University of South Carolina Libraries
BY E. B. MURRAY & CO. ~ ANDERSON, S. C, THURSDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 7, 1880._VOLUME XVI. -NO. 13. HAMPTON IN NEW TOBE. The Senator's Speech at the Great Han? cock Bally. At the great Democratic ratification meeting in New York, last Thursday night, Senator Hampton was introduced by Mr. Hurlbert, editor of the World, in the following words: "Twenty years ago this Union square was nearly as full as it is to-night. It has seen no such meeting since till now. The meeting of that day marked the out? break of a great civil war. The meeting of this night foreruns a great civil peace. As a pledge of this coming peace and true Union, you will now hear the voice of one of the bravest soldiers of the Confederate army, become to-day ot:a of the most loyal and honorable senators of the American Union. I ask, your attention to a speeeh from Sen ".tor Wade Hampton, of South Carolina." [Pro? longed cheering.] Senator Hampton said: senator Hampton's speech. "In accepting the invitation to join in this grand demonstration ray chief object was that I might, before entering the canvass in my own State, meet the Democracy of this our great metropolis; that I might congratulate them on their patriotic action . in subordinating all personal differences, all local jealousies, all private aspirations, to the great cause in which we were all engaged, and that I might carry back to my own people the assurance given by the united Democ? racy of New York that victory was already in our grasp. I do not come to counsel you, for yonr patriotism has'already, by securing harmony and united action in your-ranks, averted all danger of defeat I do not come to dis? cuss the great and varied National ques? tions involved in the present contest. It would bo presumption in me' to at? tempt to do bo here after your great fellow citizen?Horatio Seymour?the patriot who seeks only his country's " good?the. statesman whose enlarged . vision not only looks over the past, but sees far into the future?had raised his prophetic voice to warn his countrymen of the dangers threatening them. Besides ..this reason for not addressing you at length to-night, it gives .me now such severe physical -pain to speak in public that my friends must pardon me if my remarks on this occasion are desultory and brief. Indeed I was at a loss for a topic until:my. eye fell upon a para ? graph in that great paper, which is not only a most influential director of public opinion, but it is one of the marvels of our age?the New York Herald. In a late editorial?and these are always sug? gestive, though sometimes erratic?it was . suggested that I should come North and tell the people something about the Solid '? South. The text is a good one and I shall *peak on it Let it be Dome in mind, how? ever, that 18peak only of the South. I do notpresume to speak for her. Has it never occurred to you, my friends of the North, that there is a miraculous falsehood im? plied if not expressed in that phrase?the Solid South? It is ever used by Repub? lican speakers or organs without an '\ .effort to suggest that the South is solid in antagonism to the North ? It is not always used in order to array the North against the South? No one who has observed the bitter sectional character " which the Republicans have deliberately and1 studiously given to this contest can " "nsllate as to the answer to be made to these questions. The Solid South, with the Iliad woes it brings, is the one argu? ments with which the Republicans, . answer allfcbarges against their party. I have said that there is a falsehood . implied: in ;this party catchword. In what sense is the South solid? Is it so against the North 1 The Democracy of Maine have answered in language not to be misunderstood?No, and the patriotic Democracy of the whole North will soon re-echo that noble response. Ts it solid against the Constitution? Reckless%as are our political opponents, there will scarcely be found one so reckless as to dare to make such a charge. Is it solid against the Union ? Every act of every ?Southern State since the war repels such an unjust imputation. Is it solid in any proper seuse of the word? The large Republican vote cast iu the South? ern States proves that it is not What justice, then, is there in this cry, the sole object of which is. to array one portion of our common country against another, to arouse passions evoked by unhappy civil strife and to re-awaken animosities which every patriot desires to see buried forever? What would be said if the South should raise her voice in angry Erotcst because the New England States avo been so solidly Republican until Maine has broken the ranks? With as much justice might we of the South complain of the former solidity of the Pacific slope, or that of the great North - west, as that we should be ^denounced because we cling to the faith of our ' fathers and support the Democratic nominees. But admitting, for the sake of argument, that the South is solid, and that this is an abnormal and unfortunate cor.ditiou of affaire, why did not our Republican friends, who affect to see now such danger in this solidity, point.out ' and protest against the danger when the South was absolutely solid for the Re? publican party ? If the danger to the country, and the ouly danger that threatens it, lies in the solidity of that Particular portion of it, we surely must ave been in great peril when, under the Reconstruction acts, administered by carpet-bag adventurers, the South pre? sented a solid phalanx of Radical bum? mers and thieves as her contribution to the wisdom, statesmanship and the patriotisBTcof.the country. No Republi? can orator among those who are now telling the people that the solidity of the South means war, pestilence and famine, the overflow of our institutions, the abro? gation of the Constitution, and, worse than all other evils, the defeat of Garfield, then warned his unsuspicious country? men of the imminent danger threatening them; no Stalwart organ called thon upon tiie loyal North to avert this peril by becoming solidly Democratic, because the South was solidly Republican. Then everything was serene iu the Republican camp, and all weut merry as a marriage bell. Every officeholder was a Republi? can, and the country was necessarily not only safe, but 'prosperous; Gigantic monopolies appropriated the public domain ; lobbyists drove an unblushing and prosperous trade on the very floors of Congress; whiskey rings defrauded the government of millions, while the chief* of these rings hobnobbed with high officials, and Black Fridays, De Golyer payments and Credit Mobil iers brought out in strong light the incorrup? tible honesty of our rulers and our would be rulers. Thank God, in these dis? graceful scandals, which should make every hdnest citizen blush for shame, the Democratic South had no share. But this digression, induced by my admira? tion of the consistency of that great pa rty