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The Famous Sherman Letter and the Sec? retary's Tlslt to New Orleans-Inside His? tory of the Lonitlana Election. The examination of James E. Ander? son, late supervisor of tbe election in East Feliciana Parish, Louisiana, re? vealed copies of letters which throw a flood of light upon the election in that State. The production of a copy of Sherman's letter produced an unusual sensation among the Republicans, and took them completely by surprise. In /order that our readers may have a clear Understanding of the situation, the docu? mentary evidence furnished by Anderson is herewith appended. The. following is a copy of the letter sent by Anderson and Weber to Sher? man : ? New'O?leans, NoviaO. 1879. Sie : We have carefully considered the argument* advanced by you in our inter? view. Your assurance that we shall be taken care of is scarcely specific enough. In case we pursue the course suggested by you, we would be obliged to leave the S t?te. Will you. therefore, state in writ? ing who we shall look to for the fulfill* ifcent of those promises'? . Respectfully, D. A. Webee, James Anderson. Hon. John Sherman. .The following is a copy of the reply made by Sherman: New Orleans, Nov." 20,1876. Gentlemen : Your note of even date has-just been received. Neither Mr.. Hayes, myself, the gentlemen v/ho ac? company me, nor the country at larray . can ever forget the- obligations under which you have placed us, should you stand firm in the position you have taken. From a long and intimate acquaintance with Got. Hayes, I am justified in assum? ing tbe responsibility for promises made, and'will guarantee that you will be pro? vided ibr aa-soon-after the fourth of March as may be practicable, and in such manner as will enable you both to leave ? Louisiana should you deem it necessary. Very truly yours; John Sherman. The following correspondenca.was also brought oat in tbe examination of An? derson on Saturday. The opening letter was forwarded in July last to the New ?Tork Sun, inclosing copies of the fore-" going letters and the six original letters written by Anderson. The possession of this evidence has induced the'constant efforts of the Sun to have an investiga? tion of the frauds in .Louisiana: 1 Letter from Jamas E. Anderson, (under fictitious initials): : New Orleans, July 2,1877. ? :Snt: D. A. Weber and James E. An? derson were respectively supervisors in East Feliciana Parish during the last election. Some time during the past winter Weber placed a sealed envelope in the hands of a gentleman of this city for! safe keeping. This envelope''was opened by mistake and found to contain, among other things, the following docu? ments; which, taken in rotation of dates, form an interesting inside history of the last flection in. Louisiana. Weber was killed in March and Anderson is now in Washington. Preserve the letters in? closed, as they may be needed for future to* W. B. F. Letters from Anderson to Weber: Clinton, La, Sept. 10,1876. Dear Don: Am in receipt of your letter. Everything is going smoothly with me. The Democrats are satisfied with my official course?more so than the Republicans. Payne, my Democratic clerk, is a well-educated gentleman, and his selection shows that the Democrats mean nothing more than to have a fair deal, and that I propose to give them. As for Butler?well, be is* hell on the end of a poker, and he is more of a mys? tery to me to-day than when I first came up. J. P. Harris has been here looking after Packard's interests. He says I must Tetura 1,000 majority from this parish. If you .were to rake this parish with a fine-tooth comb you could not find that number of Republicans, and bow they expect me to return more of a. Republican majority than there are Re? publican votes is a problem I have as yet nailed to solve. Any information you can give me on the subject will be grate? fully received. It is simply impossible to organize our party in this parish. Powers, De Gray, Butler? Campbell and 'company sv/ear they will have nothing to.do with ir. unless the niggers, are kept in the background, and the darkies are equally .as emphatic in asserting that they will not affiliate with the above named individuals, alleging that they are.ball-dozers; and so it goes. In the meantime the Democrats are thoroughly organized, and are-working like beavers. You can s*y to E. L. that the majority against him will be. about 1,200: not very consoling,''tis true, but nevertheless 'tis true. What is the prospect in West F.? My impression is that wo will lose this State, but Hayes will go through. I ask nothing more. Yours, J. E. A. D. A. W. - Clinton, Oct., 12,1876.. Dear Don: Will leave on Saturday for New Orleans. Have sent ray resig? nation to Kellogg. The parties who at? tacked me on Saturday night have car? ried .their point:from, the fact that the Democrats have unwittingly aided them, and -I shall leave the parish. Were I backed by more than my suspicions, in this matter, I