University of South Carolina Libraries
BT E. B. MUEKAY & CO. ANDERSON, S. C, THURSDAY MOENING, FEBEUAEY 12, 1880. _VOLUME XV.?XO. 3L GARY AND HAMPTON. His Coarse Towards Gen. Hampton, and His View of the Present Issues in the State. Correspondence of the News and Courier. What Gen. Gary said to onr special . correspondent in reply to the charges contained in the letter of Col. Haskell aas already been published in the News and Courier. We now give, in full, what he said to our correspondent concerning his relations with Gen. Hampton, his own political course, and the political issues in the State at this time, as he un? derstands them: I had, as I told you in Columbia, a day or two ago, concluded to take no further notice of the controversy between Sena? tor Hampton and myself, but since this matter has been revived, I will take this occasion to put myself right before the public It will be remembered that my first in? terview with the correspondent of the New York Herald was an off-band con? versation into which I was led without any premeditation on my part, and which he insisted upon; saying that he had been sent, here for the special purpose of inter? viewing me, producing his telegraphic orders to that effect. The conversation was mainly devoted to National politics, and I simply irave frank answers to his questions, be afterwards writing out the whole interview, which was not put in the shape I should have chosen, nor was it my intention to provoke Senator Hampton or any'one else into a contro? versy. Senator Hampton, however, an? swered in such hot haste, used such language and indulged in such reflections as to make a reply on my part necessary, which I put in as mild and inoffensive language as I could command, and, be? sides, indicated my willingness to "let him alone if he would let me alone," . though I was unwilling to recede from anything I had stated, simply because it was the truth. Hero I was willing to let the matter drop, regardless of the in? sults offered me, because I knew that any quarrel between Senator Hampton and myself would be unpleasant to our peo? ple, and might, to a greater or less de? gree, mar the harmony of the Democratic Sarty. After the publication of the "Big alk with Hampton," by the Washington correspondent of the News and Courier, in which Senator Hampton covered a great deal of ground in State and Na? tional politics, and endeavored to make political capital against Mr. Tilden and myself, I confess that I felt disposed to Jeply, in order to show the true situation between Senator Hampton and myself, and in order to vindicate and justify my political course. I consider the unity and harmony of the Democratic party of paramount importance, and I propose to conduct this discussion so as to help and not hurt it, by showing what its funda? mental principles are. Systematic efforts have been made to break and keep me down because I have taken a bold politi? cal stand on the bond and other ques? tions, and I have jast as much right to accuse Senator Hampton of inspiring attacks upon me as he has to charge me with inspiring attacks upon him. We have made such a God of Hampton for several years past that any one who . dared to disagree with him has been in danger of being politically ostracised (as a number of deserving men in this State have been made to feel) whether he was right or not. Even now some people are trying to damn me politically for my so called "opposition to Hampton," al? though the State has been greatly bene? fited thereby. Since Senator Hampton has been the first to introduce the ques? tion of State politics and the Governor? ship, evidently with the view of creating public sentiment for the next election, I propose to show that I am and have been right, and do not hesitate to say that I would rather be right than be Governor of South Carolina, for so far as that posi? tion is concerned, like Mr. Lowndes said of the Presidency, I think it "should neither be sought nor declined," and I shall certainly remember the first part of bis injunction. It will be seen from Senator Hampton's last interview that we are not so far apart after ali in our statements, except as to the proposition made to me at Abbeville, which as he first said had "escaped his recollection." He draws a distinction without making a difference between a meeting and a consul? tation, in which he and Gen. McGowan acknowledge that the withdrawal of the Democratic Electors was discussed just as I stated, and if the proposition was under consideration that night, does it appear at all improbable that Governor Hampton should have approached me that day upon the same subject? I do not care by what name they call it, whether a consultation or a meeti ng, and McGowan says that Hampton occupied the chair, as detailed by him in the presence of other gentlemen, and as told to me by others who were present and as can be pro-en. In Baying in my first interview tuat "I think Tilden has been badly treated, he was sold out by South? ern leaders," I only repeat what has been said again and again by the Democratic and Republican press, and I believe it to be true. Candor compels me to say that I did not have Senator Hampton in my mind's eye, for he was not at that time a member of Congress, and could not properly be considered a Southern leader, speaking from a National standpoint. There can be no doubt as to the dispo? sition of Hampton to sacrifice National to State politics, or Tiiden's electors to secure his own, for it is well known this feeling prevailed all over the State, after being discussed at headquarters, - from whence the inspiration came, as shown by the following unbrokeu chain of evi? dence: 1st. The meeting or consultation in Abbeville the 15th September, 1876. 2d. The Manton Marble letter again suggesting the idea of separating the State from National politics. 3d. The advocacy of Hayes and Wheeler and Hampton and Simpson from Democratic platforms by the Republican Judges, Cooke and Mackey, in the presence of Governor Hampton, and without objec? tion from him. 4th. After the election the advising by Gen. Hampton of some of the Tilden electors not to cast their votes for Tilden. 5th. The Mackey mis? sion to Hayes before the electoral fraud was committed. 6th. His travelling around tbe country with Hayes, endeav? oring to reconcile the South to the great? est political fraud ever perpetrated upon the American people or against constitu? tional government. 