civilized world.Hie factories of Great Britain and her whole lower and prosperity rest oiji it, and she knows t. She, therefore, cannot- Strike at it until she jets her own system of slavj.ry fully developed, tud then you may look for th,e blow. To show ,-ou tliat this is true, I wil| ask my friend to 1 cad an extract from Britishl authority. Mr. Wigfall read as follow; '"Tlie entire f iilure of a CottoL crop,' says Mr. Ash- ; ivortli, 'should it ever occur, Would utterly destroy, | md perhaps forever, all the inni,u|iicturing prosperity | ive possess; or. should the ttrV^-Ui in any one year j do only 0110 million, instead oi ti f:0Q million bales, the Manufacturing: ami trailing clu* s0s would find tlv.-msolves involved in losses, which jn many cases, would imount to irretrievable^ ruin?r billons of our country- : tien would become deprived o'employment and food | ?and, as a eonsecpienco, tliouii (fortune would involve j this country in a series of onlani politically, social- ; iy and commercially, such as c: nDOt bo contemplated j without anxiety and dismay.' # j "These considerations strongly point to thj necossi- I tv of encouraging the growth ,f cotton in the British [ Jolonies?in.India, Australia and Africa?that we! may escape the perils which sei ,IQ t0 attach to our re- j lying so exclusively for our sup 1|yi ns v.e do at pres- ] ent, upon the products of Araer L.iin silvery."?tendon Quarterly Review, January, 16 gO: p. 45." Mr. Chesnnt. Thus, President, it np- < pears that while England is torturing her ingenuity to relieve herself of her dependence upon itr.iwhile shf re;<riirg to every p.*w:i blc method to build up her own system of slavery in Africa, in Asia, in the West Indies, we find the anti-slavery party of America going hand in hand with her. We fine? the anti-slave ry party of America doing all they can to destroy that which gives this country predominance and power. Senators, does it not occur to you that the party is, in effect, a foreign party? It is a British party ; and if the people of the United States are so far stultified as to aid in its success, may God have mercy on their fatuity, for they know not what they do. Mr. President, I have said that in the prevailing misconception of our system of governments might be found one of the important causes of the present unsatisfactory .condition - ' Ot tile coutltrv. AS 10 UIU luuuunuvii principles of government, we differ totn ccelo. One party in this country seems to hold that the Declaration of Independence is tli 2 basis of the Constitution, and argues as if the Federal Government* derived its powers from that famous instrument, and was organized for the express purpose of carrying them into effect.? Strange as it m.-ft seem, still it is true, when the anti-slavery party generally come to speak of the powers and- duties of the Government, in relation to the domcstie affairs and social systems of the several States, they string their sophistical arguments on these abstract opinions. The purposes of the declaration of Independence were clear and specific ; and, in deference to the opinion of the world, to assign the reasons which induced and justified that fact. Besides these-, it had no other purposes. It is true, that the framcrs of that instrument saw fit to announce certain political and social dogmas, some of which are true and philosophic, while others, in the sense in which they seem 4^ 1- .....1,?e<?1 Kf tlin atifi-slfiverv party, are fantastic and falseret they seize on these last and present them as indubitable evidence of the correctness of that theory which they advocate. By what authority the dogmas of the Declaration of Independence are made the basis of the Constitution, or how they are imputed as'principles of the Government} I am unable to sec. Tli03e who take that ground must prove a fact in contravention of. history and in the face of well-established truth.,- I The Constitution rests upon no such rickettv basis. It arose out of the necessities and convenience of the States. It was formed for a practical purpose; which was, to institute a common Government for common purposes, practical'and plainly apparent in the instrument itself. Although the States were free and independent, still they were 'feeble, and not much respected by the other Powers of the earth. In order to preserve the liberty and independence which they had so lately won, and to enjoy peacefully the incidents flowing from such a condition, it became necessary that thev should^ unite more closely and concentrate all their power, to be exorcised in matters of foreign relations through a common agent. The exterior relations among themselves were embarrassing, and* foreshadowed ultimate danger. Hence, also, it bccamc'both conycniri/ifoKurr fnrtlir> continuance of Deacc among them, thnt all matters of this kind should boi regulated arid controlled by the same comino^agunt. In all matters arising under these T -JTrnar-d/ *1 l^lLf!