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-w Tiie .Daily ,14 ews. TUI6DAY NOHNWG, AUGUST 21, 18(6. The Philadelphia Nathnal Convention. Address to the People of the United States* A Demand for Southern Representation in Congress. , The following is the address issued by ~fhe Na? tional Convention, lately held in Philadelphia, to the people of the United States : To the People of the United Slates : Having met in convention at the city of Phila - delpbia, in the State of Pennsylvania, this 16th d8y of August, 1866, as tbe representatives of the people in all sections, and all the States and Ter? ritories of the Union, to consult upon the con _ " dition and the wants of our common country, we . sddr?ss to you this declaration of our principles, and of the political purposes we seek to promote. Since the meeting of the laBt National Convention, in tbe year I860, events have occurred which have i ? changed the character of our internal politics a d given the United States a new pince among the . nations of the earth. Our Government hasp-saet? through the vieii-situdes and the perils of omi war-a war which, thought mainly sectional iuits character, has nevertheless decided political^dif? f?rences that fi om the very beginning of the Uov ernnienthad threatened the unity of our national | existence, and has left its impress deeu and nut faceable upon all the interests, the sentiments, - and me debtiny of the republic. Y> bile it has in -flictednpou the ?bole country severe losses m life and in property, and bas imposed burdens Which niuet weigh on its resources?or generations -to come.it hutt developed a degree of national .courage iu the presence nf national dangers-a .capacity for niil.tary organization and achieve? ment, and a devotion on the part of the people to , the lorm of government which they have ordained, .?nd to ihe principles of liberty which that Gov- ! ernment waa designed to promote, which must confirm the confidence of the nation in the perpe? tuity of its republican' institution B, and command -the respect of tbe civilized world. ', Like all great contests which rouse the pas? sions and let t the endurance of nations, this war has given new Bcope to the ambition of political parties, and fresh impuli-e to plana of innovation and reform. Amid ihe chaos of conflicting senti? ments inseparable from Buchan era, while ihe public heart is keenly alive to al) the passions that can sway the public judgment and affect the pub? lic action; while the wounds of war are still fresh and bite ding on either side, and fears for the fu? ture take ui just prop rtions from the memories and resentments of the patt,-it is a difficult but an impi rative duty which on your behalf we, who are here assembled, have ui dertaken to perform. For the first time after six long years of aliena? tion and of conflict, we have come together from ?very Slate and every section of our land, as citi? zens of a ci mmon country, under that flag, the symbol again of a comm' n glory, to consult to ?ether bow best to cement and. perpetuate that Dion which is again the object of our common love, and thus secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity. THE IN^EBE9T8 OF PEACE. In the first place, we invoke you to remember, always and every ?here, that the war is ended and the nation is again at peace. The shock of con? tending arms no longer assails the shuddering heart of the Republic. The insurrection against the ?upremo authority of the nation has been ?up ?res?ed, and that authority has been again ac nowledged, by word and aol, in every State and by every citizen within its jurisdiction. We are no longer required or permitted to regard or treat each other as enemies. Not only have the acta of war been discontinued, and the weapons of war laid aside, but the state of war no longer exists, and the sentiments, the passions, the relations of war have no longer lawful or rightful place, any? where throughout our broad' domain. We are again people of the United States, fellow-citizens of. one country, bound by the duties and obliga? tions of a common patriotism, and having neither rights nor interests apart from a common destiny. The duties that devolve upon us now are again the duties of peace, and no longer the dutios of "War. We have assembled boro to take counsel concerning tho interests of peace: to decido bow we* may tami wisely and effectually''heal the Wduhds the war bas made! and perfect and per? petuate th? Dffi.croeitTCT secured, and tho bless? ings which, under a wieo abd benian Providence, have spiuiiK up iu its fiery track. This is the work, not (if pa-Bion, but of calm and sober judg? ment: not of i eaentment for past offences pro? longed' beyond the limits which justice and reason prescribe, but of a liberal statesmanship which tolerates what ir cannot prevent, and builds ita plans and its hopos for the future rather upon a community of interest and ambition than upon distrust and the woapons of force. ^ POLITICAL EESULTS OF THE WAH, In the next placo, we call upon you to recognize in their full . significance, and to accept with all ? their legitimate o DsequenoCu, the political results j of the war just el med. Io two most important particulars- the- victory achieved by the National Government bas been final end decisive. First, it has established beyond all iurther controversy, and by the highest of all human sanctions, the j absolute supremtcy or the National Government, *.s defined and limited by the Constitution of the United St ates,-and the permanent'integrity and indissolubility of the F?deral Union'as ? neoessa- j ry consequence; ai.d, second, it has' put an eud j finally and forever to the. exis'enoe of slavery up? on the soil or within