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I THE CAMDEN WEEKLY JOURNAL 1 * " ' " y . . , >..?? c .# _ VOLUME XV. CAMDEN, SOUTH-CAROLINA, TUESDAY MORNING, JUNE 13,1&54. ~ NUMBER 24. : _ _ v - - - - - - ' " . Y PUBLISHED WEEKLY BY THOMAS J. WARREN. TERMS. Two Dollars if paid in advance; Two Dollars and Fifty Cents if payment be delayed three months, and Three Dollars if not paid till the expiration of the year. ADVERTISEMENTS will be inserted at the following rates: For one Square (fourteen lines or less,) seventy-five cents for the first, and thirty-seven and a half conts for each subsequent insertion. Single insertions. one dollar per square; semi-monthly, monthly and quarterly advertisements charged the same as for a single insertion. KSJ"The numberof insertions desired must be noted on the margin of all advertisements, or they will be published until ordered discontinued and charged accordingly. ^nliM SPEECH OF HON. W. W. BOYCE, t of south carolina, In the House of Representatives, May 20, 1854. The House being in the Committee of the Whole ion the state of the Union: Mr. Boyck said : 1 propose to make some remarks on the Kansas and Nebraska bill. The important featofe of this bill is a repeal of the Missouri restriction, f approve of this repeal, for I consider this restriction unconstitutional and unjust. The authority thus to restrict slavery is attempted to be derived from two ___ nvr. . J._ AL. I ^ ...it sources: rirst, unaer me clause authorizing Congress w to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United Statesand, second, as. an incident to the treaty-making power. In reference to the first source, I insist with entire confidence that the clause is not in the slightest degree altered by the insertion of the word territory, and that the power conferred would be precisely the same if the words "territory and other" were stricken out, and the clause made to read thus: " The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and rtteulations resDectimr the properly belonging to the United States property being a comprehensive word, which embraces 41 territory" as one of its species.? That I am correct in this construction is apparent from the clause itself, which says " territory or other properly," evidently treating territory as one kind of property. To,make the matter still plainer, suppose the clause were: 44 The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the ships of war, guns, cannon, and other property belonging to the United States." Would the insertion of the words " ships of war, guns, cannons," give any more authority than the single word property ? Certainly not. if I am right in this construction, it follows that the only authority conferred upon Congress by this clause over the territory is in their character of ownership, and with reference to it as property. In other words, the power of Congress over the territory under this clause is a property power, the same power which every individual has over his own estate?simply this and no more. Now, what is the extent of this power of ownership ? The answer to this question is at once suggested by considering the nature of property. Property has hut two cbaracteris tics?to be used, and to be disposed of. The owner of property can do but two things with his property?use it, or dispose of it. Congress, from the very words of the Constitution, and the very nature of things, can only exercise one light, that of disposing of the territory; to use it, is simply absurd. The whole right of Congress is limited to the one right of disposing of the territory. The whole power of Congress over the territory hath this extent, no more. Congress has the power to dispose of the territory, and to make all needful rules and regulations to effect this purpose. Those who claim that this clause authorizes the prohibition of slavery in the Territories, must show that such prohibition is a nedessary means to the disposing of the territory ; but I apprehend no one will attempt so absurd a task.? Indeed, the contrary is evident from the slight An Pai* Pnnuraco tkniiaik otirnar nf IC1ICVUUII J IVI VUllglCOO, Vlll*U? II UUUCil VI the territory, is only so as trustee for the States, and in disposing, or, which is the same thing, selling the territory, is bound by every conceivable trust-obligation to thus dispose of or sell to the best advantage, which implies anything else but restricting the sale of the territory to those who are not slaveholders, but looks to the largest competition of settlers, whether from the North or the South. I think this portion of the argument is sufficiently clear already; but, while upon this point, it may not be inappropriate to show that the Constitution itself distinguishes between this property power over the territory to which 1 have been alluding, and a- more comprehensive governmental power; for, in another clause - of the Constitution, a governmental power, un der the terms " exclusive legislation," is conferred upon Congress " over the seat of the Government, forts, arseqals," &c.; the framers of the Constitution thus showing their conception of the difference in the nature of the powers conferred by the two sections. When they speak in regard to the territory, they use very guarded language ; when they provide for the seat of Government, they use the strong terms exclusive legislation." 