7th. The advocacy of Hayes'Southern policy, which meant the disintegration of the solid Demo? cratic South. Now these are issues for Senator Hampton to consider and furnish evidence of disloyalty to the National Democracy, McGowan's opinion to the contrary notwithstanding. I have taken no great credit or virtue to myself, and I am surprised that Senator Hampton so strenuously denies what he must know to be true. So far as I am concerned I helped to save the State in 1876, and I want to see that kept while we help to save the Nation from the tyrant Grant and the corrupt Republicans who aim at centralization and the destruction of Republican government. By pointing out and avoiding the errors of the past, we may secure success for the future. Tilden is certainly of more importance in National politics than Hampton, and in showibg how he was deprived of his and our rights, which may yet be restored, I only do the Na? tional party a service; for I believe the present Democratic demoralization and the failure in New York is largely due to the opposition of Hampton and others to Mr. Tilden, and the outside Demo? cratic as well as Republican support and encouragement received by John Kelly. Senator Hampton continues to harp upon my opposition to him in the Senate and in general, and upon my Greenville speech, as if I did not have a right to honestly differ with him ; for I firmly believe that his policy has led us into many serious mistakes and damaging compromises, both in State and National affairs, which even now seriously embar? rass and reflect upon the party. I am willing to have my opposition, so-called, in and out of the Senate, as well as my Greenville speech and card, thoroughly investigated, so that its nature may be more thoroughly understood. In the first place, if we bad stuck to Straightout Democracy in 1876, instead of adopting Fusion methods, wo would have carried the State overwhelmingly both for Tilden and himself, just as he carried that section of the State where the Straightout policy was inaugurated and prevailed, and then be would have been saved the necessity ot making any compromises with the Radicals in State or National affaire, for the truth is he came near losing the State by bis much-talked of "conciliatory policy." It was the Straightout aggressive policy which saved the State in spite of Grant's bayo? nets, as every one knows, not 17,000 negro votes, as Hampton says. The con? servative, reform and conciliatory poli? cies or plans of campaign had been tried by Gens. Kerebaw, Butler and others until our people were so discouraged that many seriously discussed making terms with Chamberlain, and the State was at last saved by the enthusiasm, courage and devotion of our white people, who arose in their might and said, "We will preserve our State and civilization ;" and when the negroes saw that we were in earnest they gave way, although they had previonsly laughed our milk and water Fusion policies to scorn. Fair comparison between the sections in which the Straightout and Fusion methods pre? vailed will clearly show where our ma? jority came from, and which policy gave it to us. What we did once we can, if necessary, do again with greater ease, for now we can have a fair election, having the State government in our own hands, and everything is changed and peaceable so that we are in a condition to conciliate those who so long refused to listen to us. I agree fully with Governor Hampton's remarks condemning fraud in elections, and I am glad to see him take the posi? tion which I have always held concern? ing State and National politics., and our State debt, and I hope that in the future we may have no advocates or apologists for fraud in any shape, which should be rebuked by the people in the approaching elections. To return to my so-called opposition to Gov. Hampton and our personal rela? tions. That my opposition has not been of a personal character is shown by my speaking of him in the highest terms on divers occasions. In a speech before the Taxpayers' Convention of 1874, whilst he was on the banks of the Mississippi, I alluded to him in the most compliment? ary terms. Every one knows the part I took advocating his nomination in 1876, and bow I labored to secure his election. At Edgefield, in 1878, after my so-called opposition began, I alluded to him in the following language: "I have listened with pleasure to the words of wisdom which have been uttered by our Chief Magistrate, Gov. Hampton. It is with pleasure that we welcome him again to Edgefield. It is well known among the members of the General Assembly that I have always favored his renomination and re-election, although I have honestly differed with him. I now say to him that Edgefield accepts what he has so well said, 'We can honestly differ and be friends.' Such, sir, is the reciprocal sen? timent of the entire Edgefield Demo? cracy." In Spartanburg, a few days later, I suggested Hancock and Hampton for President and Vice President in 1880, in the event of the nomination of Grant by the Republican party, and at Greenville a few days later I alluded to Governor Hampton as follows: "Compare Hamp? ton with Chamberlain. It is like com? paring Hyperion to a Satyr." This is the speech about which so much was said and to which Hampton and others took exceptions because I said that we might soon hear dining and dancing with negroes excused as "Hampton Democ? racy." This being a sensitive point with him it was then that the gagging process began by his instructing the executive committee not to assign me to speak at any place where he was to appear, thus endeavoring to rule me out of the cam? paign and denying me the freedom of speech and the opportunity of replying to him in public. This is the sum and substance of my opposition to Senator Hampton, and it will be seen therefrom that although I have treated him with the greatest courtesy and consideration, have nomi? nated him for positions and compliment? ed him in the highest terms, still in his opinion I am not even a respectable source from which anything trustworthy can emanate; what I say is "utterly and absolutely false," and I am so "unwise, narrow and dangerous," that he has never even "consulted" mc on any occa? sion. I may have had some little per? sonal feeling at times, when I felt that, although I bad shown the desire to do him full justice, he had never recipro? cated the feeling, and that I had his con? stant, unrelenting opposition and weight to carry, he quietly wielding a power and influence that I bad largely helped to place in his -hands. But I repeat that my opposition has been in the honest discharge of my public duty, aud I have too often risen above mere personal feel? ing to do him justice and honor, my State and country a service, to be damned now without a fair inquiry into the nature of that opposition being made. I have been sustained by time and the Democratic party in my opposition to Governor Hampton on all public ques? tions, as I will show. 1st. I was opposed to the State paying the fraudulent bond? ed debt, as it had been adjusted by the Badical Legislature, in which I was sup? ported by the majority of the Democrats in the Legislature and the late decision of the Supreme Court by which we have saved the State at least one and a half million of dollars. 2d. I advocated the passage of the usury law, prohibiting the charging of more than 7 per cent, in? terest, and its passage has given general satisfaction. 