the jurisdiction of the United ? States'. Both these points beoime directly in volved'in the oontest, and controversy upon both waa endeu absolutely and finally by the result. THE BIGHT OF BFPBESENTATION. In the tb ir rt fpl a ce, we deem it of the utmost im? portance that the real character of the war and the | victory-by wbioh it was closed should be accurate? ly understood. The w"ar was carried,on by tiie Government of the United States in maintenance of its owu authority, and in defence of its own ex? istence, boih of which were menaced by the in? surrection which it sought to suppress. The ! suppression of that insurrection accomplished j that result. The Government of the United States maintained by forco of arms the supremo au? thority over all tho territory, and over all the StateB ami people within ita jurisdiction which tb? Constitution confers upon it; but it acquired thereby no new power, uo enlarged jurisdiction, no rights of territorial possession or of civil authority w' ich it did not poises* bef>re the re? bellion pioko out. Ali the rightful power it eau ever possess is that which is enferrort upon it, eith< r in exprea? tecina or by fair and necesBarv implication, by the Constitution of the United States. It was that power and that authority which the rebellion song it to ov<rthrov, and the victory bl tlw- Federal arms was simply the defeat I of that attempt. I he Government of the United ! States acted throughout tim war on tho deftiusive. - It sought only to b- l-t possession of what was its own Neither ?he war. nor the victory by which it was chi8i'?), <-h toged iii any way the Constitu? tion of the United Slater. The war was carried on by vir,t!'? ?" il" provisions, and under tho limitation which th y prescribe, and tho result of the war cud not ei'her cnlargo, abridge, or iu any way chanyo or a fl' ct. the powers it coufers upoii the Federal Oovrrnmcu', or release that Govern? ment from i bc- rest lid ions 'which it b?a imposed. The Continuion if toe United Btitea is to-oay {irecisely as it wa? before the war, the 'Vuprcuie aw of the Ui d, ? ny liing m the Coustitmion or laws of any .Stil e to the contrary, notwithstand? ing;" and to-iiay, also, preci-ely as before the war all the potters not conferred by the Co istitutiot? i upon the General Government, nor prohibited by it to tho Statin, uro "reserved to the several | States, or to tho people thereof." 'fl is position is vim ijated not only by the essen? tial nature nf oui G've.mment, and the language, j and spirit of tin- Constitution, but by all the acts j and the langu ige of our Government, in a 1 its department*, ami it ail tiuii-s from the outbreak of the rebelliou to its final overthrow. In every message and proelamitiou of the Executive it was explicitly declared that the solo purpose and ob? ject of the w?r was to maintti.in the authority of the CoiiHtitipion and to preserve the integrity of the Union; and Congress more than once reiterated tins solemn declaration, aud add? ed the assurance that, whenever this object ?houhl bo attained, tho war bhould cease, am the States should retain thoir equal rights dignity unimpniri d. Iiis only since the wir cl"sed that other rigltts have ln-en asscrte I 01 half of ono department of the 'General Go' nient. It han been proclaimed t'y Congress I in iidditi m to the powers conferred upon i' b; Constitution, the Federal Government may claim over the States, the tetritory and the pt involved in the insurrection, the rights of the right of conquest and of confiscation, riuht to abrogate all existing Governmouts, 1 tutions and laws, and to subject the territory quered and its inhabitants to snob laws, ref tiona and deprivations aB the legislative dei ments of the Government may see fit to imf Under this broad and sw eping claim, tbat on of the Constitution whioh provides that no o Bball, without its consent, be deprivedI of IIB et suffrage in the Senate of the United States, been annulled, and ten States have been reto and are still refused, representation altogethe both branches of ?be'Federal Congress, the Congress in which only a part of States and of the people of the Union represented has asserted the ngh thus alinde the rest f<om representation, from til share in making their own li or choosU Kr own rulers until they shall p. nlv with such conditions and perform such act this Congress thus composed muy itself t ?cribe. That right ha? not only been assert but it bas been exercised, and is practically forced at the present time. Nor does it find support in the theory that the States thus eluded are io rebellion ag?inst the Governmc and are, therefore, precluded from sharing authority. Thov are not thus in rebellion. Tl are, ono and all, in an attitude of loyalty towi the Government, and of sworn allegiance to Constituion of the United States. In no one them ie there the slightest indication of re.