1 will now proceed to the other source, (rom which the power to prohibit slavery in the Territories is derived, as an incident to the treaty-making power. Assuming our right to .arnnirfl territory, it is insisted the riffht. to eov ?1""' w, * * ~ w w ern it follows as a necessary consequence. Admitting wo have the right to gove'n the Territory, is this an unlimited power of government or not? Undoubtedly there are ex press limitations and implied ones. The Tcr ritory of Louisiana was ceded to the United States. What are the United States? A Union of equal States. The equality of the States is the foundation of the Union; the /inuprrment rests on thia theorv The Federal Government, as the agent of the States in gov erning the Territories, is bound to regard this principle of equality; it cannot disregard it without a gross violation of its trusts. The prohibition of slavery does violate this princi pie of equality; it is therefore in violation of the implied limitations on the governmental power of Congress over the Territories. Again it is a received maxim in the law, that you cannot do that indirectly which you cannot do directly. You cannot expressly prohibit the citizens of the southern States from emigrating to the Territories. If you prohibit them from taking their slaves with them, you practically exclude thern; therefore you cannot prohibit i them from taking their slaves with them. When we consider that the Constitution recognised slavery in its most extreme form, the importation of slaves, that it requires fugitive slaves to be delivered up; that it admits this ! institution as an element Of representation, is it ' not a monstrous assumption of power for Con gress, the mere creature of the States, to undertake to stigmatize this institution, and put it under the ban in the Territories, and all undor an innilied nnwer derived from a nrincinal ; vl r . ?r r. r I power, itself of doubtful validity ? It is clear, I I think, that the power to prohibit slavery in the Territories cannot be derived from the power to acquire territory. There is one view of litis subject which arises out of the treaty acquiring this Kansas and Ne ! braska territory, to which it may not he amiss to aliude.. According to the treatyj " the inhabitants of the ceded territory shall be protected in the free enjoyment of their property." Now, is it not clear, that any inhabitants of Louisiana, living at the time of the treaty, and now living, would have the right to take their slaves into Kansas or Nebraska to the same extent now as at the ratification of the : treaty! If so, then the Missouri restriction is in violation of the treaty a* to them, and void. I But the Constitution provides that 4< the citi- ' zens of each State shall he entitled to all privi-! leges of the several St. tes." If, therefore, any J citizens of Louisiana have a right to go into ! these territories with their slaves, the citizens : of every other State have the same right. I puss on to consider this Missouri restrio. tioti by the test of tliat great principle of just ice, which above all things else should characterize the Federal Government in its action towards the. States. The argument on this point will be brief, for the teaching of justice is not to be worked out by a rigid logic; it is a light from above which flashes upon the truthful-soul. flow did we acquire this territory? By puichase. Where did the money come from ? From the South and the North. What is the irresistible conclusion ? That the territory so acquired should he administered by the Federal Government for the mutual benefit of both North and South. Thisexclusion of slave ry is a practical sequestration of it fur the ex elusive benefit or the North. Is this justice f It is a perversion of terms to speak of such action and justice in the same breath. It is one kind of justicethe justice the wolf extends to the lamb; the justice unrelenting power extends to its defenceless victims. It is wonderfully like the jus* ice arrogant Uomegranted to exhausted Carthage, fotbidding her to touch Saguntuin or pass the Iberus. It is an established pnnc ipleof the equity jurisprudence, the most beautiful system of morality extant out of the Bible, that if A. purchases land with the money of B. there is