which claims all the intelligence, all the virtue and all the patriotism of the country, has led me from my theme. U it unnatural that those in the South who have always been citizens, except when disfranchised by the Republican party, should now be Democrats ? The answer is to be found by reverting to the history of parties in this country. In the con? vention which framed our present Constitution the Hues which still separate the two great parties were sharply drawn. On the one side were the advo votes of a strong government?the rallying cry of the Republicans of to day ?while ou the other were those who urged the establishment of a government of the people for the people and by the people. Party ? names- havo changed Bince those days, but the great antago? nistic principles which struggled for supremacy then still live in the Republican and. Democratic parties. The former party still 'gravitates'?to use a phrase ef its Presidential nominee? towards a strong governmeut?towards centralization, while the latter advocates the ancient Democratic doctrine, a strict construction of the Constitution, conced? ing to the General Government all its legitimate powers, while securing to the several States all powers not delegated by them to the general and common Government. In the long contest between these antagonistic and contend? ing principles the South has been steadily and almost invariably found on the side of the Democracy. Her vote in Presidential contests has more than once been cast against her own honored sons because they were not Democrats, and she has cordially supported Northern men because they were. All the politi? cal training of her people, all the tradi? tions, all their instincts aq,d all their interests led them to be Democrats. They were such by inheritance. In the old division of parties into Whig and Democrat' a minority of the Southern people, strong by virtue of the intelli? gence, their zeal and their patriotism, was found in the ranks of the former. But when the Whig party of the North merged into the Free-soil party, when sectionalism unhappily took the place of politics, the Whigs of the South were forced by the instinct of self-preservation to enroll themselves in the Democratic party, or at least to act with that party. The South was thus again made solid for Democracy by that fell spirit of section? alism which has brought such unu ttera? ble sorrow upon onrcountry, and which, if not effectually rebuked, will bring still further misery and rui?. When the war came all party lines were forgotten in the South as in the North. Whig and Democrat, Union man &nd Secessionist were all alike drawn into the vast whirl? pool aud again was the South forced into solidity for self-protection. I am simply stating historical facts, not expressing any opinion on them, but leaving their discussion to the philosophic students of history. Following the order of event*, what was the coudition of political opinion in the South when the war euded? It is undeniable that there was then great soreness felt by the Southern people to? wards the Northern Democrats. We had seen them fighting for the preservation of the Union as earnestly and steadfastly as the Republicans. We had seen them offering their treasures and their lives as freely as those who had been their most bitter political enemies, and there was at that time but little disposition among the Southern people to renew old party ties. It is a very significant fact confirm? atory of this view that in nearly every Southern State at the first election of members of Congress held after the war, pronounced Union meu or old line Whigs were elected as representatives. My own State furnishes, a striking illustration of this fact... There the distinguished and venerable B. F. Perry, who bad opposed secession to the last, and who had always been recognized as a Union man, was elected to Congress, and James L. Orr, another strong opponent of secession, was chozen by the people Governor of the State. This action on tho part of the Southern people certainly did not mani? fest a spirit of stubborn or malignant op? position to the inevitable consequences of defeat. It rather showed a disposition on their part to accept in good faith all those consequences, and an honest and honorable effort to conciliate those who had fought successfully to' preserve the Union. This effort, sincere and patriotic as I firmly believe it to have been, was destined to fail, aud its failure was due solely to the Republican party. This party had absolute control of the govern? ment in all of its departments, and if its patriotism had been as enlarged as its power tho country would have been spared the shame of the reconstruction acts. I shall not speak of these acts, for st is not my desire to awaken the sad and bitter memories connected with them. They have passed intc our history, filling oue of its darkest pages, and in the good providence of God they have recoiled up? on those who conceived them. The wea? pons intended for our destruction have been against those who forged them. The actiou of the Republicans when the Southern members of Congress presented themselves for admission is fresh in the memory of all men. Our representives were ignominiously thrust from the seats to which they had been invited and to j which they had been legally elected. I While war was flagrant, Congress with singular unanimity and in the most sol emu manner declared that it was not waged for the conquest or subjugation of the South, but for the preservation of the Union, with the rights, liberties and equality of all the States unimpaired. Time and again during the war had the Southern people been assured in most authoritative manner that their States were still in the Union, and that noState had the right or power to leave it. But when the Confederate armies surrendered we were told contemtuously by the Re? publicans that those great States, several of whtch aided iu no small dogree to form that Union, had been obliterated from the map of the great Republic, and that they were but conquered provinces, to bo ruled by military satraps. Some philos? opher, with equal wit and wisdom, has j declared that 'there is a great deal of hu man nature in mankind,' and recognizing the truth of this maxim, you can scarcely wonder that after this action of the Re? publicans the South became thoroughly united against the party. Some Repub? lican papers, actuated doubtless by their ardent love for the South, have assured the Southern people that this conduct on their part was very unwise. They have advised them to enlist under the banners of the Republican party and to join in humiliating and plundering those among whom they were born. Some few?you can tell them offon your ringers?haveactedon this honest advice, and doubtless the cof? fers of the United State Treasury afford them ample compensation for the con? tempt with which honorable men of all parties regard them. But the great mass of the