* ance to this authority, or the slightest prot against its just and biuding obligation. I coudmon of renewed loyalty has b'-en offiois recognized by solemn proclama ion of the Exe tivo Department. The laws of tho United S'a have been extended by .Congres* over all th States and the peoplo thereof. Federal Cou have been reopened and Federal taxes impoi and levied, and in every respect, except that tl are denied representation in Congi ess and i Electoral College, the States once in rebellion ; recognized as holding the same position, owing the same obligations, and subject to t s mo duties as the other States of our comu Union. It seems to us, in the exercise of the calm and rnoBt caudid judgment we can bring to t subject, that such a claim, so enforced, involves fatal au overthrow of the authority of the Com tntion,and as oomplefe a destruction of the Gove ment and Union, as that which was sought tobe footed by the States and people in armed insula? tion against themtvboth. It cannot escape obeer tion that the power thus asserted to exclude cert, StateB from representation ia made to rest whollj the will and discretion of the Congress that ? serts it. JX is not made to depend upon any s] cified conditions or circumstances, nor to be si ject te any rules or reguiatioes whatever. T right asserted and exercised ie absolute, with( qualifica ion or restriction, not confined to Stat in rebellion, nor to StateB that have rebelled; it the right of any Congress in formal possession legislative authority to exclude any State' States, and any portion of the people thereof, any time, from representation, in Congress a in the Electoral College, at ita own discretion, a until they shall perform auch acta and cmpl with such conditions SB it may dictate. Obvious the reasons for such exoluBion, being wholly wi ti? the discretion of Congress, may change as t, Congress itself shall change One Congress mi exclude a State from all snare in the Governme for one reason; and that reason removed, the ne Congress may exclude it for another. One Sta may be excluded on one ground to-day, ai another may oe excluded on the opposite grout to-morrow. Northern ascendancy may exclu Southern 8tates from one Congress; the asoen anoe of Western or of Southern interests, or both combined, may exclude the Northern or tl Eastern States from the next.. Improbable such usurpations may seem, the establishment the principle now asserted and aoted upon 1 Congress will reeder thom by no means impost ble. The character, indeed the very existence, Congress and the Union is tbns made depende) solely and entirely ripon the party and seotion exigencies or forbearances of the nour. We need not stop to show that suoh action n only finds no warrant in the Constitution, but at war with* every principle of our Governmon and with the very ?xist&nc? o* freo institution lt. is, indeed, tho identioal practico Which baa rc dered fruitless all attempts hitherto to eatablit and maintain fmn govcrnmnnts iu Maxim oa? il t?tai?.i ?if Booth America. Party necessities asse themselves as superior to the fundamental lai which is sot asido in reckless obndieuco to tho behests. Stability, Whether in the exercise < power, in the administration of government, or i tho enjovment of rights, becomes impossible; au the oonflicts of party which, under constitution governments, are the conditions and means of pi laical progress, are merged in the confit?te < arms to which they diireotly and inevitably teni It was against this peril, so conspicuous and ? fatal to all free governments, that our Constitute was intended especially to provide. N it only th stability, but the very oxiateuce, of the Govern ment ia made by its provisions to depend uno the right and the faotof representation. Th Congress, upon whioh is conto rr el all tho legisle tive power of tho National Government, consist of two branches, the Senate and House .of Reprt sentatives, whose joint concurrence or assent i essential to the validity of any law. Of those th House or Representatives, says the Oomvitutio (article 1, seotion 2), "shall be composed of mern b Tsschosen every second year by the people c the several States." Not only is the right of rep mentation thus recognized as possessed by al the States and by every State without restriction qualification or condition of any kin*, but the dut; ot ohoosing representatives is imposed upon th< people of each and every State alike, without distinction, or the authority to made distino tiona among them, for any reason or upon anj grounds whatever. And in the Senate, so oarefu is the Constitution to secure to every State tim right of representation, it is expressly provider that "no State shall, without its oousent, ht deprived of its equal suffrage" in that body, ever by an amendment of tbe Constitution itself When, therefore, any State is exoluded from suet representation, not only is a right of the Stat? deuied, but the constitutional integrity of thc Senate is impaired, and the validity of the Gov? ernment itself is brought in quoiti?u. But Con gress at the proaeut moment thus excludes from representation, in both brunches of Congress, ten tates of tho Union, denying ttiem all share id the enactment of laws by which they are to be governed, and all participation in the election ol the rulers by which those laws are to be enforoed, lu other woids, a Congress in whioh only twenty six States are represented asserts the right to govern, absolutely and in its own discretion, all the thirty-six 8tates which compose the Union to make their laws and ohoo-o th'ir rulers, and tc exclude the other ten from all sture in their own government until io sees fit to admit them there? to. What is there to distinguish tho power thus asserted and exercised from ttie most absolute and intolerable tyranny ? EXTRAVAGANT CLAIMS OF CONGRESS. Nor do these extravagant and unjust olaims on the part of Congress to powers and authority never conferred upon tho Government by the Constitution, find any warrant iu ibo arguments or excuses urged on their boh tlf. It is *lio?ed, First. That these 8taten, hy fin aot, of rebel? lion and by voluntarily withdrawing their mem? bers from O iiKress, f ufeited iheir li^ht of repre? sentation, and that they oan only rec ive it again at the h iuds of the supreme legislative authority of the Government, on its own term? and at its own discretion. If repr?sentation in Oounress and participation in the Govornmeut were simply privileges conferred and held by f .vor, this State? ment, might have the merit of plausibility. But representation is