a resulting trust that A. shall hold the land for the benefit of B.? Should not this persuasive morality apply to the Federal Government in reference to the purchase of these territories? Government in its most sublime aspect is but the highest manifestation of human instice. It was a prand conception uf n great king which induced the sentiment, that il justice were banished from all the rest of the earth, it should at least find refuge in the breasts of kings. How much more appropriite that this sole resting place of justice should be in the counsels of the great republic. The Missouri restriction, bping liable to such vital objections, should be repealed. But its repeal is resisted by a large portion of the North on various grounds; principally 011 the ground that it is ? violation of good faith.? 'in.: iu.. kt: : 1 nib naauiiica iiiai tuts iuta>uui I iusuiuuuu *>ao a compact, which I cannot admit. But granting, f?ir the sake of the argument, that it was a compact, its violations by the North in reference to Oregon and the Mexican acquisitions absolve the South from obligation. But, by very special pleading, it is contended that it referred to the Louisiana Territory. But if there was any principle in it, it applied to all territory, otherwise why was it applied to Texas, and so applied as a principle? But admitt in nr if tt'QC niuroll/ in Ka nnnliurt f r\ (Ka T.rmici. ana Territory, there are the strongest grounds for insisting thai it included Oregon as a part of Louisiana. The United States constantly claimed Oregon as a part of Louisiana from 1803 up to 1819, when Florida was purchased, after which we claimed additionally under the Spanish title. In 1805, under the Louisiana title, Louis and Clarke were sent uplm their expedition to the Columbia river. In 1814, under the treaty with England, providing for the restitution of conquered places, Astoria wa3 surrendered to the United States. The convention for the mutual nccnnntiim of Ore gon, in 1818, between this Government and England, made while Mr. John Quincy Adams was Secretary of State, went upon the assertion of our title under France. It is true we als?> insisted on contiguity of territory and discovery; but the only paper title we had, up to 1819, was under the French treaty. Our title to Oregon, as a part of Louisiana, was sustained by the first statesmen in the country, by Calhoun, Clay, Bucliatian, and others. 1 insist, therelore, that Oregon was a part of Lou isiana. At any rate, this Government, by its declarations and acts, is estopped from denying it. I submit, therefore, that the repudiation of the Missouri line in regard to Oregon put an end to any compact, if one ever existed. There is nothing in t his idea of violated faith. Tlta (iKip^tinn fn fliA rpnnl nf t.ha iYficannri ro. _ " J - - ~. ...~ .V strict ion lies deeper than this. It originates Irom the strong anti-slavery feeling of a large portion of the North. This anti-slavery'feel ing is the master-passion of the northern heart. Its intensity is apparent from considering its nature and incentives. Its basis is a conscientious antagonism to slavery. A conscientious belief, however erroneous, when it acquires entire possession of a single mind, absorbs every other feeling. When it possesses entire com munities, it becomes a real madness. These, moral manias are social tornadoes which sweep iverthe surface of society at intervals in history. The followers of Mahomet.devastated the eastern world under such an impulsion.? The crusades were another instance of this moral madness. The thirty years' war which made Germany bleed at every pore, was another sad instance. History is full of them; they are the melancholy blot and blur of many a page. They are the only passions which admit of no settlement. They must run their course; it is the law of their being. To reason with them is idle, because they are founded on some higher law than reason?a belief,, a sentiment, a peremptory abstraction. This anti-slavery feeling of the North rests, then, first, on a moral fanaticism the most powerful and most dangerous of all the social elements. Besides this, it is impelled by two strong ad ditionnl motives?the love of power and of place. It is natural for man to want power. Each individual desires it for himself, or his community, or his State, or his section. This feeling is the prolific cause of jiersonal and national struggles. In a vast Confederacy like ours, there are practical advantages in controlling the Government, and moulding its legisla tion to promote special interests. Mankind huve never been scrupulous in thus grasping at power and tlirning it to their Own advantage. The magnitude of the object obliterates all sense of injustice. Upon the admission of Missouri. this feeling was first strongly developed. The North were apprehensive