Southern people had too much of the leaven of human nature in their composition to kiss the rod that smote them. My fellow-citizens of the North? Republicans and Democrats?put your? selves in our places, and then say honest? ly, would you, could you, have acted otherwise than we did? I have given you briefly some of the reasons why the South has been opposed to the policy, the methods and the leaders of the Re? publican party, and you may nsk why, admitting the cogency of these reasons, she should ally herself with the Demo? cratic party. The answer is simple and * < plain. The Democrats of the North, it is true, as I have said, opposed us during the war with as much earnestness and vigor as did the Republicans, and without their aid "the Union could not have been preserved. No sane man can deny this. A Republican would hardly ven? ture to do so. But when the war closed these Democrat who had fought us so persistently remembered that we were still American citizens. They remem? bered the pledges made by the Govern? ment during the war. They held that the Southern States were integral parts of the Union and not mere conquered provinces. Unflinching enemies in war, when peace came they willingly recog? nized us as brethren. They extended their bands in token of reconciliation and we grasped and still grasy these friendly hands. We see the Republican party now as it always has been, in all its changes and under its various names, still the party of sectionalism. We hail the great Democracy as National. We pray to be delivered from 'envy, hatred, mal? ice and all uncharitableness.' We cling to the Democratic party because it prom? ises to restore peace to the whole country and to bring about harmony and good will among all its citizens. We have been faithful to this great party in storm as in sunshine. As we did not desert its banners through all these weary years when they were furled in defeat, we sure? ly shall not desert them now when they are proudly moving on to assured victory. We hope, we trust,' we pray that this victory may be as wisely used as it will be triumphantly won. We believe that it will be the blessed harbinger of fasting peace to our whole country ; that it will bring back the government to the digni? ty, the smplicity and the purity of the Eristine days; that it will cement the union firmly, and that it will make the Constitution what it should be, not ouly the supreme law of the land, but of the rulers of this land. The South, if I do not greatly misinterpret her feelings, pro? poses in any event to stand by that Con? stitution aud that Union. Both belong to her by possession and by inheritance, as much as they do to the North, and he maligns his countrymen who says that tbe South is disloyal to either. This is the only country which we of tbe South can claim as ours and, by the blessing of God, we Hope to aid in making it prosperous and nappy, worthy to be for all time to come the home of freemen.' Egyptian Rice Corn. Last April I came across a newspaper article telling of the very many excellent qualities of what is called the "Egyptian Rice Corn," as grown in Kansas. I thought to investigate and learn more about it and see if it would not prove a boon in our own State, and wrote the agricultural department of Kausas and obtained their quarterly report, giving the results of its culture in some twenty ty odd counties, by different parties, and under various kinds of soil, work, tillage and circumstances, and, taking these reports as a whole, the rice corn is certainly a most valuable addition to our cereals, and will, as fast as tried and known, largely take the place of our corn ctop. This rice corn is not a maize, but a species of sorghum or douro, growing its seed on its top or head, each seed exposed, only covered loosely with its husks; it is a small, flat, round, white seed, about the size of a grain of barley. Its qualities are such as to take the place of corn for all purposes; for feeding stock it is not so heating as corn, but more of the flesh making qualities, approacning to wheat and rye. Hogs fatten on it rapidly and form a fine quality of pork,' and chickens, &c., flourish splendidly, better than on corn. For bread and cakes it is in all respects the full equal of corn, and in some points it is superior, making a white flour of high nutritive properties. In weight it is sixty pouuds to the bushel, and, from what I can judge by these nu? merous reports, it will yield an average of fifty per cent, more per acre than maize corn on tbe same ground and tillage. In its growth it is smaller than the Dent corn, can be planted closer together, and will grow, if anything, with less care, and thus in quality and growth fully the equal of corn; but its great and best quality is that it is practically drought proof, that it will thrive, grow, flourish and ma? ture its crop during seasons so dry that corn shrivels and dies by the side of it. For a few years past, in some portions of our State, the corn crop has been cut off entirely or seriously injured by the drought, while, had rice corn been plant? ed, no loss, would have occurred; and, as our planters and farmers as a rule plant mostly for home use; they would have a better article and a surer crop. In these Kansas reports I see no men? tion of tbe "fodder crop" of the rice corn, but, as that is one of secondary impor? tance in our Western sister State, it would be overlooked,' but mention is made that the stalks used for fuel were belter than those of corn; but in my ex? periment here at Aiken, S. C, I have found a new addition to the value of this rice corn, which I have growing in my garden, and also out in open field culture so as to give it a fair test. With me it was planted very late and under adverse circumstances, and passed through the extreme dry spring, yet it has ma de a fair growth and is maturing quite a large crop of the seed rice corn. At first it sent up but a single leafj starting its stalk very slender and spindling, and making no show except as it heads out and perfects its crop of seed; then, when our maize corn dries up and dies, I find in my grounds the rice corn starta up into new life, and is now filling out with new shoots and sprouts, probably from four to six to each root, and promising rat only a secoud crop of seed corn, but also very heavy fodder crop this fall, probably four times the worth of fodder that would be gathered from corn on same ground. On trying these stalks, old and new, I find my cows cat it with great relish, leafand stalk, leaving not a particle of waste. Taking all these points iuto considera? tion, to my mind it presents a value far in advance of the maize corn crop in years of good seasons and crops, and in times of drought and long dry seasons it is sure and certain, while our Dent corn may be a partial or complete failure. I trust our farmers and planters will one and all try a few acres of this rice corn the coming season, give it a fair test, and