3d. I was opposed to unit? ing the South Carolina College and the Claflin (colored) University under the same President, thereby placing the white aud colored youths upon the same educational plane, and advocated a more practical and scientific system of educa? tion for the present, and have been sup? ported first by the Claflin University, which refused to unite with the white college, and the Legislature at its last sitting adopted the system of education advocated by me. 4th. I introduced, and Governor Hampton had opposed, the passage of the bill prohibiting the inter? marriage of the races, which passed at the last session of the Legislature. 5th. I was in favor of a thorough reorganiza? tion of our Circuit and Supreme Courts, and, therefore, opposed the re-election of Judges Willard and Mackey, and with these two exceptions I was sustained by the Legislature. I was opposed to the arbitrary annual levy of the sum of not Urs than two mills for educational pur? poses, being fixed by constitutional amendment, which is not a fair and im? partial system, and works injustice to the taxpayers of our State. I was opposed to keeping the fraudulently elected and counted-in Radical members of the Leg? islature, and was in favor of purging it of every member who was knowu to have received bribes or to have been a party to corrupt legislation, and in this I was sustained by the Legislature and the people. I was opposed to Hampton's universal amnesty act, which, contrary to the organic law of the State and all precedent, gave him the privileges be? longing to the Attorney-General, order? ing a nolle pros upon the indictments against the Radical thieves who for eight years had prayed upon the State. The fact that I was right, and the evil of the act is now felt and seen by the presence of some of these old thieves who are now reorganizing the Radical party, whilst others are returning to the State, for I am glad to say that I am opposed to every compromise of that kind which Hampton's fusion policy led us into. Senator Hampton had more prestige than any other man in the State, and for that reason I nominated him for Gov? ernor in 1876, (another evidence of my being "uowise, narrow and dangerous," I suppose.) His delusion that his fusion or conciliatory policy, or rather his per? sonal power, popularity and influence made 17,000 (supposed) negroes vote, when they had refused to vote for Gens. Kershaw and Butler, who had tried this same plan in 1874. This, I say, makes him believe that he and 17,000 negroes saved the State, and lam afraid that be tween bis ambition and vanity, which has been flattered no little of late years, he has forgotten or ignored the great un? derlying principle of white supremacy for which our people have instinctively contended, and which has really saved the State, and without which we cannot hope to have permanent peace and pros? perity or genuine good government for all classes and colors in South Carolina. There are some fundamental political differences between Senator Hampton and myself. He is what is called a Con? servative or Fusionist, and I am a Straightout Democrat. He does not be? lieve or docs not appear to believe in the principle of white supremacy aud I do. His policy of destroying all party lines, if carried out, would lead to social equal? ity of the races, which means miscegena? tion, the greatest possible evil which could befall both races, as there is no telling what degradation and demoraliza? tion it would entail, as appears from the history of Mexico, the South American Republics, Hayti, St. Domingo, Mauri? tius. I am willing to staud by and on the platform of 1876, and to respect, protect, elevate and educate the negroes, giving them all of their natural and legal rights, but as a Democrat I am not willing to jeopardize the harmony and unity of the party, and thereby the good government, welfare and progress of both races, by* a wholesale iutroduction of negroes into the Democratic party, because I know that it will divide and destroy it. The attempt to do this as "Hampton Democ? racy" has been the true cause of all the trouble and division in Charleston and elsewhere in the State, for by Straightout Democracy we saved the Stale, and by Straightout Democracy we must keep it. Any other policy, under any name, sim? ply means Radicalism or the very reverse of true Conservatism. I wish to see the harmony and unity of the party preserved by justice and fair dealing. I am a true Democrat, and be? lieve in the sovereignty of the people, and am opposed to autocratic or aristo? cratic government, of which we have had too much in South Carolina. I don't believe in making compromises with Radicals, and I want to see the party and State relieved of those already made as soon as possible. If Senator Hampton wishes to excuse himself for what has been done either in Stale or National politics on the score of "political neces? sity," and thus throw himself upon our generosity as a people, then I am willing to forgive and forget his errors and mis? takes as freely as any one, but I am not to be "weeded out" as an "extremist," as he promised the negroes at George's Station in 1878, with their "help" he would do, nor am I to be kicked out as "unwise, narrow and dangerous," for the State has profited even by my "opposi? tion to Hampton," and I have never been dangerous to my State and people. On the contrary I have endeavored to servo my State both in war and peace and to deserve the approbation of our people, but I am no more ambitious for honors or position than Hampton or others, and can as well afford to do with? out office, ray main object now being to justify my political course. The intro? duction by Senator Hampton of the next Governorship, and his well known dispo? sition to dictate to our people concerning the nominees for both State and National positions, shows that his opposition both to Mr. Tilden and myself springs from other feelings than a mere desire to serve the State and nation. What we need in South Carolina is peace and prosperity, which can best be maintained and at? tained by Bticking to the Straightout policy. Let the nominees and leaders of the party represent not only the platform or expressed principles of the party, but the inexpressed principles and the high? est instincts of our people. Our educa? tional system should be gradually per? fected, commencing with the common schools, and looking to a higher and more perfect system of education, keep? ing in view the material progress and de? velopment of our resources; for, as indi? cated by the Charleston jetties and ship canal, the Spartanburg and Asheville, the Atlantic and Blue Ridge and other railroads and the manufacturing enter? prises now springing up, the State is on the eve of a great era of material pro? gress and development. By a proper settlement of all disputed questions and taking care not to bring forward the race question in politics by any false or ill advised step on our