they would lose the preponderance of power, and hence the opposition to her admission. This idea was openjy avowed by Rufus King, Otis, Taylor, Plumer, Cook, Holmes, all northern representa. lives. This feeling still operates with increased intensity. In addition to this sectional power feeling, the anti-slaverv agitation is urged on by aspir in?jr politicians. There is no mode by which ambition can more readily climb upwards than by connecting itself with a popular idea. This popular idea has been presented to ambitious men at the North in this anti-slavery feeling.? It is not strange that many of them have avail ' ed themselves of it. We have thus the North impelled forward by the strongest possible motives to human action, fanaticism, love of sectional power, and personal ambition. It is only from such strong motives this idea could have so fully possessed the northern mind?a mind signally prudent, reflective and sagacious. Nothing could more strongly illustrate the in tensity of this passion, than the excitement at the North in reference to the bill now befme us. One who was not informed upon the subject would suppose there was some remarkable concession to the South in this bill. Is it 60? Let us see. This bill repeals the Missouri restriction, but revives no local law protecting slavery. The effect is simply to remit the South to their rights in the Territory under the Constitution. All that the bill does is to make the Constitution operative in the Territory. And this slightest conceivable act of simple justice lias agitated public sentiment at the North to its deepest depths. ^ This anti-slavery feeling is the evil genius of the republic. Mankind are never content with their lot, however auspicious it may be. Nations are possessed by the same restless dis content. They are never satisfied with any amount of present good, but are constantly seeking and striving after the unreal and the unattainable. It would be impossible to invent a state of society so perfect but that a desire would still exist for something additional. It is the constant struggle between the actual and the ideal. As the actual necessarily partakes of the imperfections uf human nature, the ideal always lias more charms, because il is not of the earth. There is nothing more disastrous to the individual or the nation than too ardent a pursuit of the ideal at the expense of the actu".l. The pursuit of military glory, the acme of the ideal, has opened perpetual foun tains of human blood. The blind pursuit ot the ideal in morals or politics has inflict* d incalculable injury on the human race. It is at least doubtful whether men, with the best intentions, in a reckless attainment of the ideal, have not done more injury to the world than men of the worst intentions seeking merely the actual. What have occasioned more desolation and despair than religious wars? What infinite slaughter did not men with the best intentions, in search of a revolutionary ideal, inflict upon France? Nothing is more dangerouk than philanthropy let loose. This pursuit of the ideal in this country has taken the form of abolition. A large portion of the North, passing by the numerous objects for philanthropy at their own doors, exhaust their abstract benevolence on the black rare of the South. Founding themselves on the captivating abstraction that all men are born free and equal, they hurry to the conclusion that a general emancipation is desirable, and that they should seek it. They do not stop to consider whether emancipation, if attainable, would not be a cmse rather than a blessing to the slave. They overlook the sanguinary strug gle which emancipation at the Sou.It would bring on between the races ; they forget that, in this struggle, the blacks would would neces sarilv be overwhelmed and exterminated; they overlook the disasters emancipation would bring upon the whites of the South, who should be entitled to at least as much of human sympathy as the blacks; they overlook the disas * A,,rim?lolnMe of fka finntk tTrnlll/l HP. IC13 OUUH l/Ull? UIOI'MIO ail iliO UUUi li nuu?m mv cessarily superinduce on their own section ; they forget that the African race of the South are better off, in many respects, than the laboring population of any portion of Europe, and far better off than the same number of Africans are, or ever have been in any period of history. They do not look at this question as a practical one. It is only the ideal that has .any charms for them. They pursue this ideal at the expense of the best interests of the very objects of their sympathy, at the expense of their country, the Constitution, republicanism, and the cause of humanity itself. In all the prolific history of human follies, none was ever more absurd, more unreasonable, more pregnant wiih disaster than this, it is emphatically