judge of its merits for themselves. I have nearly an acre of it now growing, and am more and more pleased with it every day.?S. Ott, Aikcn, S. C, in Slate Agricultural Circular. Bogus Certificates.?It is no vile drugged stuff, pretending to be made of wonderful foreign roots, barks, &c, and puffed up by long bogus certificates of pretended miraculous cures, but a simple, pure, effective medicine,, made of well known, valuable remedies, that furnishes its own certificates by its cures. We refer to Hop Bitters, the purest and best of medicines. See another column.? Republican. ? Tobacco was first discovered at St. Domingo in the year 1496, and was used freely by the Spaniards, in Yucatan, in 1520. It was introduced into England ia 1565, by Sir John Hawkins. f AN INTERESTING DISCUSSION. Will Cotton Mills Tay In the Sonth ? From the Boston Herald. In the New Orleans .Democrat of Sept. 1? occurs an article headed "Cotton Fac? tories of the South," which is as follows: Some few weeks ago the editor of this paper had occasion to telegraph Mr. Ed? ward Atkinson, of Boston, with reference to a journalistic matter in which Mr. Atkinson's friendly offices were solicited. That gentleman's reply discloses enough as to the nature of the request, and we here produce it in full: E. A. Burke, New Orleans, La.?Dear Sir: Your telegram of the 21st came to hand in my absence. I regret that I cannot comply with your request. My reason is that I can? not conscientiously recommend the es? tablishment of cotton mills in the South. A very few will succeed on a local de? mand, but on a large scale cotton manufacturing needs a dense population, a cold climate and a great many subsidi? ary appliances. It is an exceedingly close business, and in a common time its profit turns on the sale of the waste and the facilities for from machine shops "in close proximity. The South cannot, at present, afford to spin or weave cotton. There are too many vastly better chances for profit. Time precludes any further treatment of the question. We have no doubt that a gentleman of Mr. Atkinson's standing and well-known character may safely be presumed to be sincere in any statement he makes, and hence we confess our surprise at finding him so mistaken in a matter to which he has notoriously given deep attention. Of course, if Mr. Atkinson really believes that cotton factories in the South will not pay, he could not conscientiously ad? vocate their establishment; but the wonder is that Mr. Atkinson should en? tertain such an opinion. No one has reflected more profoundly and concluded more intelligently than Mr. Atkinson upon most of the questions relating to the growth and manufacture of cotton products. His contributions to current thought and information upon this topic have given him a cosmopolitan reputa? tion. Yet, when he says that the South, with its geographical advantages, its enor? mous w:iter power, its favoring climatic conditions, and its resources of popula? tion, is not the proper sphere for the establishment of cotton factories, it be? comes evident that he has not only over? looked the abstract features of the ques? tion but that he is unacquainted with the eloqueul; array of facts which contradict his proposition. It is always safe to say, in any generalization, that the most favorable locality for the establishment of a factory is on the ground where the crude material is produced. The saving in freights alone amounts to a very handsome consideration upon which to start. But when, in addition to this, the South possesses at least eqeal advanta? ges of water and fuel, and working pop? ulation, and far superior advantages of climate, it becomes extravagantly ausurd to say that cotton factories should not be established here. We do not know what Mr. Atkinson's grounds are for making these statements iu the above quoted letter. It will be seen that he confines himself to mere assertions without advancing any facts to verify them. We submit, however, that nil the argument* in the world would avail nothing against the unan? swerable demonstration of fact, and that such practical propositions, as the suc? cess of the mills at Columbus, Ga., Wes? son and Natchez, Miss., and other South? ern points, are more eloquent and con? vincing than ail the theories and argu? ments that human ingenuity could accu? mulate. It is a well known fact that these Georgia and Mississippi mills have for some years past been paying dividends of from 15 to 35 per cent.; that they have gone on, year, after year increasing their capacity and adding to their force? steadily becoming more solid and pros? perous, and adding fresh force to the de? monstration of the South's peculiar adaptation to cotton factories. The matter hardly requires argument. Whatever illusions Mr. Atkinson may cherish, it is the plainest of all plain things, to every one acquainted with the ;history of cot? ton manufactures in the South, that there is the locality, par excellence, for such enterprises. what mr. atkinson say8. Mr. Edward Atkinson was called upou by the Herald and his attention directed to the above article. At first he thought it hardly worth while to say anything about it, as the people of tbeSouth would not be convinced by anything he could say. After a few moments consideration, however, he made the following com? ments : "This article," he said, "uses among other things the language, that when I say 'that the South, with its geographical advantages, its enormous water power, its favorable clmatic conditions and its resources of population, is not the proper sphere for the establishment of cotton factories, it becomes evident,' etc., etc. It is no doubt a great advantage to have cotton mills in close proximity to the cotton fields; but it will presently cost as much or more to move the cotton goods of such mills to market as it doe? to move the cotton to the mills that are on way to market. Probably more be? cause the goods would be high-class freight, while the cotton is only fourth class. Now in regard to water. This power is always developed at a very heavy expense, however apparently good the conditions are. It is in the nature of rivers to have underground rivers alongside of them, and that mcansquick sands. No water power has ever been developed in New England, for the pur? pose of sale as power, that has ever paid simple interest on its cost. In the ma? jority of cases such powers have been sold out with the loss of the entire in? vestment of the original investors. The climatic conditions are enumerated as favoring cotton manufacture at the South. This is a delusion. Cotton spinning requires a cool and stimulating climate. The condition of cold weather can bo readily overcome, and in such a climate it is more desirable to work in than out of doors. But the conditions of summer heat, through a period of at least four months in that climate, are enervating, and tend to long vacations on the part of operatives. During that period it would be difficult