part, the elimination of all fraud in elections, we can all feel secure in the enjoyment of life, liberty and property. Such are my feelings and opinions, and these things accomplished I shall be content to retire under my own vine aud fig tree and leave the rest to Providence. Mrs. PartingTON says don't take any of the quack rostrums, as they are regimental to the human cistern; but put your trust in Hop Bitters, which will cure general dilapidation, costive habits and all comic diseases. They saved Isaac from a severe extract of tri poid fever. They arc the ne plus unuvi medicines.?Boston Globe. THE BATTLE OF GETTYSBURG. Gen. Hood's Explanation <>f the Lois of the Fight From "Athunce and Retreat " by Gen. J. B. Hood. Soon after the 1st of June, (1863) the Confederate forces crossed the Rapidan, and advanced again in the direction of Maryland. About the middle of the month we forded the Potomac, which was so swollen by recent rain that the men were forced to uplift their car? tridge boxes, in order to keep dry their ammunition. Nevertheless, they march? ed in regular order to the northern bank of that beautiful stream, and as they moved through the deep water the in? spiriting strains of "Dixie" burst forth from bands of music. Never before, nor since, have I witnessed such intense en? thusiasm as that which prevailed throughout the entire Confederate Army. Shortly alterwards wo crossed into Pennsylvania, amid extravagant cheers which re-echoed all along the line. Our forces marched undisturbed, and were massed in the vicinity of Chambcrsburg, where intelligence was received of Gen? eral Mcade's assignment to the command of the Federal Army. My headquarters were again in close proximity to those of General Lee, and, after a few days devoted to rest and quiet, I, as usual, rode to pay him my respects. I found him in the same buoy? ant spirits which pervaded his magnifi? cent army. After the ordinary saluta? tion, be exclaimed, "Ah ! General, the enemy is a long time fiuding us ; if he does not succeed soon, we must go in search of him." I assured him 1 was never so well prepared or more willing. A few days thereafter we were or? dered to Gettysburg, and to march with all possible speed. The following letter which I addressed General Longstrect in 1875, gives, up to the hour I was wounded and borne from the field, on account of the part taken by my command in the great battle which ensued: "New Orleans, La.; June 28,1S75. "Gen. Jama Longstrect : "General: I have not responded earlier to your letter of April 5th, by reason of Sressure of business, which rendered it ilBcult for me to give due attention to the subject in regard to which you have desired information. "You are correct in your assumption that I failed to make a report of the operations of my division around Suf? folk, Va., aud of actiou in the battle of Gettysburg, in consequence of a wound which I received in this engagement. In justice to the brave troops under my command at this period, I should here mention another cause for this apparent neglect of duty on my part. Before I had recovered from the severe wound re? ceived at Gettysburg, your corps (ex? cepting Pickett's Division) was ordered to join Gen. Bragg, in the West, for battle against Rosecranz; my old troops?with whom I had served so long?were thus to be sent forth to another army?quasi, I may say, among strangers?to take part in a great struggle; and upon an appeal from a number of the brigade and regimental officers of my division, I consented to accompany them, although I had but the use of one arm. This move? ment to the West soon resulted in the battle of Chickamauga, where I was again so seriously wounded as to cause the loss of a limb. These severe wounds in close succession, in addition to the all-absorbing duties and anxieties at? tending the last year of the war, pre? vented me from submitting subsequently a report, as likewise one after the battle of Chickamauga, in which engagement? whilst you leu the left wing?I had the honor of commanding your corps to? gether with three divisions of the Army of Tennessee, respectively under A. P. Stewart, Bushrod Johnson and Hindman. Thus the gallantry of these troops, as well as the admirable conduct of my division at Gettysburg, I have left unrecorded. "With this apology for seeming neg? lect, I will proceed to give a brief sketch, from memory, of the events forming the subject of your letter: "My recollection of the circumstances connected with the attempt, whilst we were lying in front of Suffolk, to reach Gen. Lee. in time to participate in the battle of Chancellorsville, is very clear. The order directing your corps to move to the support of Gen. Lee was received about the time Hooker passed the Rap pahannock. Unfortunately we had been compelled by scarcity of forage to send off our wagons into North Carolina to gather a supply from that State. A short delay necessarily ensued, as cou? riers had to bo dispatched for requisite transportation before the troops could move. Every effort, however, was made to get to Lee at the earliest moment. If my memory betrays me not, you repaired in advance of your corps to Petersburg or Richmond, having issued orders for us to march with all possible speed to Lee, on the Rappabannock. I was most anxious to get to the support of my old chief, and made strenuous efforts to do so ; but, whilst on a forced march to ac? complish this object, I received intelli? gence of our victory at Chancellorsville, and of Jackson's mortal wound. We, nevertheless, continued our march, and eventually went into bivouac upon the Rapidan, near Gordonsville. "After the battle of Chancellorsville preparations were made for an offensive campaign. "Accordingly, my troops moved out of camp, crossed the Rapidan about 5th June, 1863, and joined in tie general move in the direction of the Potomac. We crossed the river about the middle of the same month aud marched into Pennsylvania. Hill's and Ewell's Corps were in advance, and were reported to be in the vicinity of Carlisle. Whilst lying in camp, not far distant from Chambersburg, information was received that Ewell and Hill were about to come in coutact with the enemy near Gettysburg. My troops, together with McLaw's Division, were put in motion upon the most direct road to that point, which, after a hard march, we reached before or at sunrise on the 2d of July. So imperative had been the orders to hasten forward with all possible speed, that on the march my troops were al? lowed to halt nnd rest only about two hours, during the night from the 1st to the 2d of July. "I arrived with my stall in iront 01 the heights of Gettysburg shortly after daybreak, as I have already stated on the morning of the 2d of July. My divis? ion soon commenced filing into an open field near mc, where the troops were allowed to stack arms and rest until fur? ther orders. A short distance in ad? vance of this point, and during the early part of the same morning, we were