_core-j- | non agent could exercise tthc conjoined pdw :rs of the States more conveniently and bene- : icially than each State could for itself. To ac- 1 :omplish this, the Constitution was adopted 1 ivbicli formed the Government. To cany into fleet these objects was and is, the main purpose of the Government. The interior and loniestic affairs of the States were never iutcnJed to be affected by it, except in special ea- 1 sos provided, or in so far as the proper exercise < Df' the powers granted to the common Government would necessarily do so. The relation, | therefore, which Hie State Governments and the Federal Government stand to each other is not that of inferior to subordinate, but as parts af one system, deriving their powers from the same'source, namely, the people of the States severally." The people of each State has two Governments, neither complete, inasmuch as it exercises a portion of its - sovereign powers through one separately ; and another portion conjointly, by agreement with other States, through another Government. The two together, in their appointed spheres, and within the limitations, exercise the sum of powers that constitutes a complete Government. JJut sovereignty resides in neither of the Governments. They exercise only the powers delegated to each respectively. It remains still plenary in each of the.sevcral States, wlncli instituted both, precisely in the same manner and to the same extent as. it did before the adoption of the Constitution. The people of each of the several States, therefore, can resume the powers delegated to either or both. This results from the sovereignty of the States and the nature of the compact between them. I use the words "States" and "people of the States," in Miis connection, in the same seirse. From this doctrine it results that the Constitution rests 011 the will of the States ; and that the Government formed by it is purely Federal?can have no other purposes, powers or principles than those derived from the Constitution itself, which are all delegated, defined and limited. What the States intended and agreed to may there be found. What they did not intend and did not agree to, cannot be imputed pand I feel a curiosity to see how any one ol the Republican party can point out in the Constitution,as among the delegated, defined and limited powers of the Government, their favorite and fantastic dogmas announced in the Declaration of Independence. There are vet others, embracing in their number some of thumost aide ntid distinguished of the Republicans, chief)}' those who have rescued themselves from the wreck of the old Whig party by uniting their fortunes with a mote prospering cause. These, while they agree with us as to the history of the Constitution, do nevertheless hold that, by ratifying it, the States surrendered their sovereignty, at least to the extent of the delegated powers, w^tich are irrevocable; that the Federal Governnieiit is that of a single nation, extending over all the people of the United States, as a single community united socially, and not politically, as States; that the Government, therefore, is National, and not Federal ; mat it is me exclusive judge ot* the extent of its own powers, and lias the right, by force of arms, to exact obedience to such interpretation from the States who made it. They deny that the several States, who are the custodians of the reserved, [ as the Federal Government is of the delegated powers, has any right to judge of the infractions of the Constitution and the mode and measure of redress. If I had time, I would go into a complete and full refutation of all these fallacies; but it is not now in the line of my purpose to argue them. Perhaps it may become proper on another occasion. These doctrines break down all the barriers of the Constitution, and prostrate the States, consolidate the Government, and enable it, by constructions to absorb all ot the reserved-powers. Instead of a Federal Government, as intended for specific purposes, with its powers enumerated and strictly limited, it becomes a Government for any and every purpose that a j majority may desire. In fact, its purpose and | character being entirely changed, it is a mighty and cdiour dcrp^tirm : ihc. meanest arid rr.osr K w ?1 X. hateful of all?a vulgar despotism of mere numbers. Beneath the, incubus of such a monster civil liberty would-dic in a day. The theory which holds that the dogmas of the Declaration of Independence are the principles aud powers of thifGovernmcnt, which holds that tvo are united socially as one people, and, therefore, may rightfully intemeddlc with, each others' concerns, and by constructions would permit majorities to extend the action of the Government beyond the liihitsdvfined by the Constitution, leave the amplest scope for the violent clashing of all those adverse opinions pertaining solely to the social system and domestic alfairs of the several States. Whereas the true view would confine