to keep up full pro? duction, unless an excessive number of spare hands were maintained throughout the rest of the year. But the prosperity of a cotton mill absolutely and wholly depends, in ordinary times, upon produc? tion be'ng maintained up to the full capacity of the machinery every week in the year, with only occasional days for holidays. In regard to the 'resources of population' of the South, it is a fact that it has a very sparse population, while that of New England may be called dense in comparison, and yet New Eng? land to-day finds ils main resource for operating cotton mills among the French Canadians, With such a population Boston, Aug. 24,1880. the repairs, material and hands Edward Atkinson. and euch conditions as obtain in the South to-day, the opportunities for at? taining wealth in a vast variety of other occupations will be so great, and wages so high that no one cculd nfford to in? vest the very large amount of capital re? quired to operate cotton mills on a large scale. In other words, wbenj that de? gree of gumption is attained which would warrant the undertaking of cotton spinning, the opportunity will be seen by tbe same parties to use their capital to much greater advartage in other directions. They cannot afford to spin cottton, because they can do so much better with their money in other kinds of business. The success of a few facto? ries in that section is admitted, spinning as they do about 175,000 bales a year in the whole South. A few more may succeed, but as the agent of one of the mills most recently started in one of the best localities of the South, has within a month sought information here as to what measure it would be necessary for him to take to procure operatives from Canada, it would appear that some of tbe causes of the difficulties that must inevi? tably be encountered by manufactures in that section are already beginning to operate. An exception to these general conclusions may perhaps be made in respect to the country lying under the shadow of and east of the Blue Ridge, where yarn mills are profitable, and may be greatly extended whenever the export trade in coarse yarns is taken up. Such mills require relatively but few opera? tives. Opinions of Hon. P. Wyntt Aiken. Mr. Editor : I am again in receipt of the South Carolina AgricullurUt, for which find enclosed an annual subscrip? tion. Would that every farmer in the State could be induced to send you an equal amount and for the same purpose. It is a shame that tbe farmers of South Carolina do not sustain an organ, through which they could weekly communicate with each other upon topics not only per? taining to the farm, but relating to the general welfare of the agricultural in? terests of the State, South and country. They have never done it. Whether they will ever do it, is a question for the future. It is no less shameful, and to me a matter of profound surprise, that the farmers of South Carolina will continue to be such devotees to cotton and plaut so many acres of upland corn. The lat? ter, under the most favorable circum? stances, costs more than it is worth, and there is not a prospective fortune in the former. If every acre of upland now in corn had been sown last fall in red oats, and perhaps a few acres of the present cotton area also, and at least one-third the cotton area planted in sorghum this last spring, the State would nave been infinitely better off next January than it can now possibly be. I have in the past published so frequently my thoughts upon these two crops, (oats and cane,) that I hesitatingly send you the follow? ing report of a portion of my oat crop, harvested in May and threshed out about the 14th of July. Early in September, 1879, I started four plows, (simple shovels,) "running round" the cotton in a field of forty-two acres. Behind these plows followed a man sowing broad-cast over the cotton red oats (as nearly as I could gauge it) at the rate of two bushels to the acre. Behind tbe sower followed two more ploivs with sweeps, giving a simple fur? row to the row, and covering the seed almost as fast as they were sown. Before sun-set of the fourth day the field was sown, with about ninety bushels of oats. Last February I gave the contract to some women on the plantation to knock down the cotton stalks in the field for $10. The last week in February I hired a hand to broad-cast two tons of super? phosphates over the forty-two acres, the fertilizer, railroad freight, hauling and broad-casting costing me $72. During the latter part of May, 1880, during my absence, my son had the field harvested in four days by four cradlers, four binders and one to shock. In June three hands, in three days, with one four mule team, hauled up the crop and stacked it where I wanted to house the straw. Three weeks ago I was two days and a half threshing my crop, and would have done it in one day and a half, but for an accident to my thresher. I will, how? ever, estimate the cost of threshing at one-eleventh of the crop, as public threshers would have taken the job at that rate. I measured up at the thresher 1,200 bushels, "good measure, running over, pressed down," &c., and packed away in the sheaf in the crib for fall feeding what was estimated to be 250 bushels. To be sure not to go beyond the net yield of the crop, I will estimate it at 1,350 bushels, and I know it made more than that. Now let's aggregate the cost of the yield and learn whether there is any money in a red oat crop: 6 plows, 4 day?, $1} per day.$ 30 00 1 man sowing 4 days, at 50c. 2 00 90 bushels seed oats, at 50c. 45 00 Knocking down cotton stalks. 10 00 Fertilizer and broad-casting. 72 00 4 cradlers, 4 days, at $1.50. 24 00 4 binders, 4 days, at $1 each. 16 00 1 man shocking 4 days, at $1.50.. 6 00 3 days hauling up crop, at $6. 18 00 One-eleventh, 122 bushels, for threshing, at 50c. 61 00 Now if 1,350 bushels cost $284, what does one bushel cost? My arithmetic makes it a fraction over twenty-one cents. I am selling oats rapidly at fifty cents per bushel, purchasers furnishing sacks; and every ten bushels, as I measured them from the thresher, gains a bushel when sold at the standard weight of 3:' pounds to the bushel, or the difference between the thresher measurement and sale by weight gains enough to pay the toll for threshing. Take another view of it. If my crop cost me $284, that is just 568 bushels of oats, at 50c. per bushel. Deduct this amount from the crop of 1,350 bushels, and I have 782 bushels of oats, or $391 as the net rent of 42 acres of land for a ainpjle year. Besides this, I have housed and penned straw that I would not take $50 for; and my land is now in stubble ready for the fall turning, which I hope to give it if we have rains in September and October. If this crop were au unprecedented one, or my first, or an exceptional one in this section, I might feel disposed to boast of it; but it is my fourteenth con? secutive r<;d oat crop, each of which paid about as well as this, some far