both engaged in company with Gens. Lee and A. P. Hill, in observing the posi? tions of the Federals. Gen. Leo?with coat buttoned to the throat, sabrc-bclt buckled around the waist, and field glasses pending at his side?walked up and down in the shade of the large trees near us, halting now and then to observe the enemy. Jle seemed full of hope, yet, at limes, buried in deep thought. Col. Freenmntle, of England, was ensconced in the forks of a tree not far off, with glass in constant use, ex? amining tho lofty position of the Federal Army. "Gen. Lee was, seemingly, anxious you should attack that morning. He remarked to me, 'The enemy is here, and if we do not whip him, he will whip us.' You thought it better to await the arri? val of Pickett's Division?at that time still in the rear?in order to make the attack; and you said to me, subsequent? ly, whilst we were seated together near the trunk of a tree: 'The General is a little nervous this morning; he wishes meto attack; I do not wish to do so without Pickett. I never like to go into battle with one boot off.' "Thus passed the forenoon of that eventful day, when in the afternoon, about 3 o'clock, it was decided to no longer await Pickett's Division, but to proceed to our extreme right and attack up the Emmetsburg road. McLaws moved off, and I followed with my division. In a short time I was ordered to quicken the march of my troops', and to pass to the front of McLaws. ''This movement was accomplished by throwing out an advanced force to tear down fences and clear the way. The instructions I received were to place my division across the Emmetsburg road, form line of battle, and attack. Before reaching this road, however, I had sent forward some of my picked Texas scouts to ascertain the position of the enemy's extreme left flank. They soon reported to mo that it rested upon Round Top Mountain; that the country was open, and that I could march through an open woodland pasture around Round Top, and assault the enemy in fla.ukand rear; that their wagon trains were parked in rear of their line, and were badly ex? posed to our attack iu that direction. As 800n as I arrived upon the Emmetsburg road. I placed one or two batteries iu position and opened fire. A reply from the enemy's guns soon developed his lines. His left rested on or near Round Top, with line bending back and again forward, forming, as it were, a concave line, as approached by the Emmetsburg road. A considerable body of troops was posted in front of their main line, between the Emmetsburg road and Round Top Mountain. This force was in line of battle upon an eminence near a peach orchard. "I found that in making the attack according to orders, viz: up the Emmets? burg road, I should have first to encoun? ter and drive off this advanced line of battle; secondly, at the base and along the slope of the mountain, to confront immense boulders of stone, so massed together as to form narrow openings, which would break our ranks and cause the men to scatter whilst climbing up the rocky precipice. I found, moreover, that my division would be exposed to a heavy fire from the main line of the enemy in position on the crest of the high range, of which Round Top was the extreme left, and, by reason of the concavity of the enemy's maiu line, that we would be subject to a destructive fire in flank and rear, as well as in front, and deemed it almost an impossibility to clamber along the boulders up this steep and rugged mountain, and, under this number of cross-fires, put the euemy to flight. I knew if the feat was accom? plished, it must be at a most fearful sacrifice of as brave and gallant soldiers as ever engaged in battle. The reconnoissancc of my Texas scouts and the development of the Federal lines were effected iu a very short space of time; in truth, shorter that I have taken to recall and jot down these facts, although the scenes and events of that day are a3 clear to my mind as if the freat battle had been fought yesterday, was in possession of these impor? tant facts so shortly after reaching the Emmetsburg road, that I considered it my duty to report to you at once my opinion that it was unwise to attack up the Emmetsburg road as ordered, and to urge that you allow me to turn Round Top, and attack the enemy in flank and rear. Accordingly I dispatched a staff officer, bearing to you my request to be allowed to make the proposed movement on account of the above stated reasons. Your reply was quickly received, 'Gen. Lee's orders are to attack up the Em? metsburg road.' I sent another officer to say that I feared nothing could be ac? complished by such an attack, and re? newed my request to turn Round Top. Again your answer, 'Gcu. Lee's orders are to attack up the Emmetsburg road.' During this interim I had continued the use of the batteries upon the enemy, and had become more and more convinced that the Federal line extended to Round Top, and that I could not reasonably hope to accomplish much by the attack as ordered. In fact, it seemed to me the enemy occupied a position by nature so strong?I may say impregnable, that in? dependently of their flank fire, they could easily repel our attack by merely throwing and rolling stones down the mountain side as we approached. "A third time I dispatched one of my staff to explain fully in regard to tho sit? uation, and suggest that you had better come and look for yourself. I selected, in this instance, my adjutant-general, Col. Harry Sellers, whom you know to be not only an officer of great courage, but also of marked ability. Col. Sellers returned with the same message, 'Gen. Lee's orders are to attack up the Em? metsburg road." Almost simultaneous? ly Col. Fairfax, of yourstaff, rode up and repeated the above orders. After this urgent protest against en? tering the battle at Gettysburg according to instructions?which protest is the first and only one I ever made during my en? tire military career?I ordered my line to advance and make the assault. "As my troops wore moving forward you rode up in person ; a brief conversa? tion passed between us, during which I again expressed the fears above men? tioned, and regret at not being allowed to attack in flank around Round Top.? You answered to this effect: 'We must obey the orders of Gen. Lee.' I then rode forward with my lino under a heavy fire. In about twenty minutes after reaching the peach orchard I was severe? ly wounded in the arm and borne from the field. "With this wound terminated my par? ticipation in this great battle. As I was borne off on a litter to the rear, I could but experience deep distress of mind and heart at tho thought of the in? evitable fate of my brave fellow soldiers, who formed one of the grandest divisions ofthat world-renowned army; and I shall ever believe that, had I been per? mitted to turn Rouud Top Mountain we would not only have gained that po? sition, but have been able finally to rout the enemy. "I am respectfully yours, "j. B. Hood." Notwithstanding