all conflicts to political questions arising under the Constitution, and legitimately within the sphere of common Government. If the people of New England and Ohio and others could hut understand the true rotations of the States to each other, and of the Federal Government to the States, that outside 01 the purposes of the Government, and beyond the powers expressly enumerated in the Constitution, they are, in fact, as foreign to each other as arc Great Britain -and France, and would demean themselves in accordance with the logical result of such a belief, peace might be restored and our system of government, like the great system above, move harmoniously on, yielding daily light and life and happiness tor ages to come. But this, I fear, may not he. The idea tha't there exists an irrepressible conflict between the two systems of labor prevailing in the States, is fanciful and superficial. Xo such confiict exists. On the contrary, the two systems mutually aid each other. There is, however, a conflict?a conflict of 'ideas irreconcilable.. The opinions of those who give life and energy- to the anti-slavery party touching government, society, the relations of man to both, and to each other, are radical and revolutionary. If these prevail, there can be no peace, Xo'rth .or South, for they are bred in confusion, and will deveJopc anarchy. These gentlemen seen: to believe that Government may be improvised?that it is a sort of machinery which is invented, can be patented, and may be made in the same mould to suit the customers of every clime, whether of Asia, Africa, Europe or America. They argue as if society was the artificial, and not the natural state of man.?Hence they speak of his natural rights as matters outside of, and in antagonism to, the claims of society, and of which society deprives him. According to this theory, his relations to society and government is naturally one of war. Tims thev would lav the foundations of trovci n ment in anarchy. Thin fatal error arises, too, out of the' untenable postulate that all men, under all governments, are naturally and equally entitled to liberty, without reference to the Well-being of society, or to their own. fitness to enjoy and preserve it. Thus, in the face of history; in the face of nature, aud iti contravention to the cvery-day experience of the world, they hold "that all men arc created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable lights, among which arc life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness." Let us examine this with impartial minds. Let us sec whether these rights are original, absolute, and unlipiitccU or qualified, relative, ami subordiintgaBtiet all men are not created STe w t i it e ynati^Kh i i.^ ou^^^Wnts bcgnrrio >ce, and arc partially inclined to admit. I J raw this inference from certain passages in the speeches of the Senator from Illinois [Mr. ' Trumbull] and the Senator from Xew \ ork 1 [Mr. Seward.] 1 First tlif> Stf>ii!ilnr from Illinois holds this ' language in a speech which ho delivered here early in the session ; lie confessed the inequality ' of the races, in my judgment: ' I know llnit there is a distinction between these two races, because the Almighty himself h is marked 1 it on their very laces, and, in my judgment, man can- 1 not, b.v legislation or otherwise, piDducc perfect equal!- i ty botwoen those races.'1 1 The inference I draw from that is, that the Senator from Illinois begins to see, and is inclined, to admit, that the African is not the equal of thc'wfiite man. I also quote from the Senator from New York a passage which I think points to the same conclusion. The Senator from New York says : "Suppose wo had the power to change your social system: what warrant have you for supposing that wo should carry negro equality among you ? AVo know, and would show you, if you will only give heed, that the equality which our system of labor works out is the equality of the white man.'' In the South the equality of the white man . is already established. It is not the equality of the negro that the system works out. I infer from that, the Senator from New York begins to see the inequality of the races, and is inclined to admit it. I therefore pass over that subject; take it for granted that mankind will hold the idea that all races are not equal, because the fact stares them in the face. We have only to make profcrt. I?ring one of each into court, and who acknowledges the equalityNo one. That all men arc endowed with'lii'eis unquestionable; hut whether it may not he rightfully taken away, without the con l , nnnllinr illiwh'fttl Tlliri SCIll Ol IL> puswui, J3 iiiivuivi ..j v... goes to tlio root of society. Its well-being, its preservation, upon which ?thc existence ami development of the human race depend, often require that it should be done.?Ilonce we see that, in every age, in all countries, and under every form of government, it has been done. Thus we have the testimony of all ages and all mankind that even this precious boon may become rightfully alienated or taken awav; and is made subservient to the safety and wellbeing of society. When gentlemen affirm this inalienable right to liberty, what do they mean 1 Do they predicate this right of man in. a condition of absolute solitude, and disconnected from human society niid government.