better ; and I am satisfied it is not equal to the crops made this year by some of the far? mers on the Saluda side of Abbeville County. It will be observed, too, that I have estimated the labor all through at its highest market value, whereas nearly all of it was done by my own mules, and by laborers on my own farm, some of whom were wages hands, some tenants, and a portion hired as above estimated. If I could get the ear of every farmer in South Carolina, I would say to him, "Go you, and do likewise." Very respectfully, D. wyatt Aiken. ? The business of this\ world is steer? ed by the tillers of the soil. The Abbeville Tragedy. Charles A. McClung killed L. Pern brook GuffinlMouday evening about six o'clock. The first Bhot entered the left breast, passing through the heart in the direction of the right shoulder. The second shot entered the right temple, ranging towards the left ear. Death must have been instantaneous upon the first shot. The second shot would have been fatal. The parties were engaged at the time in a game of billiards, and it is presumed that a dispute, arose as to the proper score of the count. No one was present at the time except Campbell Martin, who testi? fies that the killing was in self-defence. The pocket-knife of the deceased, which he had bought about an hour before, was found on the floor, on the opposite side of the table some ten feet from where he was killed. The deceased fell to his knees, under the side of the table, body going forward, with bis knees drawn, his arm? and hands near his shoulders, his nose resting on the floor. An immense quantity of blood had run from his mouth to the floor. The prisoner and Campbell Martin in a short time came down the billiard room steps, the prisoner coming hurriedly down, holding a cue in one hand while he was drawing on his coat. He imme? diately got into his buggy, which was standing before the door, and tried to drive off. A bystander, who had heard the shots, and saw his hurried move? ments, caught the mule by the bridle, when McClung found it impossible to et away in his vehicle. Failing in this, e instantly jumped out, becoming en tangled in the lines of the harness, he fell full length on the ground. Recov? ering himself he ran over the vacant lot between Jones & Miller's store and Nor? wood Brothers store, passing near the public scales and down through the new stable, being closely followed by a pursu? ing crowd. When he came to the street ho met others, and immediately surren? dered, gave up his pistol, and asked mar? shal Shillito to protect him from violence. He was at once taken to jail and locked up, where he now is. While he was being taken to jail, the room in which Guffin had been killed was crowded with curious people of every de? scription, each one anxious to get a sight of the dead man. In a little while near? ly all whose curiosity had drawn them thither were satisfied and walked away, imparting to others the fact that Guffin was really dead. - In a little while after the killing Guffin's body was straightened out and laid on his back, where it re? mained until after viewed by the Coroner and jury, As sonn as it was known on the streets that Guffin was dead, messengers were dispatched to his sister and little children on the farm, four miles distant, and to Mrs. L. L. Guffin, who lives some three quarters of a mile from the public square on the Andersou road. His sister and his children came at once in a wagon to the residence of Mrs. L. L. Guffin, and the scene of grief and sorrow in that family beggars description. About sun down the room was locked up and remained closed until nine o clock, when ^Coroner S. W. Cochran arrived. Going into the room and light? ing the lamps he was f " ?! by a great throng, who crowdea every available inch. The jury were empanelled with J. M. Kirby foreman. Dr. F. F. Gary and Dr. E. H. McBride made the examina? tion. When the medical examination was concluded the jury was adjourned until nine, o'clock Tuesday morning, and the Coroner surrendered the body to the friends of the deceased for interment. The body was dressed for the grave, placed upon a litter, and by eleven o'clock it arrived at the home of his sis? ter-in-law, Mrs. L. L. Guffin, who lives at the Trowbridge house, (owned by E. G. Graydon, Esq.,) whither the children of the deceased, his sisters and other rel? atives had assembled. Tuesday afternoon Mr. Sign, the vil? lage undertaker, took charge of the body, taking it to the family burying ground on the old homestead, four miles West of Abbeville, where the Guffins have lived for a hundred years. A goodly number of persoDS from the village were present at the funeral, and from the country a great many came to the burying. Rev. Mr. Stafford, of the Methodist Church at this place, read the funeral service of that denomination, and the Rev. James L. Martin, pastor of the Presbyterian Church nt Abbeville, made an impressive prayer. The scene at the grave of this unfortunate man was a sad one indeed, and we imagine that no heart there was untouched by the peculiarly sad ending of a checkered, eventful and misguided life. He leaves several small children in a destitute condition. Mrs. Guffin died two or three years ago, and their children are orphans indeed. Mr. Guffin joined the Republican party in 1868, and was elected to the Legisla? ture for one term. In 1870 he was elect? ed County Commissioner on the same ticket, and in 1872 he was elected Sheriff, which.office he held until the era of Hampton and Home Rule. In 1876 he moved from town back to the old home? stead, where he has worked on the farm, without hope of occupying any position of public honor or trust. When he va? cated the office of Sheriff we believe that be settled every official demand against him. On Monday night there was much feel? ing in reference to the killing. A ma? jority of our white citizens condemning the act in strong terms, although a few thought McClung was justifiable. The negroes to a man thought it wilful mur? der, and rumors of lynching were in the air. The Sheriff called on our citizens for a guard, when quite a number re? paired to the jail and kept watch all night. Last night the guard was kept up. For our own part we believe that no danger of violence has existed at any time. The prisoner is a native of Knoxville, Tennessee. He settled in Abbeville soon after the war, and married here. Since then he'has followed the occupation of a farmer with varying success. Mr. Mc? Clung is a man of perhaps forty years of age, of fine physique, muscular aud pow? erful in person. Messrs. E. 13. Gary and D. H. Magill have been retained as counsel for the accused. In the course of a few days they will make a motion for his release on hail.?Abbeville Press and Banner. ? A farmer who has [experimented with poultry, well rotted cow manure, barn manure and bone dust for melons, reports that the best yield was obtained when the bone dust was applied. ? There arc, in the United