the seemingly im? pregnable character of the enemy's posi? tion upon Round top Mountain, Ben ning's Brigade, in concert with tho First Texas Regiment, succeeded in gaining temporary possession of the Federal line; they captured three guns, and sent them to the rear. Unfortunately the other commands whoso advance up a steep ascent was impeded by immense boulders and sharp ledges of rock, were unable to keep pace up the mountain side in tho I front, and render the necccssary support. Never did a grander, more heroic divis? ion enter in battle, nor did ever troops fight more desperately to overcome the insurmountable difficulties against which they had to contend, as Law, B?nning, Anderson and Robertson nobly led their brave men to this unsuccessful assault. Gen. Law, after I was wounded, assumed command of the division, and proved himself, by his courage and ability, fully equal to the responsibilities of the posi? tion. The losses were very heavy, as shown by the reports, and have often caused me the more bitterly to regret that I was not permitted to turn Round Top Moun? tain. Grant, the Confederacy and Mexico. John Russell Young, who made the tour of the world with Gen. Grant, is writing an account of the travels of the party. In the advanced sheets published appear the following remarks by Gen. Grant, in speaking of the Confederacy in connection with Mexico: "When our war ended, I urged upon President Johnson an immediate invasion of Mexico. I am not sure whether I wrote him or not, but I pressed the mat? ter frequently upon Mr. Johnson and Mr. Seward. You see,Napoleon in Mex? ico was really a part, and an active part, of the rebellion. His army was as much opposed to us as that of Kirby Smith. Even apart from his desire to establish a monarchy and overthrow a friendly re? public, against which every loyal Ameri? can revolted, there was the active co? operation between the French and the rebels on-the Rio Grande, which made it an act of war. I believed then, and I believe now, that wc had a just cause of war with Maximilian, and with Napoleon, if he supported him?with Napoleon especially, as he was the head of the whole business. We were so placed that we were bound to fight him. I sent Sheri? dan ofT to the Rio Grande. I sent him post-haste, not giving him time to par? ticipate in the farewell review. My plan was to give him a corps, have him cross the Rio Grande, join Juarex, and attack Maximilian. With his corps he could have walked over Mexico. Mr. Johnson seemed to favor my plan, but Mr. Se? ward was opposed and his oppositoin was decisive. I was for fighting Napoleon. There never was a more just cause for war than what Napoleon gave us. With our army we could do as we pleased. We had a victorious army, trained in four years of war, and wc had the whole South to recruit from. I had that in my mind when I proposed the advance on Mexico. I wanted to employ and occupy the South? ern army. We had destroyed the career of many of them at home, and I wauted them to go to Mexico. I am not sure now that! was sound in that conclusion. I have thought their devotion to slavery and their familiarity with the institution would have led them to introduce slavery, or something like it, into Mexico, which would have been a calamity. Still, my plan at the time was to induce the South? ern troops to go to Mexico?to go as soldiers under Sheridan, and remain as settlers. I was especially anxious that Kirby Smith, with his command, should go over. Kirby Smith had not surren? dered, and I was not sure that he would not give us trouble before surrendering. Mexico seemed an outlet for the disap? pointed and dangerous elements in the South?elementshrave and warlike, and energetic enough, and with their share of the best qualities of the Anglo-Saxon character, but irreconcilable in their hostility to the Union. The best place for our defeated friends was Mexico. It was better for them and better for us. I tried to make Lee think so when he sur? rendered. They would have done per-! haps as great a work in Mexico as has been done in California. No one dreaded war more than I did. I had more than I wanted. But the war would hav? been national, and we could have united both sections under one flag. The good results accruing from that would in themselves have compensated for another war, even if it had come, and such a war as it must have heen under Sheridan and his army ?short, quick, decisivo, and assuredly triumphaut. We could have marched from the Rio Grande to Mexico without a serious battle." What Boys Should Be.?First: Be true?bo genuine. No education is worth anything that docs not include this. A man had better not know how tore"'1.?he had better never learn a let? ter ... .bo alphabet, and be true aud gen? uine in intention and in action, rather than being learned in all sciences and languages, to bo at the same timo false in heart and counterfeit in life. Above all things, teach the boys that truth is more than riches, more than culture, more than earthly power or position. Second:Be pure in thought, language ?pure in miud and body. An impure man, youDg or old, poisoning the society where he moves with smutty stories and impure examples is a moral ulcer, a plague spot, a leper who ought to be treated as were the lepers of old, who j were to cry, "Unclean!" as a warning to save others from the pestilence. Third : Be unselfish. To care for the feelings and comfort of others. Tobe po? lite. To be just in all dealings with others. To be generous, uoble, and manly. This nil] include a genuine reverence for the aged and things sacred. Fourth: Be self-reliant and self-help? ful even from early childhood. To be in? dustrious always, and self-surporting at tho earliest proper age. Teach them that all honest work is honorable, and that an idle, useless life of dependence on others is disgraceful. When a boy has learned these four things, when he has made these ideas a part of being,?howevcryoung he may be, however poor, or however rich,?he lias learned some of the most important things he ought to know wheu he be? comes a man. With these four proper? ly mastered, it will be easy to find all the rest.?Home Arts. The True Gentleman.?Christianity is one of the most gentlemanly things in the world. It will make a lady or gentle? man of one who knows but little of the forms of politeness. The Bible docs not pretend to teach manners in detail, nor does it profess to be a manual of polite? ness, but nevertheless it is the book best suited to produce in any community true gentility. We have nothing in the Testa? ment, Old or New, how low to bow on entering a room, or how wc are to deport ourselves in the ball room, or any such thing; but we have what is far better. We arc taught to be kind to all, to love all, to respect age, to be merciful, pitiful, courteous; "not to behave ourselves un? seemly," "not to think of ourselves more highly than wc ought," and to esteem others better than ourselves. With