under the Constitution not only exi?r -88lv recognized as a ruht, but i is imposed as a duty; and it is essential in both aBpectB to the existence of the Government and to the main? tenance of its authority. In free governments fundamental and ossential rights cannot be for? feited, except against individuals bv the process of law; nor can constitutional duties and obliga? tions be discarded or Ind aside. The enjoyment ot rights may be for the time suspended Oy the failure to claim them, and duties may be evaded by ihe refusal to perform them. Tue* witndrawal of their members fr .m Congress bv the States which reaisted tue General Government was am mg their acts of insurrection-wa* one of the means and agencies by which they Bought to impair the authority and defeat tito action of the Govern? ment; mid that, act ,was aniiu'led a d render? ed void whoo tho insurrection itself waa sup? pressed. Neither tho right of iopr> aentalion nor thu duty to be represented waa in the least impair ed bv tho f"ct of insurrection; but it may havo b-en'that by reason of the insurrection tho condi? tions on which the enjoyment of that right and the performance of that duty for tho time depended could not be fulfilled. This was, in fact, tho case. An insurgent power, in the exercise of the usurped and unlawful authority in the territory under ita oontrol, had prohii ited that allegiance to the Con? stitution and laws of tho United Statoa which is made by that fundamental law the essential condi? tion of representation in its Government. No mart within the inaurgent States was allowed to take the oath to support the Constitution of the United States, and, as a necessary consequence no man could lawfully represent those States in the councils of the Union. But thia was only an obstacle to the enjoyment of the right and to the disoharge of a duty- t did not annul the ono nor abrogate toe other; and it ceased to exiat when the usurpation by which it waa created had been overthrown, and the States had again resumed their allegiance to the Constitution and laws of tho United States. Second: But it is asserted, in support of the authority claimed by the Congress now in pos? session of power, that it flows directly from tho laws of war; that it is among the rights which victorious war always confers upon the conquer? ors, and which tho conqueror may exorcise or waive in his own discretion. To this wo reply that the laws in question relate solely, BO far as tho rights they coLfcr are concerned, to wars waged between alien a"d independent nations, and can have no place or fbrco.in tbiaregard.in a war waged by a govornmout to suppress an insurrection of its own people, upon its own soil, against its au? thority. If wo had carried on successful war against any loreign nation, '.ve might thereby have acquired possession ami jurisdiction of their soil, with tho right to enforce our laws upon their peo? ple, and to impose upon th' in such laws and s ich obligations aa wa might choose But we liad be? fore the war compleie jurisdiction over tho a il of tho Soul horn StateH, limited only hy our own Con stitn'io'i. Our laws were the only national laws in loree upon it. Tho Government of the United States was tho only Government through which thoRO States and their people hud relations with foreign nations, and its flag was the only flag by which they were recogniz ed or known any? where on thc face of tho earth. In all Ihcao re? spects, and in all other respects involving national intereata and right?, our possession was perfect and complete. It did not need to be acquired, but only to ne maint lined- and victorious war against the rebellion could do notuing more than maintain it. It could only vindicate and re-estab? lish the disputed supremacy of tho Constitution. It could neithor enlarge nor diminish tho authori? ty whioh that Constitution confers upon tho Government by whioh it was achieved. Such an ?enlargement br abridgment of constitutional power can bo effected only by amendment of the Constitution itself, and such amendment oan be made only in the modes which the Constitution itself prescribes. The claim that the suppression of an insurrection against the Government gives additional authority and power to that Govern? ment, especially that it enlarges the jurisdiction of Congress and gives tbat'body the right to ex? clude States from representation in the national councils, without which the nation itself can li ave no authority' and no existence, seems to us at variance alike with the principles of the Constitu? tion and with the public safety. Third: But it is alleged that in certain particu? lars the Constitution or the United States fails to secure that absolute justice and impartial equali? ty which the principles of our Government re? quire; that it was ?vthese respeots the result ol compromises and concessions to which, bowever necessary when the Constitution was formed, we are no longer compelled to submit, and that now, having the power through suooesBful war and just warrant for its exercise in tue hostile oonduot of the insurgent section, the aotual Government of the United States may impose its own conditions, and make the Constitution conform to all ita pro? visions, to its ideas of equality and the rights . ol man. Congress at it s last session proposed amend? ments to the Constitution, enlarging<ftftrbme very important particulars'the authority of the Gene? ral Government over that of the several States, and reducing by indirect disfranchisement the representative power of the States in which slave? ry formerly existed; and it is claimed that these amendments may be made valid as parts of the original Constitution, without the concurrence ol the States to be most