States,358 colleges. Of these fourteen were estab? lished prior to 1790; thirteen between 1820 and 1850; and two hundred and fifty-one during the last thirty years. ? The locomotives used on the rail? roads of the United States, it is said, are doing the work of over 29,000,000 horses, while the census of 1880 aggregates horses of all ages at less than 9,000,000. ? The health and beauty of children (an be restored by giving them Shriner s Indian Vermifuge to kill the worms that darken their complexion. SLAIN BY AN ELEPHANT. i Dentil of One of Robinson's Animal Train? ers In Charlotte. The Charlotte Observer gives the follow? ing account of the fatal escapade of one of Robinson's elephants in that city on Mon? day night: "The car on which this elepant, tbe largest of the three, called "Chief," had been brought from Concord, wasstanding just above the Trade street crossing, and a large crowd had gathered around to walch the process of unloading. Imme? diately after giving this warning to the bystanders, John King, a powerfully built man, stepped around to "Chiefs" head and was in the act of turning him around when the crowd heard him call the ele ph:u?t by name in a frightened tone, and the next moment they saw the enraged animal turn upon his keeper and crush him against the car. King sank to the ground without a groan and the men who were with him fled precipitately. The elephant surveyed the scene for an instant, gave a short snort and started at a brisk pace up the railroad track. As soon as he was out of reach King was picked up, apparently lifeless, and con? veyed across the street to Ferry More head's barber shop, where several doctors were summoned. In the meantime, the elephant kept on up the track, and the report getting abroad that he was loose in the streets, the excitement increased. The crowd which first collected about the crossing and the door oftheshop into which King had been carried, scattered up tbe street, but before any plans could be formed, it was learned that the circus men were after him, and would no doubt succeed in cap? turing him. To do this they had to take with them "Mary," the female elephant and "the Boy." "Chief" had turned up Fifth street on arriving at the crossing, and the other elephants were driven rap? idly after him. On arriving a Tryon, street, he stoped for a moment, and then went directly across to Church street, where he was with somedifficulty secured, by being chained to tbe other two ele? phants. They were then driven down Tryon street towards the point when they had started. The animals moved along quietly until they arrived at Market House when there was a united movement towards the pump. An attempt was made to drive them on, but they refused to go, and the expedient of allowing them to drink was resorted to. In tbe movements about the pump the chains became entangled, and the three began to move around and around drawing them gradually together. "Chief's" temper was again aroused and he began to bellow. Finally, by the vigorous use of goads and pitchforks, the three elephants were made to take their respective places and the slow movement toward the tents was continued. At last they were gotten there and were securely fastened, but the excitement continued for hours afterwards. A half hour after the accident to King a reporter gained admittauce to the bar? ber shop where he fouud the keeper stretched upon a door, with Drs. McAden, O'Donoghue and Gatchell, around ' im, dressing a wound in his head. He was breathing with difficulty and his face was swollen and blackened. He had all the appearance of a dead man, but for the jerking movement of his body caused by his painful efforts to breathe. His skull was crused and although there was ap? parently no possible hope for his recovery, tbe physicians were resorting to every expedient to save him. Several of the showmen were in the shop, and among them a rough looking fellow with a kindly face seemed to be more affected than any of the rest, and to whom the reporter applied for informa? tion about the keeper. "Yes," said he, "I have known John King for years. He was the keeper of the animals and nobody ain't said he was ever afraid of them. "Chief was his pet and he could do more with him than any one else. He was a brave fellow, but reckless. He would'nt be dying now if "Marry" had been there. She'd a knocked "Cheif" down. You wasn't there to see her take after him when she knowed he'd killed Mr. King. "Mary" is as gentle as a lamb, and so is "Boy," but "Chief" is always vicious. They don't take him around on the parade." King lingered until about 11 o'clock when he died. "A Fundamental Falsehood." To the Editor of the New York Sun : Your questions are entitled to a candid answer. I will set down their substance and give my reply to each one in the order you put them : . I. Did I mean in my letter to Mr. Bfaine that Gen. Gar?eld acknowledged the receipt rif slock and dividends from Oakes Ames? Unquestionably he agreed to take the stock, and did receive dividends upon it. The letter plainly implies that be had not concealed, nor tried to conceal, that fact from me. But his admission was coupled with a statement which showed him to be guiltless. IT. Did he declare to me that he icould go before the Poland Committee and testify truly that he had taken the stock ? I had no previous conversation with him about his testimony before the Po? land Committee, and I did not know what it would be until I heard it deliv? ered. III. Did I advise and urge him to tell the truth ? No; certainly not. Such advice and urgency would have been a most out? rageous insult, which I could ..A offer to any gcntlemau of his character. IV. Did he agree to adopt the line of de? fence suggested by me ? You seem to think that I was his coun? sel. I was not, but, as hid friend, and a believer in his perfect innocence, I was extremely anxious that he should get safely out of this unfortunate business. After it began to be discussed in the newspapers, and before the committee was appoii. ,ed, I besought him to make I no statement for the public eye which might be inconsistent with what he said to me. Lest he might forget it, or miss the important parts of it, I repeated the I substance of it somewhat carefully. He ? did not reply, and I learned soon after j wards that lie had authorized a total and ; flat contradiction. Simultaneously, the I other members of Congress who were im j plicated made separate statements of the ; same kind, assuring the public that they ! had never taken or owned any of the ? stock, or received any dividends upon it. V. Why, according to my understanding of the fact, did Garficld adopt a defence so contrary to that he had agreed on t ! I have already said that he made no agreament about it. His reason foraban ' doning the true ground of his defence ' was, doubtless, tbe necessity he felt him? self under of making common cause with his political friends, for whom there was j no refuge except in a