these Illings properly engraved on the heart, Christians will intuitively be the most agreeable, polite people in the world. Children often wake in the night with a burning fever, and the parent is at a loss to devine the cause. Worms! Worms I are at work. A dose of Sbrincr's Indian Vermifuge is the only remedy. >'0 MORE "A NAMELESS HERO." A Worthy Trllmtc to Sergeant Klcliurd Kirkland. Camden, January 29, 18S0. To the Editor of the Keivs and Courier: Your Columbia correspondent referred to the incident narrated here, telling the story as 'twas told to him, and inviting corrections. As such a deed should be recorded in the rigid simplicity of actual truth, I take the libeity of sending you for publication an accurate account of a transaction, every feature of which is in dcllibly impressed upon my memory. Very truly yours, J. B. Keks haw. Richard Kirkland was the son of John Kirkland, an estimable citizen of Ker shaw County, a plain, substantial farmer of tho olden tim?. In 1891 he entered as a private Cupt. J. D. Kennedy's com? pany (E) of the Second South "Carolina Volunteers, in which company he was a sergeant in December, 1862. The day after the sanguinary battle of Fredricksburg, Kershaw's Brigade occu? pied the road at the foot of Marye's Hill and the grounds about Marye's House, the scene of their desperate defense of the day before. One hundred and'fifty yards in front of the road, the atone facing of which constituted the famous stone-wall, lay Svke's Division of Regu? lars, TJ. S. A., between whom and our troops a murderous skirmish occupied the whole day, fatal to many who heed? lessly exposed themselves, even for a moment. The ground between the lines was bridged with the wouuded, dead and dying Federals, victims of the many des? perately gallant assaults of that column of 30,OUO brave men hurled vainly against that impregnable position. All that day those wounded men rent the air with their groans and their ago? nizing cries of "Water! water!" In the afternoon the General sat in the north room, up stairs, of Mrs. Stevens' house, in front of the road, surveying the field, when Kirkland came up. With an ex? pression of iudignant remonstrance per? vading his person, his manner, and the tones of his voice, he said, "General I I can't stand this." "What is the matter, Sergeant?" asked the General. He replied, "All night and all day I have heard these poor people crying for water, and I can stand it no longer. I come to ask permission to go and give | them water." The General regarded him for a mo? ment with feelings of profound admira? tion, and said: "Kirkland, jdon't you know that you would get a bullet through your head the moment you stepped over the wall ?" "Yes, sir," he said, "I know that; but if you will let me, I am willing to try it." After a pause, the General said, "Kirk? land, I ought not to allow you to run such a risk, but the sentiment which actuates you is so noble, that I will not refuse your request, trusting that God may protect you. You may go." The Sergeant's eyes lighted up with pleasure. He said: "I thank you sir," and ran rapidly down stairs. The Gen? eral heard him pause for a moment, and then return, bounding two steps at a time. He thought the Serjeant's heart had failed him. He wasmisiakrn. The Sergeant stopped at the door and said : "General, can I show a white handker? chief?" The General slowly shook his head, saying emphatically, "No, Kirk? land, you can't do that." "All right sir," he said, "I'll take the chances," and ran down with a bright smile on his hand? some countenance. With profouud anxiety he was watched as he stepped over the wall on his errand of mercy?Christ-like mercy. Un? harmed he reached the nearest sufferer. He knelt beside him, tenderly raised the drooping head, rested it gently upon his I owu noble breast, and poured the precious, life-giving fluid down the fever- j scorched throat. This done, he laid him tenderly down, placed his knapsack uuder his head, straightened out his broken limb, spread his overcoat over him, replaced his empty canteen with a full one, and turned to another sufferer. By this time his purpose was well under? stood on Loth sides, and all danger was over. From all parts of the field arose fresh cries of "Water, water; for God's sake, water!" More piteous still, the mute appeal of some who could only feebly lift a hand to say, here, too, is life aud suffering. For an hour and a half did this minis? tering angel pursue his labor of mercy, nor ceased to go and return until he re? lieved all the wounded on that part of tho field. Ue returned to his post wholly unhurt. Who shall say how sweet his rest that winter's night beneath the cold stones 1 Little remains to he told. Sergeant Kirkland distinguished himself in battle at Gettysburg, and was promoted Lieu? tenant. At Chickamauga he fell on the field of battle, in the hour of victory. He was but a youth when called away, and had never formed tho?e ties from which might have resulted a posterity to enjoy his fame and bless his country; but he has bequeathed to the American youth, yea to the world, an example which dignifies our common humanity. Bleeding at tue Nose.?There are two little arteries which supply the whole face with blood, one on each side; these branch off from the main arteries on each side of the windpipe, and run? ning upward toward the eyes, pass over the outside of the jaw-bone, about two thirds of the way back from the chin to the angle of the jaw, under the ear. Each of these arteries, of course, sup? plies just one-half of the face, the nose being the dividing line; the left nostril is supplied by blood from the left artery, and the right nostril from the right arte? ry. Now suppose your nose bleeds by the right nostril, with the end of forefin? ger feel along the outer edge of the right jaw until you feel the beating of the ar? tery directly under your finger, the same as the pulse in your wrist; then press the finger hard upon it, thus getting the little fellow iu'a tight place between your finger and the jaw-boue ; the result will be that not a drop of blood goes into that side of your face while the pressure con? tinues ; hence the nose instautly stops bleeding for want of blood to flow; contin? ue the pressure forfiveorten minutes,and the ruptured vessels in the nose will by that time probably contract so that'when you let the blood into them they will not leak. Bleeding from a cut or wound anywhere about the face may be stopped 1 in the same way. Those in the hack of the head, arms and legs are all arranged very conveniently for being controlled in like manner. Saved a Doctor's Bill.?Gco. 11 Wal? ter Messenger of the Adams Kxpress Co. Balto. Md. says: "Havingused Dr. Bull's Cough Syrup for the past ten years in my family, I wish to say that I consider it the best Cough Syrup I ever used. It has cured my children of Croup several times and saved me many a doctor's bill. ? An old darky near Savannah put his feet iu the