- If they do this, we can have no argument with them, for they speak of a condition in which man lias never been found in history, and in which he cannot exist. Their argument, therefore, niu<t be inconsequential and futile. Hut if they affirm this as a natural right in a political condition and thus speak of' civil liberty, the assumption is no less absurd. The idea of civil liberty is complex. It embraces, not only the liberty of individual, but also the civil and political idea. It comprehends grants and restrictions?the rights and powers of the States, as well as the rights and immunities of the citizen. In fact, the liberty of the citizen springs out of, and is wholly dependent on constitution and governI merit. To assert, therefore,* that liberty thus derived and thus sustained is an original, independent endowment, which cannot be alienated or taken away, is to assert aii^absurditv. We hold to the teaching of the great stagyrite, that as the human race cannot exist, continue or developo without society, nor society without government, therefore the political, including the social, is the nature and condition of man. He is never otherwise found. The individual, therefore must be subordinate to the social, and government may rightfully exercise jlist so much power, and more, as may be necessary to protect society against external dangers and interna! violence and injury. And the citizen ought to possess as much liberty as he is fit to'enjoy, and as maybe consistent with the well-being of the State. I will ask leave here to read an extract i from Mr. Calhoun, which, pursuing the idea of Aviriotle. p'ts.-r.tb the .ric.-tior.t .;o . orr.prehenI r sivelv, yet so succinctly and clearly, that I will adopt it. It follows from this that tho quantum of power on tlio part of tbe Government and of liberty on the part of individuals, instead of being equal in all cases, must necessarily be very iuequnl among people, according to their dill'eront conditions. For just in proportion as a people are ignorant, stupid, debased, corrupt exposed to violence within and danger from without, the powor \ necessary for Government to possess, in order to preserve society against anarchy and destruction, becomes greater and greater, *Wl individual liberty less and less, until the lowest condition is readied?when absolute and despotic power becomes necessary on tho part of the Government and individual liberty extinct. So, on tho contrary, just as a people rise' in the scale of intelligence, virtue and patriotism, and the more perfectly they become acquainted with tho naturo of Government, tho ends for which it was ordered, and how it ought to be administered, and the less the tendency to violence and disorder within and danger from abroad?tho power nccossarv for Government becomes less and less, and individual liberty greater and greater. Instead, then, of all men having tho same right to .liberty and equality, as is claimed by those who hold, that they aro all born free and eeunl, liberty is the noble and" highest reward ties to v. 'jf on mental and moral development, combined with favora- . ble circumstances. Instead, then, of liberty and equalitv bfMn'f born with mnn irwti?n<l of nil mon nnrl nil classes and descriptions being equally entitled to theni they are liigli prizes to be wtm.^ind are. in their most perfect state not only the highest reward that can bo bestowed 011 our race, but the most dilficult to bo won and when won, the most dlQicult to be preservod." Mr. Chesnut. Here, Mr. President, is a theory of government comprehensive and just; the only theory upon which any free Government that ever maintained liberty permanently rested. It is the basis of that system " of freedom which prevails in these States. It is the same policy which makes England 3 great and free country; it is the system or. which the British Constitution rests, and no other system can ever be permanent, exist where it will. But, again : when gentlemen affirm a right to the pursuit of happines as an original endowment, which cannot be alienated or rightfully.taken awav, what do they mean ? Dothey mean to assert that every man may, at his will, pursue his notion of happiness without restraint of human law, or regard to the well-being of society ? If so, where will it lead? Men differ often in their ideas of happiness. Tlfc happiness of many, it is true, consists in pursuit of noble, nsefui nnd innocent employments. Such have a right to pursue them. But the happiness of some men consists in turbulence ;vnd brutality; some in carnage; others love theft; some rejoice in