might pursue a different course. I will yet get at tbe bottom of the whole matter. I think I know who one of my assailants was and the motives that actuated him. Will write you from the city. Hasty. J. E. A. D. A. W. New Orleans, Oct. 29,1876. My Dear Don : I am in receipt of yours of the 25th instant. The whole trouble here lies in the fact that there exists a conspiracy, the object being to bold no election in East Feliciana, and to throw the onus of the affair on my shoulders. Kellogg has refused to accept ray resignaticn, at the same time assur? ing . the Democrats that he desires my return, &c. Tbe white-livered scoundrel has hired L. B. Jenks to dog my foot? step?, and should I attempt to leave would undoubted!v be arrested on some trivial pretext. I'll beat the whole crowd yet, damn them. Of course nothing I can say. will convince tbe Democrats that I am hot in this arrangement, and that I, too, am to be made a victim. I think, however, that on election day you will find me in East Feliciana, and I shall teach Kellogg that there is many a slip, &c I am cenvinced that Packard has no hand in this affair, but am in doubt as to E. L. Packard and Campbell have always favored the organization of our party in the parish. They have also con? ceded that tbe Democrats would,carry it by a heavy majority, and have simply desired to cut down that majority as much as possible. Dr. Gray has always opposed this, and ad vo;at<?<l no election or throw? ing out tbe parish, and in this he has been seconded by Kellogg, Jowett and others. They ariflikely to advocate and carry out any plan they may see fit, but may the devil take me if I allow them to saddle the bl .me on me. Tom Jenks and myself v ill be up in good time. There will be no Republican ticket 13 'the field, and consequently few, if any, BY E. B. MURRAY & CO. ANDERSON, S. C, THURSDAY, JUNE 13, 1878._ VOL. XIII-NO. 48. Republican votes cast. This, I think, will be their programme, as it will give them a case. The Democrats will un? doubtedly poll about 1,500 or 1,600 votes, and if, as you say, they carry West Feli ciana by 500 majority, E. L.'s game is cooked. Of course he cannot overcome such odds in Pointe Conpee. When I return I shall stop at my old place, No. 144 Custom House street. Come around as soon as you arrive. Find out who those damned niggers were that came over from your parish that night and whether they were in sympathy with their leader in his efforts to kill me. Truly your friend, J. ?. A. D. A. W. New Orleans, Nov. 14,1876. Dear Don : Meet me on royal street at 11 o'clock. Packard is raising hell over your refusal to protest Morgan has followed me like a shadow since my return. Am in doubt as to whether he has been employed by the Democrats or Republicans. I think he is playing into the hands of both. In case he is with me', do not stop, but go to Crops', and I will follow as as soon as possible. Tnere is no doubt but they have changed my statement so as to. make it an intimida? tion protest Pitkin refuses to show it to me. Make up your mind as to what we. had better do. I am opposed to doing their damned dirty work, even to save Hayes. If we poll together and expose the whole thing, Pitkin. Kellogg, neli and the returning board! combined can never carry this State for Hayes. Should we go with the right it will give us a reputation and standing that- would otherwise require years to acquire. As we are'hut boys yet, I incline to what is just-in the - premises, and trust to the future for our reward. Yours, J. E. Anderson. November 17,1873. Dear Don : Since answering P.'s let? ter yesterday giving Burke's proposition, I have thought that possibly I. might have put my foot in it , .It is very possi? ble he may be a spy or an actor and his letter a blind. However, I said nothing that could criminate either of us; merely stating that I had given Burke the in formation as he requested and Burke's reply. I stated, however, that in case he saw you, to show you my letter and ask Sur advice as one here acting in accord. 3 doubt it will bring him to the city, and should he call act carefully. I doubt if he is able to substantiate his statements, and I would not give a con? tinental for them unless he can. Have you learned anything about the high joints ? They are cursing me heavily, and assert that I have sold out and am going to Montalda to night . Will meet you at 11 sharp, if there is anything new. Anderson. November, 20,1876. My Dear Sir: Come around to my, house this morning. I am not satisfied, and have no more faith in Sherman, Matthews and company than 1 have in Pitt Kellogg, Unless we get a written guarantee that we shall be taken care of, I am unwilling to go a step further. Come about 10 o'clock. As to-, he will be out by that time. We ought to see Sherman again and insist on a writ? ten guarantee. Yours truly, Anderson. Letter from Anderson to P. C. Butler, .of East Feliciana:. Custom House, New Orleans, La., Collector's Office, Nov. 16,1876. My Dear Sir : You re of the 11th was certainly a surprise. I thooght I fully comprehended the capability of that im Eression. I have suspected that you new more of certain affairs than you cared to tell. I made no protest against tiie returns?simply a statement of what really occurred and what came under my observation. The parish will be thrown out, and nothing I could have done or can do will prevent it Had you con-, fidec in me before, we might together have accomplished something. As it is there is no use in butting my head against a stone wall. I disliked the idea of making overtures to the Democrats, and was at sea as to what action to take in regard to your request To-day Major Burke sent for me and stated they were desirous of saving the parish and asked what assistance I could give him and what I wanted. I repeated your state? ment verbatim save as regards Packard, which is too incredible to make unless strongly corroborated. I did not how? ever, mention your name, and left him under the impression that I would sub? stantiate the statement made. He of? fered me $4,000 and an $1,800 position for four years. Your fears that you would be obliged to leave the State in case you made the exposure, I think, are groundless.-' The people would overlook yOur complicity in their joy at the result which would probably follow. But ad? mitting that you must leave, I think this amount, together with the position, would give you a fair start in any part of the country. Should you accept, write to Burke?notify me also, and I shall ex Elain the matter to him. Had you not etter come to the city ? Let me warn you against one thing: Do not make the attempt unless you have documentary evidence to prove your assertions, if you -have simply heard Dick instruct Tom and Harry to perform some piece of rascality, do not attempt to prove it by the evidence of the latter. They will swear that nothing of the kind ever oc? curred, and you will be regarded as a falsifier. That is where the shoe pinches me. Why, could I prove all I know, some of these detestable scoundrels would be enjoying the hospitality of the Baton Rouge Penitentiary instead of running the State government of Louisi? ana. Thanks for your kind invitation to come up. I don't think that climate would be beneficial to me, especially at this period. May the devil take the day I consent? ed to go to East Feliciana. Let me hear from you soon. Take no steps without consulting me. I am anxious to break down these rascab, but there is no use in breaking our necks unless we can accom? plish something. Should you see D. A. Weber, show him this letter and consult with him. We are acting together. Truly yours, James E. Anderson. The following letters from Stanley Matthews were produced by the witness*: Agreement between Anderson and Nash, Representative in Congress, New Orleans, November 21,1876: By an agreement entered into this day between James E. Anderson, Supervisor of Registration for the parish of East Fe? liciana, Louisiana, and Charles E. Nash, member of Congress from tne Sixth Con? gressional District of Louisiana, it is agreed that said Anderson shall suppress evidence showing that the said parish of East Feliciana was fairly carried by the Democratic party at the election held November 9,1876, thereby electing the entire Democratic State ticket and Con? gressmen, in consideration of which the said Nash agrees to secure for said An? derson the position of naval officer at the port of New Orleans, La. (Signed) James E. Anderson, C. E. Nash. The above agreement was signed in our presence, this 21st day of November, 1876. (Signed) J. M. Tomlinson, ; O. B. Morgan. Letters from Stanley Matthews to An? derson : Mb. Anderson: You are at liberty to use the note on the other page as an in? troduction to General Harlan, who is one of the commission, and you can talk to him as freely as to me. You should say to Nash, if inquired of, that I have the agreement (Signed) Stanley Matthews. Cincinnati, March 29, 1877. General J. M. Harlan. Dear Sie : This will be presented to you by Mr. James E. Anderson, who may desire to communicate with you confiden? tially. Yours truly, Stanley Matthews. Washington, April 17, 1877. Dear Sib : I had an interview to-day with the Secretary of State in reference to your appointment as consul at Callao, the place you desired. Unfortunately, the Secretary is already under such com? mitments in reference to that appoint? ment as to make it impracticable to grat? ify your present wishes.' ' I have, how? ever, the oat reasons for saving, sooner or later, and as soon as practicable, I shall be able to obtain for you a satisfactory appointment Keep me posted from 'time Co time of what you may have in respect to places you would like to have and feel com? petent to fill, so that I can better repre? sent your wishes. Yours truly,, Stanley Matthews . To James E. Andebson. Cincinnati, April 27,1877. My Deau Sib: I have your faver of 22d instant, and I have also conferred' with General