the evil genius of the Republic. In reviewing the history of the human race we find how seldom, and for what short periods, any portion of mankind have enjoyed the blessings of good government. The folly and wickedness ofonr race have almost invariably inca pacitated them for good government An a. * venging Divinity seems to have incessantly pursued them, and punished them through their Governments. Oppression, insecurity, injustice, perp'tual wars, wholesale murders, have been the constant and sad lot of the human race. If now and then a temporary gleam ol liberty, and peace and justice, light up the dark pages of the past, it has almost almost immediately disappeared, and left the world in more profound darkness and despair. It once seemed that a different and better fate was reserved fur nnp own onnntrv "Vint. it nnnPRrs now thflt ?. V-. w .. M VWM..V.J 9 -- -IT ' we are eventually to run the same career of folly and disaster that all nations have invariably run before us. Enjoying a higher degree of prosperity, and all the advantages of good government to a greater extent than has ever been granted to the human race before, we have appered to be the especial favorites of a benignant Providence; but our blessings were too great, and the spirit of discord, madness and evil rose in our midst to blast our glorious inheritance. Henceforth, I fear we are 1o play the same common place follies, and undergo the same disasters, that all other nations have acted and endured. This anti-slavery agaition has already exercised a most injurious effect upon the North. I refer not so much to a material as a moral injury. It has inaugurated a fatal principle, at war with the peace of society, the higher-law principle?a principle by which individual con vietion is elevated above tne law. According to tins principle, no laws, no Constitution has unj* efficacy, when they come in collision with individual opinions. This principle is destructive of the social fabric; for the theory upon which society rests, is tha? the will of society, expressed in its legal form, through the action of government, is the supreme law; but if no law is supreme but such as meets the approval of each citizen, then the forms of government are but a mockery, and society is resolved into its original elements. This principle '^having hitherto taken the form of antagonism to slavery may not be considered by the North as a practical injury, but there is no security that it will confine itself to its present form. It is a self-relying, self-sufficient, and lawless spirit; nothing is sacred from its inroads. We see already that it has taken other forms, such as anti-rentism and land for the landless. This lalter cry has already found an exponent on the floor of Congress. "Land for the landless" will yet be a terrible cry for the North. With density of population, superabundance of labor scarcity of wages, will come a time when this cry will find an echo in the Northern States. Then ptoperty-holders there may tremble.? The higher law principle, which is now being established, will pave the way for this cry of "land for the landless." The whole theory ol property will be questioned, and it will be found inconsistent with the higher law. The moment this theory becomes popular among the laboring classes of the North, the titles to estates will begin to be very precarious. It is surprising that the property holders of the North do not see the dangerous consequences involved in the higher-law principle of the slavery agaition. The North have a peculiar interest in fhe Government; it is emphatically their Govern ment; they mould fts legislation to promote lKi.ii. /intn ii-Onructe flipv nncupss ttip I:irf*Pr v"v-" i J f~ ? ?- O - portion of its patronage. If any people were ever especially interested in the preservation of any Government, the people of the North are thus especially interested in the preservation of this Government. It is strange, there fore, that they should systematically endeavor to destroy it, as they are doing, by their slavery agitation. This agitation, more than all other causes, is tending to destroy the Government; and this agitation they cherish and caress above all things else, as their favorite policy. It is not strange, constituted as human nature is, t^at men should give in to agitations < - -i o :* f.. wnicn may injure ouiers, uui u ia auuugu iu see them agitating upon n subject, the natural tendency of which is to injure themselves. It only shows how blind we become when we consult our passions and our imaginations instead of our judgments. The obvious tendency of this slavery agitation is to destroy the Government. What holds the Government together? A sense of its advantages, and a feeling of romance. The object of govern ment suggests its most prominent advantages. The