arson,-while others seek happiness in the bold waller of highway plunder: while some, again, revel' ia revenge, treason, and murder. Av, pursue your happiness, gentlemen all, without- restraint of human law.?You but exercise a Godgiveu right. Suggestive theory! Glorious and! inciting doctrine for the race of BrowriS, with pike, and torch, and flaming hate ! But, gentlemen, you do not mean this. Yon cannot. You are compelled to take these rights with our interpretation, with the limitations and restraints which the good of society and human law impose. But if you do this, you arc honestly bound to cease to produce them in proof and reproof against us. Mr. Pre-i'lcnt, a notable experiment of these principles of unqualified "libertv, fraternity and equality" lias been tried in the world. We have seen constitution and government improvised by philosophy, but/'"the constitution! would not walk." Philosophers could not make the men^o 1 ivc dcr,,^ i .y"T necessities and adapted to their peculiar wantsand capacities. So they trampled on the pearl of philosophy and soon turned to rend the philosophers. Tims will it ever be. The Government must grow and be suited to the people. With -these wild ideas the men of France, no doubt, thought themselves very happy for a little while. All,barriers, all nationalities,-all restrictions were brokcp down?the world was one. Lc rjrnr'ie humuin was the only bond,, ntid le-f/cnrie humain ot all races, colors, classes and costumes, showed themselves very joyous?almost incontinent?at a feast of pikes.: Thev were all brothers, led on bv Anacharcis ? " vr . .! , _ , i?i nil?.... i ClOOtZ. .xoinmc Aiiacuarcis: viiunuim viuuu.. type of man which is to be seen in America. Happy men! for they were all free and eqnal, ami fraternized?but how long did this last ? Again we see them, and this time mixed with women in long queues, swinging to and fro from the doors of all the barbers' shops in the city, crving "Bread-,or blood!" "CVas such cry ever heard in an American city 1 How ominous! Liberty aud cquqjity cannot always feast on pikes and fraternity. Henceforth fraternity disappears; but, happy men, they are still freeand equal; free at least to drink each other'sblood, and equal in diabolical litrocity. And is this'all that liberty, fraternity, aud equality can accomplish? Have they, then, no better hope? Where now is the heaven-born guide and chastener of man's savage heart, pure religion ? Cannot these new-born principles do something for that I Yes : do we not sec-tijem bring the painted courtezan?symbol of divine reason?which they parade and hopefully worship ! Ilappy men ! Are they not still freeand equal < Ah, but they have not witnessed, the new type?symbol of the anti-slavery God,, emblem of murder and treason?the gallows,, now higher and holier than the cross. The truth must not be blinked?like causes wijl produce like effects. Are not these saiueideas of unrestrained liberty, fraternity and equality, communism, ngrarianisin and' infidelity. sown scduonsly and thick throughout the literature and teachings and preachings of tho anti-slavery party of the North i You may depend upon it, gentlemen, these seeds will spring up and bear bitter fruit for you. 1 cannot erase from my mind the impressions made by events and the condition of things around me. I believe that the active,, characteristic principles of the Republican* party of this day in A merica are identical with the* Red Republicanism of France. Here it has changed its complexion. "It has blacked its face;" that is all. If tH?se ideas of which' we* have been speaking arc pressed into action? nay, more, if they be not speedily arrested and made to succumb, civil liberty dies when they triumph, and our system of governments endThen, gentlemen, too late will come your lamentations?as come they surely will. You will be held as "false thrcnodists of false libcrtv ?hollow chapters over the ashes of a dead Republic," destroyed by yourself.' In such an event I will feci some consolation, arising from the belief that wc have done our dutv. and from a deep conviction that tho South, under wise counsel and firm action, can hold these principles at bay, that she will weather the storm, and be able to reconstruct the timplc of her safety 011 a firm and enduring basis. The Availabilitv ok Stephen- A. Douot.As.?In reply to the argument that Douglas , is the most available man the Democrats can nominate, because of his popularity in the North, the X. 0. Delta says.it would be better to take Van Burcn, or Wilmott, or Preston King, or Iliekman, who, besides claiming to ' be good Democrats, have three times the pop1 ularity of Douglas in the North. If the list I were extended to Seward, or Chase, or Hale, it would make the argument the stronger, npd though these last claim to be Republicans, their doctrines arc not a whit more inimical to tho 'South than those of Douglas, and they are certainly much more popular in the North.