Harlan, having traveled with him from Hiloda here, arriving last night. The General told me be had as? certained at the State Department that the consulate at Tientsin had already some time since been disposed of. We both concluded it would be better to I wait until the extra session of Congress, which will be called to meet June 4, when I will be in Washington- regularly, and situated so that I can give, the atten? tion to your application which I have promised, and when I do not doubt I will be able to secure your appointment to some foreign posit ion which will be agreeable to you. Yours truly, . * Stanley Matthews. To James Anderson, Esq., New Or? leans. Cincinnati, May 7,1877. My Dear Sir : I. enclose letter to Gen. Thomas C. Anderson, asking his in? fluence in favor of your appointment as deputy collector, in answer to yours of the 5th instant, just received. Let me hear from you as to the resulL Yours truly, Stanley Matthews. James E. Andebson, Esq., New Or? leans. Cincinnati, May 7,1877. My Dear Sir : The appointment of Mr. James E. Anderson as one of the three deputy collectors or other place satisfactory to him in the custom house [lit New Orleans 11 would regard as in the interest of the public service, a deserved recognition of Iiis service* and a personal favor to myself May I venture to ask : your personal influence in Us favor? Yours truly. Stanley Matthews. Gen. Thomas C. Anderson. Stanley Matthews to Secretary Evarts recommending Anderson: Cincinnati, May 14?1877. My Dear Sib : The bearer, Mr. James E. Anderson, of New Orleans, is the gen? tleman in reference to whom, when last in Washington, I had a private conver? sation with you, urging his.appointment to a consulship. Mr. Anderson has had ? until now a subordinate clerkship in the ' custom house at New Orleans, which has always been unsatisfactory to him, and now his residence there has become so unpleasant that ha has abandoned it and his clerkship. The circumstances in j ; which Mr. Anderson has been placed land in which ho has been compelled to ?act a very difficult part are such as to .give him very strong claims upon the ad- ! ministration in the public interests, and I do most earnestly urge that some satis* : factory public employment may be found for him at or.ee. Very truly, Stanley Matthews. Stanley Matthews to Anderson: Cincinnati, May 25,1877. My Dear Sir : I received your tele? gram to-day, and very much regret'you are not satisfied with the appointment tendered you, and which,-by the papers this morning, I understand was the con? sulate at Funchal. I am really at a loss to know what, further to do. I am quite willing to do anything you may suggest 1 that gives promise reasonably of success. Did you see Mr. Evarts personally? Write to me nnd explain everything fully, and let me know what you think. I can further do to serve you. Yours truly, Stanley Matthews. James E. Anderson, Esq., No. 73 H street, Washington City. Telegrams'and letters from Anderson to Stanley Matthews: Wahsington, June 7,1877. ? Hon. Stanley Matthews, Cincinnati: The President claims to have received no letters. Want no more correspond? ence and no more nonsense. Come here and arrange this affair or you can all face the music Telegraph me at once. Care nothing about documents in your pos? session. Anderson. June 27. My Dear Sir: General Smith has given me the text of your letter. I have nothing further to ask at your hands, or of the monumental fraud who occupies the White House, beyond a return of those documents. A refusal on your part to return them will justify me in publishing (and I will publish) your let? ters in the statement I propose to make showing how Louisiana was carried for Hayes. I shall remain here until Friday next. If I do not hear from you by that time, I promise you shall hear from ma before the Ohio election. To Hon. Stanley Matthews, Vir? ginia. Washington, June 19,1877. My Dear Sir : When any ward bum? mer, shoulder-hitter, &c, who can fill no other position must be provided for in a seaport city, they are given a posi? tion as inspector of customs. The hours are from 6 a. m. till 6 p. m.; the duties, to (Land under a broiling sun and pre? vent rascally sailors from smuggling. The pay amounts to from $1,095 to $1, 400 per annum. This is the position of? fered me by General Smith. I have told him, politely, of course, that he can take the position and go to the devil. He has no time to attend to my wants on account of the outside rush, so I have withdrawn from the contest and shall now proceed to get satisfaction in my own way. If you desire to return me the documents given you you can do so. I think it better you should, as by doing so it will leave you out of future compli? cations. You can use your own judg? ment, however. In any event, you shall hear from me before the October elec? tions. I shall be in Philadelphia for one week. You can address me there for that period. Very truly yours, James E. Anderson, Philadelphia, Pa., care of