seriously affected by them, or may bo imposed upon those States by three fourths of tho remaining States, a? conditions ol their, readmission to r<>pr?n--atuttB?s in XJOBgiona ami in the Electoral Oolloge. It is tho unquestionable right of the peoplo of thu United States to make such changoa in tho Constitu'iou as thoy, upon due deliberation, may deem expedient. But we insist that they shall be made in the mode which the Constitution itself points out-in conformity with tbe letter and the spirit of . that instrument, and with the principles of self-government and of equal rights which He at the basis of our republican instituions. We deny the right or Congress to mane these changes in the fundamental law, without the concurrence of three-fourths ot all the States, inoluding espe? cially those to bo most seriously affected by them; or to impose them upon S'ates or poople, as con? ditions of representation, or of admission to any of the rights, duties or obligations which belong, under the Constitution, to all the States alike. And with still greater emphasis do we deny the right of any portion of the States excluding the rest of the States from any Share iu their councils, to propose or sanction changes in the Constitution which are to affect permanently their^politibal relations and control, or coerce the legitimate action of tho several members of the oommon Union. Such an exercise of power i? simply au usurpation ; just as unwar? rantable when exercised by Northern States as it would be if exercised by Southern, and not to be fortified or palliated by anything in tue paBt his? tory either of those by whom it is attempted or of those upon wnose rights and liberties it is to take effect. Itiiuds no warrant iu tho Constitu? tion. It is at war with the fondamental princi? ples of our form of government. If tolerated in one instance, it becomes the precedent for future invasions of liberty and constitutional right, de? pendent Bolely upon the will of the party in pos? session of power, and thus leads, by direct and necessary sequence, to the most fatal and in? tolerable of all tyrantiies-the tyranny of shifting and irresponsible political tactibus. It is against this, the most formidable of all tho dangers which monaco tho stability of free government, that the Constitution of the United states was int' nded moat carefully to provide. We demand a strict and steadfast adherence to its provisious. In thia, and in this alone, oan we And a basis ol permanent union and poaoe. Fourth : But it is dlegod, in iustifloation of tho umrpation which we condemn, that the condition of the Southern Status and people is not such as renders safe their readmission to "a share in the Government of the country; that they aro still disloyal iu sentiment ami purpose, and that neither the honor and credit nor tho interest ol he nation would bu safo if th''y were readmitted to a share in its councils. Wo might reply to this : 1. That wo havo no right, for such reasonB, to deny to any portion of tho MtateB or people rights expressly confu? red- upon them by the Constitu? tion of the Uui-ud states. 2 That S J long, as their a -ts ar? thoao of loyalty -so loug as they conform in all their punlio OOH dnct to tho req iii ementa of the Constitution and laws-we have no right to exact (rom them con? formity iu their sentiments and opinions to out own. 8. That we havo no right to, distrust" the pur? pose or tho ability ot the people of tho Union to protect ami defend, under all contingencies and by whatever means may he rt quired, it? honor and its welfare. Those would, in our judgment, be full and con? clusive answers to tho plea thu? advanoi dfor the exclusion of these Status from the Union. But wc say further, that this plea rests upon a c impl?te misapprehension or m unjust perversion ol exist? ing facts. FEELING IN TUB 80UTH. We do not hesitate to affirm that there is nr seotion of the country where the Constitution and law-? of tho United stat os find a more prompt and entire obedience than in those ?tates and among those peo?iln who were lately in arms sgaiust them ; or where there is lesa purpose or danger ol any future attnmp to overthrow their authority, It would seem to be iioth natural and inevitable that in States and sections so recently swapt by the whirlwind of war, where all the ordinary modes and methods or organized industry have bern broken up, and the bonds and influences tha - guarantee social order have been destroyed where thousands and tens of thousands of tur bnleut spirits hay? been suddenly loosed from, tl? discipline of war, and thrown without resources or restraint upon a disorganized and chaotic 80' ciety and where the keen sense of defeat is addet to the overthrow of ambition aud hope, scenes o; violence should defy tor a time the imperfect dis? cipline ol' law, and excite anew the fears and fore? bodings of the patriotic and well disposed. It it unquestionably true that local disturbances ol this kiud, accompanied by moro or less violence, do still ccur. But they are confined entirely tc the cities and large townB of the Southern States, where different races aud interests are brought most closely in contact, and where pas-ions and resentments are always most easily fed and fanned into outbreak ; and even there, they are quite ac much tiie fruit of untimely and hurtful political jgitation, as of any hostility on the part of the peoplo to the authority of the National Govern? ment. But the concurrent testimony of those best ac? quainted with the condition of society and the ?tate of public sentiment in the South-including that of its representatives in this convention-es? tablishes the fact that the great mass of the Southern people accept, with as full and