great object ot government is protection ?protection from external wrong; but for the necessity for this protection, government would not exist. It may be said, therefore, that this is the great primary object of governmnent.? The leading advantage of the government consists in its capability to accomplish this object. The romance which attaches the people to the Government consist? in its past history and the future before it. This is one oi the main pillars of government; it constitutes nationality, and in proportion to the intensity of this feeling, is the capability of a nation fur great, actions. The want of this feeling is one of the'principal causes of the present hu ilia lion an-1 dismemberment of Italy. This same want of nationality has overwhelmned Germa* I ny with innumerable misfortunes. 'I he presence yf this feeling enabled Spain to drive back the immense armies ofNapoleon. It is the possesion of this feeling in its most extreme form which has designated France as the great nation. Mankind j^re greatly under the influence of their imaginations?under such an influence nations become great. Both these bonds of union, the sense of advantage, and the feeling of romance, have been greatly weakened by this Abolition agitation. It found ours an efficient Government, affording protection abroad and at home, sustained I in the affections of the people by glorious ante cedents and a sublime future. How changed is the scene now! Abolition has paralyzed the Government So far as our foreign relations are concerned we are powerless. We have all the means, both material and moral, to the most efficient vindication of our rights, but they are harmless in our hands. We cannot use them. We cannot go to war with any foreign Power. There are but three nations with whom we could be likely, under any circumstances, to be involved in war?Spain, Mexico and England. Now, in what condition are we to vindicate our right*, if trampled upon*by eitheir of these Powersl Is it Spain? We can only diplomatize with her. A war with her would be stigmatized by the North as a slave ry propaganda war, and opposed by her. How would it be with the South? Would they not see that in the natural course of events, Spain, in despair, before she relinquished her grasp * upon Cuba, would decree emancipation, and Cuba, according to the doctrines laid down by the North, on the requisition of territory from iVfexico, would have a free statute? The same ideas would render a war "with Mexico impossible; and the certain acquisition of the Canadas could not but make the South pause before going into .a war with England. So far as the first great object of Govesnment is concerned, ' defence against external wrong, melancholy as is the confession, our Government is unable to perforin its functions. As regards the second form of nrnteetinn. protection against internal ! 1 | - ^ wrong, our Government is ?ven less able to discharge its great duty. What is the object of the anli slavery agitation but the eventual abo, lition of slavery in the States? The restriction of slavery in the Territories is only one of the means of accomplishing this purpose/ The ab > olition of slavery in the States implies a war of the races, causing the greatest convulsions and disasters to the South. The strange spectacle is, therefore, presented in our Government, of the dominant section seeking steadily to turn the action of the Government into & direction at war with the existence of the weaker section. Is not the Government then failing to perform its office ol protection against internal aggression? The Government has, therefore, failed to a very great extent to perform its most vital functions. The feelincr of rnmanre I have alluded to as one of ihe bonds of the Union takes two forms ?the memories of the past, and the hopes of the future. Those memories are grand and sublime, and to a recent period, comparatively they all tended to strengthen the idea of union. The fierce struggles of our ancestors with the Indians for a foothold ori this continent, their colonial wars with th^French, their great contest for independence, the war of 1812, all illustrate and magnify the idea of union. They exhibit our forefathers standing side by side in the camp and the council, and by their united efforts bursting the barriers which irfnn and nature opposed to the triumphal progress of the country. But, in the latter periods of our his tory, dark shadows of sectional arrogance and injustice have fallen upon our path, and we of the South can no longer look back with the same pride and pleasure we once did. Until i this slavery agitation disturbed the unsuspect, ing confidence of the South our future was the most glorious that ever dawned upon any peo pie. But this discordant fiend of abolition has marred the prospect; and instead