oven of a cook stove and j fell asleep, and when his nap was linish 1 ed he had twenty-seven blisters to carry through tho rest of the winter. A PLEA FOR IRELAND. Hon. Charles Stewart PnxneH Addresses Hie House of Iteprpiteiitatlve.s. Washington*, February 2. Hon. Charles Stewart Parnell, the Irish agitator, arrived in this city on the limi? ted express train this afternoon. He was met at the depot by a reception committee composed of Senator Jones, Representa? tives Young, O'Connor, Wood, Cox, Ford, Frost, McMahon, Gillett, and Henderson, and members of the various Irish societies of the District, and escort? ed by the party to Willard's Hotel. .Mr. Parnell was accompanied by his mother, sister, Mr. John B. Dillon and Mr. Mur dock, editor of the Inverness Highland*. At the hotel an address of welcome was delivered by Capt. Edward O'Meagher Condon, President of the Parnell Exec? utive Committee. Mr. Parnell replied briefly, and a general reception lollowed. The House of Representatives held a special session this evening in accordance with a resolution adopted bust week in? viting Mr. Parnell to speak in the hall of the House. The usual Monday session lasted till 4 p. tn., when a recess till 7,30 p. in. was taken. There was an immense crowd at the Capitol long before that hour arrived. At G,30 the broad steps were packed with people eager to hear the great Member of Parliament and pleader for the rights of the unhappy peasantry of Ireland. The doors of the building were not opened till near 7 o'clock, and by 7,05 all the galleries ex? cept the diplomatic gallery were packed with people. By an order of the House this afternoon, the ladies belonging to the families of Congressmen were admit? ted to the floor. The members were tardy in arriving, and as late as 7,30 there were many vacant seats on the floor, hut up stairs all the doorways were thronged with people who had failed to get seats, while the corridors were so packed that it was almost impossible to pass through. Scattered about the hall of the House were a number of Senators, several of them accompanied by ladies. It was 7,50 o'clock before the House was called to order, although 7,30 was the hour fixed for the meeting to open. At the hour named Speaker Raudall entered the hall, accompanied by Mr. Parnell, who was received with cheers as he walked up the aisle and took a seat beside Mr. Raudall on the Speaker's platform. Speaker Randall asked the Clerk to read the resolution under which the ses? sion of to-night was held. He then rose and said that in conformity with that resolution he had the honor and pleasure to introduce Charles Stewart Parnell, who was among us to speak of the distress of his country. Mr. Parnell was received with applause from the floor and galle? ries, lie commenced his speech by thankiug the House for the honor con? ferred 011 him, and entered at once upon an explanation of the suffering of the Irish people aud the causes of their mis? fortunes, which he ascribed to the system of land tenure. Every allusion that was made to the help that America was giv-' ing to Ireland was received with demon? strations of applause. In the course of his speech he said it would be a proud boast for America if this country should aid in reforming the land tenures of Ire? land and solving this great question without the shedding of one drop of blood, as it could do. He alluded to the fact that he had American blood in his veins, and this elicited a perfect storm of applause. He thanked the Americans for the generosity of their contributions, and hoped this would be the last Irish famine they would have to aid in reliev? ing. Mr. Parnell concluded at 8,22 o'clock. The House then immediately adjourned and the audience dispersed. The vast crowd kept good order, except now and then there was a little commotion in the gallery, owing to the people in the rear crowding upon those in front to hear better. At the close of the meeting Mr. Parnell held a levee in the hall, and was introduced to members and others by Speaker Randall. Mr. Phelps, of Con? necticut, introduced a bill in the House to-day appropriating $100,000 for the re? lief of the famine sufferers in Ireland, which was referred. A Terrible TRAGEDY.?A terrible shooting affray occurred at a dance at Los Vegas, New Mexico, on the 27th ult. Four cowboys from Moro, named Tom Pence, James West, William Randall and the fourth supposed to be a man named Beard, came in on horseback, armed with revolvers and Winchester rifles. After loafing about town during the day, making threats against Chief of Police Carson, for some offense he had given them in making an arrest a few days before, they attended a dance at night and openly abused Carson. The latter grabbed bis revolver, but was shot in the arm before be could draw it. A second shot disabled his left arm, and a third entered his body and he staggered out and dropped dead upon the street. When he was picked up there were eight bullet holes in his body. His friends at once took up the right, and at least thirty shots were fired. The lights were extin? guished, and a ^"*ne followed which beggars description. Leaden missiles fell like bail in the room. The citizens were aroused from their slumbers and hastened to the scene. Randall and West of the attacking party, were shot dead. Their two comrades escaped wouuded. Officor Mather, who assisted Carson, was slightly wounded. Carson was from Knoxville, Teun. A Story Of Hexry Clay.?An old gentleman who has been very prominent in politics for a great many years is vis? iting in the city. He tells a very good story on Mr. Clay. One day, during President Monroe's administration, Mr. Clay was invited with other friends of the President, to dine at the White House. A few days before some friends of Mr. Clay's, living in Indiana, had sent him a bottle of wine which had been made in that State. Mr. Clay thought that he would take the bottle of wine up to the White House and have it opened at the table, and show the guests how fast they were progressing in the West. When the party was seated at the table Mr. Clay told a servant to open the bottle and serve some of the wine to the guests. They all tasted of it, pronounced it very good, until it came to Mr. Monroe. "Well, Mr. President, what do you think of it?" said Mr. Clay. "Well," answered Mr. Monroe, "it is very good, but it tastes to mecxactlylike old Kentucky whisky." On investigation Mr. Clay found that his son Tom had, some days before, emptied the bottle of the wine for his own benefit and had filled it up with Kentucky whis? key. _ ? A Methodist clergyman at Van Wort, 0., scolded a charming young lady from the pulpit, calling her by name and accusing her of the terrible and deadly sin of dancing. She took it all quietly until she got a chance, and then she horsewhipped him. Lose not thy own for want of asking it! Lose not your infant for want of Dr. Bull's Baby Syrup, which any drug? gist will sell you for 25 cents a buttle.