sincere submission as do the people of the other 8tates, there-established supremacy of thc national au? thority, and are prepared, in the most loyal spirit, and with a zeal quiclceued alike by their interest and their pride, to co-operate with other htates and sections in whatever may be necossary to de? fend the rights, maintain the honor and promote tho welfare of our common country. Histor, af? fords no'iustancu where a people, so powerful in numb'rs, inresourcos and in pul.lio spirit, after a war so long in its duration, so destructive in its progress, and so adverse in its issue, have ac? cepted defeat and it B c mscqueuces witii so much of good lilith ?a hus mai ked the conduct of thc people lat- ly in insurrection against tho United States. Bowral all question this hus hoi n largely duo to the wise gem rosily with which their en? forced surrender was,accepted by the President ol tho Uniied States and the generals in immediate cotnmaiirl of their armin*, and to tho liberal measures winch wero afierward taken to restore order, tranquility and law to tho States wliero all had for tho tune been overthrown. No stope could li itvo beon bettor calculated to com? mand Ibo respect, win tho confident*, revive the patriotism and secure tho permanent and ?flee t-ionate nllcgiiui?o of tho peopleof tho Soutu tc tho Constitu? iou and laws of the Union, thau those which havu been so firmly taken and so steadfast? ly pursued by the President of the United states. And if (hat confidence and loyalty have been since impaired; if the people of the South are to-daj less cordial in their allegiance than they were im? mediately upon tho c'oso of tho war, we believe il is due to the changed tone of tho legislative de partment of tho General Government townrd them; to ibo action by wi,ich C ingress has endea? vored to sup..laut and defeat the President's wist and boneflcont policy of restoration; to their ex? clusion from all participation in our common gov eminent; to tho withdrawal from them of light! conferred and guaranteed by the Constitution and to the evideut purpose of Congress, in tin exercise of a usurped and uulawful authority, tc reduce them from the rank of free aud equa members of a republic of States, with rights ant i dignities unimpaired, to tue condition pf conquer ed provinces and a conquered people, in all tbingi r subordinate and subject to the will of their cou querors, free .only to obey laws in making whicl they are not allowed to share. ?o people has ever yet existed whoso loyalty i and faith such treatment long continued wouk ? not alienate and impair. And the ten millions o ? Amerioans who live in the South would be unwor ' thy citizens of a free country, degenerate sons o au heroio ancestry, unfit ever to become guardian! i of the rights and liberties bequeathed to us by th? fathers and founders of this Republic, if they coule accept, with uncomplaining submissiveness, tin ' humiliations thus sought to be imposed, upoi ' them. Resentment of injustice is always and eve? rywhere essential to freedom; and the spirit whioh . prompts the StateB and people lately in insurrec ' tion, but insurgents now no longer, to protest - against the imposition of unjust and degrading ' conditions, makes them all the more worthy tc share in the government of a free commonwealth, , and gives still firmer assurance of the future i power and freedom of the Republic For whatever responsibility the Southern people may have in i curred in resisting the authority of the National Government and 'in taking up arms for its over ' throw, they may be held to answer, as individuals, before tho judicial tribunals of Hie land, and for that conduct, as societies and organized commu 7 nititts, they hav?-?WtJttt?y pata llio mont fearful ptualtios that can fall on offending. State* in tho losses, tho sufferings and humilia? tions of unsuccessful war. But whatever may be tho guilt or tho punishment of the conscious au? thors Clotho insurrection, candor and common justice demand tho concession that the great 1 mass of those who became involved iu its respon? sibility acted upon what they believed to be their duty, in defence of what they had been taught tc belibve their rights', or under a ot mpuMon, phy? sical and moral, which they were powerless to re? sist. Nor oau it be amiss to remember that, terri? ble as hayo been the bereavements and the losses of this war, they have fallen exclusively upon m ither Bectioti and upon rieither party- that they have fallen, indeed, with far greater weight upon tho*o with whom tho war began; that in the death of relatives and friends, tho dispersion of fami? lies, the disruption of social systems and social ties, the overthrow of governments, of law aud ?.1 order, the destruction of property, mid of forms and modes and moans of iudustry; the loss ol political, commercial, and moral influunoc-, in every shape and form which great calamities eau assume,-thu "tates and people which engaged iu the war against the Government of the United ' ?tHtea have suffered tenfold moro thau those who remained in allegiance to its Constitution and laws. These considerations may not, as they certainly do not, justify the action of the people of the in? surgent Sta es; but no just or generous mind will refuse to thora a very o nsiderable weight iu de? termining tue line of oondnob which the Govern? ment of tho United States should pursue toward them. They accopt, if not with alacrity, certainly with? out aulleut resentment, tho defeat and overthrow they havo sustained. They acknowledge and acquiesce in the results, to themselves and the country, which defeat involves. They no longer claim for any State the right to secede from -the Union; they no louger assert for