of hope, greatness peace and glory, we see before us disasi tor, discord war and anarchy. The romance of the Union has been weakening more and more every day. The slavery agaition has i and is loosening all the great bonds of the i Union. I It is evident, I think, thnlthis crusndeagninst \ slavery, if unchecked at the North, will eventually overthrow the Government. In producing this result, the North will be entirely to blame ; for the South ask for no right but what is granted thern under the Constitution, and in difference of opinion as to these rights they have been willing to abide by the decision of the judiciary. In producing this result, the W ill 'n ?M?f An?n?AM AAiinl lit ma/lnocQ it Willi Will, III in J ujjiuitjiiy v^uni ill iiU4U|iv,go any folly in history. One tiling, too, is clear? that whatever disasters this anti slavery agitation may bring upon the country, the South will not have a monopoly of them. The interests of the two sections are so interwoven that eVery blow*struck by the North at the South reacts upon herself?she can only wound the South in wounding herself. The two principal sources of Northern prosperty, in a material point of view, consist in commerce and manufactures; they both receive their principal elements of strength from the South.? A ? ll?* Q . ?.? * L MUAAMAon VM<A(>nAP? Q O ikfl ns LUC kJUULII |ll U3JJCI (<, LIICJ JJI<<OJ<CI , no ?iv South decays, they decay. Indeed, it is not stating the case too strongly, to say that the North have as much interest in the institution of slavery as the South have; they have all the advantages of slavery, and none of its disad vantages. And yet the Eastern States, which of all others derive the most benefit from the institution, are the most bitter against it. Should the present Government, Mr. Chairman, be overthrown, will the Northern States be able to re-eonstruct as good a one in its stead ? The small states of the North should romumtior flint. mie nf thn nrmcimil difficulties ...... , in the formatiun of the present Government arose from an unwillingness of the larger states to admit the smaller to an equality in the Senate. Will they be able to enter a Northern Confederacy in this era of extreme Democracy on equal terms in this respect with the Empire States of New York, Pennsylvania and Ohio? It is extremely doubtful whether they could. These small States are peculiarly interested in the preservation of the present form of Government. Yet they are generally the most active in pursuing a policy at war witli the continu- I ^ ? it tUn Aimnt r\ f" a rl i o. ti m:e ui me guvei uiueuu m vuccwntr v/i solution of the Union, there would not be two confederacies formed, but at least three; for the States on the Pacific would not have the folly to mingle themselves up with the convulsions of the Atlantic States; they would raise the banner of independence, and pursue their great career alone. The Northern States would be hedged in by two hostile nations?England on the North, their natural rival in commerce and manufactures, the slave States on the South, exasperated by all the antecedents of disunion. The first necessity of the North wouM then be a strong government, large standing armies, a great navy and heavy taxes. To what extent liberty would suffer under the pressure of these necessities it is not difficult to say. It is a striking fact in history, that no people surrounded by powerful enemies have been able to preserve their liberties. Why is England the only free power in Europe? Not merely because she has magna charta and the writ of habeas corpus, but because she has the Straits of Dover. Her in-tular position securing her from attack, dispenses with the necessity of vast standing armies, and permits her to be free. We have hitherto enjoyed this signal advantage to a greater extent than even England, and this is one great cause of our freedom. In disunion, the North will no long er enjoy this advantage; and if liberty should not perish* it would be the first time in histo* ry that it had not under similar circumstance*. That a dissolution of the Union would be followed by wars long continued, fierce, vindictiuo mrnul on/4 kl/wirltr to foo n/ineononf ivi tU 11 * vj ui ugt anu uivwuj p 10 vuv vviiovuaiik ? vis human nature for ua to doubt; but I forbear longer to dwell upon so repulsive a picture. Before the North are two futures?one disunion, anarchy, chaos, loss of liberty inglorious wars, a miserable plagiarism of South American Republics: the other union, a continuance in the most signal course of prosperity, unparalleled greatness and glory, and the preservation of free institutions. Who but a madman would hesitate which to choose! For my own part, whatever melancholy forebodings I may have upon this subject, I ardently hope, as a lover of humanity, that the people