fundamental false ? hood. ' I am, with great respect, yours, &c, J. S. Black. ? There are over 2,000 Indians living I in the State of Mississippi. The Candidate of Hatred mid Revenge. It suits Mr. Garficld to put on occn sionally the grab of wisdom and moder ation, but at heart lie hates 1 lie Soutl., has no use for Southerners, and believer with his whole mind and strength in both the infallibility and the impeccability of Stalwart Republicanism. There is no denying the fact that in his place in Congress Mr. Garfield declared that "the man who attempts to get up a political excitement in this country on the old sectional i.sue will find himself withont a party and without support." And it is equally true that in his speech at Toledo he asseverated that his "hand shall never grasp any Rebel's hand, across any chasm however small," until that "Rebel," that citizen of the United States, with every right and privilege that Mr. Garfield lays claim to, should admit that the cause for which he fought was "the cause of treachery and wrong." Nay j before the present canvass was sixty days old, Mr. Garfield, in the words of the New York Herald, "committed himself to that mis? chievous sectional appeal which has since been madeby the organs and speak? ers of the party, and which was put in its extremest form the other day in the speech af Mr. Conkling." Gen. Grant is an Angel of peace in comparison with Mr. Garfield, and is not a double dealer. From the very first Mr. Garfield has been as bitter and as vindictive as an Ashanteein his demeanor towards the South. In discussing the Confis? cation Act, Mr. Garfield took the ground that the Confederates Wr,re in the same category with the Tories of the, Revolution; that their lands and per? sonal estates ought to be confiscated and parcelled out among the Federal soldiers. These were his words : "Confiscate their estates, both personal and real for life and forever. The war began by proclamation, and it must end by proclamation. Wc can hold the insur' gent Slates in militarg subjection for half a century if need be. I want to s'.e in all those States the men who fought and. suffered for the truth tilling the fields on which they pitched their tents." The implacability of the man was again exhibited in the debate on the Reconstruction measures, when he said: "If the gentlemen who report this bill will put in a section, that all who partic? ipated in the rebellion shall be forever excluded from the right of elective fran? chise, then I will say the proposition will be just, and one we can stand upon as a matter of principle. Anything is just which excludes from privilege and power all, those infamous men who partici? pated in rebellion." Subsequently, the same bill being before the House, Mr. Garfield asked that the previous question be voted down, that he might move the following amend? ment: "All persons who voluntarily adhered to the late insurrection, giving aid and com? fort to the so-called Southern Confedera? cy, are forever excluded from holding any office of trust or profit under the Gov? ernment of the United Stares." And in debating a bill "to provide for the more effectual government of the insurrectionary States" he displays a ma? lignity worthy a Nero or a Marat. The war had long beeu over, and the Confed? erates had submitted in good faith to Federal authority. Yet he made these cold-blooded declarations on the floor of the House: "It is clearly the right of the victorious government t? indict, try, convict and hang every rebel in the south for the bloody conspiracy against the Republic. * * * I believe, sir, the time has come when we must lay the heavy hand of military authority upon these rebel communities and hold them in its grasp. * * * "I give my support to this military bill. It is severe. It was written with a steel pen made out of a bayonet, and bayonets have done us good service hitherto. All i ask is that Congress shall place civil government be? fore these people of the rebel States and a cordon of bayonets behind them." On the 18th of February, 1876, nearly two years after the close cf the war, the same bill being under discussion, Mr. Garfield made another exhibition of his malignity towards the people of the South. Speaking in [a tone of exultation and with a smile of triumph, like a cow? ardly despot with his iron beel upon the neck of his victim, this advocate of Im? perialism uttered the following language: ?'Mr. Speaker: This bill starts out by laying hands on the rebel governments and taking the very breath of life out of them. In the next place it puts the ba^ jnet at the breast of every rebel in the South. In the next place it leaves in the hands of Con? gress utterly and absolutely the work of reconstruction. Gentlemen here, when they have the power of a thunderbolt in their hands, are afraid of themselves, and stagger like infants under the weight of a power they know not how to use. If I were afraid of myself, I would declaim against this bill, and I would do it just as distinguished gentlemen around me (meaning his timid Republican associ? ates) have done, and do declaim against it. They have spoken vehemently?they have spoken sepulchrally?against it, but they have not done us the favor to quote a line or the proof of a single word from the bill itself that it does any of the hor? rible things they tell us of. They tell us it is universal amnesty, and there is not a line in the bill that will maintain the charge." Is not this enough to show what man? ner of man Mr. Garfield is, and what the Southern poeple have to expect, if he shall be elected! There is no pretence that ho will do aught to bring about an era of good feeling. Into the arms of Conkling, who hates the South as the devil hates whatever is pure and good, Mr. Garfield has thrown himself. Read what he has said. Ponder his threats. Consider the condition in which the South would now be, if he had succeeded in his designs. Is there any man in South Carolina, capa? ble of righteous indignation and conscious of his loyalty to the Government, who can see and know these things, and re? main listless or indifferent? The South? ern people owe to themselves, as Ameri? cans who desire and are determined to have peace and union, to cause the vile menaces of the Republican candidate to be buried out of sight by the ballots of freedmcn in November.?News and Courier. ? Much trouble can often be saved by marking tools with their owner's name. Coat over the blade with a thin layer of wax by warming the steel and rubbing on the wax while it flows. When hard, mark your name through the wax, and apply "aqua fortis (nitric acid); after a few moments wash off the acid with water, melt the wax and wipe it off with a soft rag. The letters will be found etched into the steel. ? R. Eramus Allison, of Lancaster, who is a candidate for the House of Rep? resentatives, favors a reduction of the pay of Solicitors. The present salary is $1,500, while before the war it was but $900.