any State an i allegiance paramount to that which is due to thu General Govornmout. They have accepted th ? destruction of slavery, abolished it by their State , Constitutions, and concurred with the States and people of tho wbolo Union in prohibiting its ex ' isteuce forever upon i ho soil or ?vu oin the juris? diction of tho United States. They indicate and evince their purpose just so fast as may bo pos . sible and safe to adapt their domestio laWs to tho chanced condition ot their society, and to securo i ny tho law and its ti ihunals equal and impartial j nation to ?ll classe* of their inhabitants. They admit the invalidity of nil acts of resistance to the ' national authority, and of all dni/ts incurred in attempting its overthrow. They avow their wil? lingness to share thu burdens and dischaige the duties and obligations which rest upon them, in i common wi h other Slates and sections of thu i Union; and they renew, through their reprosenti tives io this Convenu rn, by al| their public con? duct in uvery way, and by tho moat Molemn acts by which states and societies can pledge their . faith, their engagement to hoar true faith and I atleuiance, through all time to come, to tho Con ? Btiiutinii of tho United States, anti to all laws that ? may lie m ido in pursuance thereof. HOW TO COMPLEIE TUB WoHK OF RESTOKATION. Fellow-cotiutr.t m?o, ?e call upon you, m fail reliauon upon your ititi lligoiico and your pa? triotism, to accept, with generous and ungrudging couridbnee, tilts lull surrender un tho part of those lately in anns a?ai--st your authority, and tn ' sb aro with them the honor and renown that await 1 those who bring back peace aud concord to jarring 1 States. The war just closed, with ali its sorrow* ?nd disasters, baa oponed a new career of glory ' to tho natinn it has saved. It has swept away the hostilities of sentiment and of interest which were a standiug monace to ii? peace. It has de I etroyed thu institution of slavery, always a cause I of sectional agitation and strife, aud has opened [ for our country the way to unity of interest, of ; principle, and of action through all time to come. , It has developed iu both eeoti ma a military ca? pacity-an aptitude f .r achievements of w-ir. , both by sea and laud-before unknown even to i ourselves, and destined to exproisu hereafter, un? der united councils, au important influence upon the oharacter anti destiny of the ooutiuent and the world. Aud while it has thus revealed, dis ctplined and compacted our power, it t?as provea to ns beyond controversy or doubt, by the course pursued toward both contending sections by for? eign powers, that we must he the guardians of our own independence, and that the principles of republican freedom we represent eau find among the nations of the earth no friends or defenders but ourselves. We ca l upon you, therefore, by every consider? ation of your own dignity and safety, and in the name ot liberty throughout the world, to com? plete the work of restoration and peace whioh th? President of the United States has so Well begun,, and which the policy adopted and the principles asserted by the present Congress alone obstruct. The time is close at baud when members of a new; Congress are to be elected. If that Congress shall perpetuate this policy and, by excluding loyal States and, people from representation in its halls, shall continue the usurpation by which the legis? lative powers of the Government are now exer? cised, common prudence compels us to anticipate augmented discontent, a sullen withdrawal fron? the duties and obligations of tha Federal Govern? ment, internal dissension and a general collision of sentiments and pretensions whioh may renew,, in a.still more fearful shape, the oivil war from " which we have just emerged. We call upon your to interpose your power to prevent the recurrence of so transcendant a calamity. .. We oatt upon you, in every Congressional District of every Stale, to se? cure the election of members ioho, whatever other differences^ may characterize their pulitical action, w?l unite in recognizing the BIGHT OF EVERY STATE OF THE UNION TO REPRESENTATION IN CONGBESB, and WHO wini, ADMIT TO SEATS, IN EITHER BRANCH,. EVERY LOYAL HEPRE-ENTATIVE FROM EVERY STATE in allegiance lo th? Government who may be found by each House, in the exercise of the power conferred upon it by the G<ynsiiUdion, to have been duly elect-d, relumed and qunlifiedfor a seat therein. When this shall have been done, the Govern? ment will have been restored to its integrby, the Constitution of the United States will have, been re-established in its full supremacy, and the' American Uiflon will havfe again become what it . was di-Higned to be by those who formed it-a sovereign nation composed of separate States, each lilie itself, moving in a distinct and indepen? dent sphere, exorcising powers defiued and re? served by a common Constitution, and resting upon tho Rasen', the confldeuce and co-operatioH of all the States and all tho people subject to its authority. I hus ro irgauized and restored to their c nstitntional relations, tho States and the Gene? ral Government can enter in a fraternal spirit,, with a common purpose and a commou interest, upou whatever reforms th? security of personal rights, tho enlargement of p >pular liberty, and' the perfection of our republican institutions may demand. Report from tlic Committee on Address and Resolutions. Tho Hon. Mr. CORWIN : Mr. President-On be? half of ibo committee appointed to prepare the resolutions and address, after a very oareful and< elaborate consideration of the same, lasting all the day and a good part of the night, I beg leave to report the following declaration of principles, which were adopted