of the north may be induced to chonse the wiser course.? Every thing depends upon the north; we of the south are passive; we tnake'no war upon them or their institutions; we desire concord^ if it be possible; we demand merely jnstica and the Constitution; less than that we can1 * not demand in justice to ourselves. - ' Varieties* He that changes often his trade makes aoup in a basket. : } ~ V.u. One master of a well-regulated house M more beneficial to the State than a hundred political declainiers. " ./ He who knows the' world will not bo" bashful, and lie who knows himself will never be impudent. An editor down East objects to a fecqalAje* .gislature, on the grounds that they wou|d, misrepresent the country. I The Boston Post gives it as a strange fact that, in the gold-diggings of California, 'tha major part of the people are mitterjs.y .y, "Gentjy the dews are o ersme stealing, as the man said when he had five due bills pre* sented to him at one time. " . v '? People who are jealous, or particularly caneful of their own rights arid dignity, always flod enough of those who do not care for either to. keep them continually uncomfortable. Notwithstanding the proverb that "poverty is no crime," vet a man without money is Invariably set down by the world as one devoid of principal. ' None are ton wise to be mistaken,'but few are so wisely just as to aiiknow ledge and correct their mistakes?and especially the. mistakes of prejudice. /At a social party, one evening, the tjnestidn was put, "What is religon !" "Religion,;i ie* plied one of the party, "religion is-an insurance against fire in the next' world, for which hotie&? x ty is .the polity.1 ~ "What monsters these cotton factors must be, said Mrs. Partington; "-I m told BOtne of 'em has more than a hundred hands. i poor Paul often wanted me to go and Bee tbefr? but I'm thankful I never went" Let you he ever so pure, you cannot 'ss3o?? ciate with bad companions Without fa1Hngib<& bad odor. Evil- company is like fobaccW' smoke?you cannot be long in its prederfw without carrying away a taint of it. Young man, you are wanted. A young woman wants you. Don't forget her. N.o maty ter if you are poor. Don't wait to be rich. If \ou do, ten to one if yon are fit to be married, at all, to anybody that's fit to be married. Mar-, ry while you are young, and struggle up togeth-. er. Shootinc by Accident.?'Plnse jour Lordship's honor and glory,'replied Tim,'Xshot tb? hare by hnccident.' L 'By accident!' said his Lordship.. By haccideni," repeated Tim: 'I was firing1 at a bush, and the baste ran across my aim, Ah of his own accord.' 'The game keeper tells a different story/ said his Lordship. . 'Och ! don't put faith in what that man says/ replied Tim, 'as ho never cares about speaking the truth anyhow. fJe told me t'other day ver Lordship was not so fit to fill the chair of justice as a jackass!' 'Ay, indeed land what did you say 'Piase your Lordship, I said your Lordship was 1' "Mr. Smith, don't you think Mr. Skeesicka is a young man of parts?" "Decidedly so, Miss Brown ; he is part numskull, part knave, and pari fool." The latest mode of popping the question, is to do it with a kind of laugh, as if you were joking. If the lady accepts you, "nuff sed," if she dues not, you can 6ay you were only in fun. . _, Show us n liidv's hnnnet. and well (ell vnti what sort-of an institution she is. If it is showered with red ribbons, cupid's bows, she is as full of love and poetry as a country inn of politicians and loafers. It it goes fn for the simple wrinkles, plain colors, and a couple of modest knots, she is a perfect jewel, sweet, sunny, rnil'l, as affectionate as a kitten. If it is "stuck all over" with a paradise of clover, three story ostrich feathers, wax hollyhocks and juniper berries, put it square down that the calico is a single establishment, and will never see a fortieth birthday. Bonnets are a true index of woman. r --I. 1 - t! l- .1.:. A.*-1??l.- D:ll JLjUUtt iicfc, J til>| vvuu 19 11119 iicumnnrt utu they are making so much fuss about now? \ Don't know, Ike, but I'll bet four dollars and a half that Tom Ilyer can lam him out of his boots in less than 2.40. 'Sir,' said a delinquent debtor on meeting his creditor one day, 'I was obliged to let that note lie over last week ; I am sorry for it, I wish I had the means of paying it, hut 1 havn't; so I will do the best-1 can for you. If my next child is a boy, I will natne him after you.' A man being asked if he would like to live forever, replied, 'that considering the state of the times, and the weakness of the Government he would not care about living more than half of it.' 'I sav. Pete, some d?d loco stole half mr y w -W pig last night' 'How do yon know it was a loco, Bill?* 'Bt'CHu-e, if he'd have been a whig he'd have " ! taken the whole of it' We left then.