unanimously by the commit? tee, which the Seoretary of the Convention will read, and also an address to the people of the country, whiofl will be read by the Hon. Mr. BAY MOND, of New York. (Loud cheers.) ' DE?LABATI0N OF PRINCIPLES. The National Union Convention, now assembled in the City of Philadelphia, composed of delegates from every State and Territory in the Union, ad? monished by the solemn lessons whioh for the last five years it has pleased the Supreme Ruler of the? Universe to give the American people, profoundly Srrateful f ?r the return of peace, desirous as are a. arge majority of their countrymen iu all sincerity to forget and forgive the past, revering the Con? stitution as it comes to us from our ancestors, re? garding the Union in it? restoration as more sa? cred than ever, looking with deep anxiety into the future as of instant and continuing trial, hereby issues and proolaims the following ^d?claration ofr principles and purposes, on whioh they have, with perfect unanimity, agreed:" First: We hail with gratitude to Almighty God. the end of war and the return of peace to an af? flicted and beloved land? Second: The war just closed ban maintained tb& authority of the Constitution, with al! the newera which it confers, and all tho restrictions which -it. , imposos upon thc General Government, nnabrldg od ?nd unaltered, w?' i'- b??a prnatirriui the Unkm,. -.villi tho equal rights, dignity and authority of tho.; Stales peiiect and unimpaired. Third: Representation iu the Congress Of the United States and in tho Electoral. College ia a right recognized by the Constitution as abiding in,; every State, and as a duty imposed upon its people , -fundamental iu its nature and essential to the ? existence of our Republican institutions; and neither Congress nor the General Government has, any authority or power to deny this right to any ? State, or to withhold ita enjoyment under the COU- , stitution from the people thereof. > ! " . Fourth: Wo call upon the people of the United1 States to elect to Congress, as .members thereof, none but men who admit this fundamental right, of representation, and who will receive tb'seats therein loyal representatives from every State in allegiance to tho United States, subjeot .to the o institutional right of each House to judge of the. election returns and qualifications nf ita own mem? bers. , ,.' >< -i-' Fifth: Tho Constitution of tho United Staten^ and the laws mace in pursuance thereof, are "the supreme law of tho land, anything in the consti? tution or laws of ani Statu to tim contrary not? withstanding." All tho powers not conferred'by the Constitution upon tho G-uer d Government,', nor prohibited by it to the States,aro "reserved to the S alca or to the people thereof;" and among the rights thus reserved to tho States-is the right to prescribe qualification for thoelucuvc franchise.' therein, with wuich right Congress o innot inter? fere. No State or combination of States has the right to withdraw from the Umon, or to exclude,, through their action in Congress or otherwisej. any other State or States from the Union. The Uni'm ot these States is perpetual. * Sixth: Such ameudments to the Consti'iiM-m of the United States may be made by tuc poople t hereof aa they may der m expedient, but only bi tbe mode pointed out by i's provisions; and in proposing such amendments, whether by Con? gress or by a convention, and ratifying the same, all. tho States of the Union have an equal ana au indefeasible right to a voico and a vote therein* . Seventh : Slavery is abolishe I and fot ever pro? hibiter}, anti there ia neither desire nor purpose on the part of the Southern S'at- s that it should over ba re-established upon the soil or withiutbe. jurisdiction of tho Unieed States, ant the en? franchised slaves in all the St Uns of the Union should receive, iu commou with all their inhabi t mts, eqnal protection in every ri^ht of person, and property. Eighth : while we regard as utterly invalid and nevei to bo asMUiu'-d or made of bindi ig force any obligation incurred or undertaken io making war ?tgiiiibtthe United States, wo hold 'ho debt of t'ie nation to be ?anred and inviolable; and wo pro? claim our ourpo-ie, iu ilisulnrgiu : this, as in per? forming all other national o bl iga ti ns, to maintain* unimpaired and unimpeached, tue honor and the faith of th? Ropublio, Ninth: It is the duty of the National Govern? ment to recognize the servio--* of too Federal soldiers and sailors in the contest just closed, by meeting fully and promotly their just and rightful elaina for tho servi-es they luvo rmidored the nation, aud by extending to th is? of them who h we Burvivod, and to tho widows and orphans of those who have fallen, tho m ist generous and considerate care. l'eut h : In Andrew Johns rn, Pr-sidentof the United S atea, who, in bia great otfi has proved steadfast in his devotion to tho C msii-nttou, the laws aud interests of his ci.tn-, unmoved by persecution and undeserved r-pr-iach-having faith unassailable in the puop e and in the princi? ple of free government-w? re -ogtiizo a Chief Magistrate worthy of the nation, au I equal to the great crisis up-m which bia lot is cia1; and we tender to him, in the discharge or hi-i high and re? sponsible dutiea, our profo jud res eot Ad assur? ance of our cordial and chicer? imu n t. La Publicit?, a journal of D.j.ui, publishes a letter from "bevon.l the tomb," signed by Hameau, in which the defunct comp wer requests that his compatriots shall make leas noise about raising him a statue, MIHI rather get his works puulished. "Kh, bon Dieu I'' he writes, "what does it matter to me that my teat urea are repro? duced in bronze, so long as people come asking ) what I have done."