J. R. Sypher, Attorney at Law. Hon. Stanley Matthews. Stanley Matthews to James Anderson: {Personal and Confidential.] United States Senate Chamber, i Washington, Feb. 12, 1878. My Dear Sir: I have your note of yesterday, and in reply beg to say that I do not recollect; the suggestions hereto? fore made by you to which you refer, and which you think, if adopted, might still prove advantageous to the public in? terest, and I would be glad to hear your report. I have never been subjected to so much misrepresentation in regard to everything I have undertaken to do, that I do not think it would be wise for me to go to Philadelphia or Baltimore for tbe purpose of meeting you. In case you should find it convenient to be in Wash? ington J ?hall be pleased to tee you. Yours truly, Stanley Matthews. Mr. Jas. E. Anderson, Philadelphia. A LEAF FROM HISTORY. The Bayonet Era In the South Carolina State House. In the course of his speech on tbe Ar? my bill delivered in tbe House of Rep? resentatives a few days ago, tbe Hon. Milton I. Southard, of Ohio, introduced some very interesting telegrams and tes? timony relating to the dark days of 1877 in Columbia. We copy this portion of his remarks from the official report in the Congressional Becord: On the 14th of October, 1876, this tel? egram was seut by Gen. Sherman to Gen. Buger, who had previously been trans? ferred to Columbia, South Carolina: Headquarters of the Army, Washington, Oct. 14, 1876. , To Gon. Buger, Columbia, S. C.: We are all back from California. If you want anything, say so. I want all. measures to originate with you. Get along with the minimum force necessary, but you shall have all we can give if you need them. W. T. Sherman, tteoeral. On tbe 16th of October Gen. Buger answered that telegram, as follows: Columbia, S. C, Oct. 16, 1876. To Gen. W. T. Sherman, Washington : Think I have troops sufficient unless circumstances change. Have nineteen companies in the State now in stations of one to four companies. Have some companies still in reserve. No special disorder has occurred since Ellenton riot last month. If I need more troops will ask for them. I shall be here to-day. Buger. Notwithstanding that telegram from Gen. Buger, in which he said that all was peaceful and quiet there, and that if he needed more troops he would call for them, and without further information, the very next morning a proclamation was issued by President Grant, from Washington City, declaring South Caro? lina in insurrection, and there followed numerous telegrams from the general of tbe army, ordering all the troops from the Atlantic coast, from the extreme North to as far South as Fortress Monroe, into the State of South Carolina. Here is a specimen of tbe telegrams sent: Headquarters of the Army, Washington, Oct. 17, 1876. To Gen. W. S. Hancock, Commanding Military Division Atlantic: It will be necessary to reinforce Gen. Buger to the maximum possible, and we may have to order every available man from the North Atlantic posts. Acknowledge receipt. W. T. Sherman, General. In obedience to these orders from Washington, all available forces were sent into South Carolina and other South? ern States under pretence of preserving order, but with tbe purpose and effect of carrying the election. Actual military possession was taken of those States, and the elections were controlled in violation, of the Constitution of your country, in violation of law, and in violation of every principle of justice and right. Not only that; it did not stop there; military possession of those States was continued until long after the elections. The Legislature of South Carolina was organized, not by tbe members who were elected to it, but by the Administration here in Washington through the use of Federal troops. I hold here in my band the official telegrams relating to that or? ganization. There was a dispute about certain members from Edgefield and Laurens who held the certificate of the Supreme Court; they were to be ejected. Gov. Chamberlain sent this telegram to Washington City: Columbia, S. C, Dec. 1, 1876. Hon. J. D. Cameron, Secretary of War, Washington: Cannot Edgefield and Laurens men be removed ? They are now acting as mem? bers, and have no credentials. If they are removed tbe House can act and or? der be restored. Cannot we be protected against unlawful intrusion, when we have no power to enforce tbe exclusion ? D. H. Chamberlain, Governor. - Then followed a telegram from the attorney-general to Gov. Chamberlain, and also one to Gen. Buger. from the Secretary of War. Here tbey ara: Washington, Dec. 2,1876. Gov. D. H. Chamberlain, Columbia, S. C: Tbe President thinks that you should exercise your own resources as Governor in behalf of tbe Legislature which ycu have recognized by assisting it to purge itself of unauthorized persons. If you are resisted iu this Gen. Buger has been instructed to enforce your au? thority. Alphonso Taft, Attorney General. War Department, Washington, D. OL Dec. 2,1876. To Gen. T. H. Buger. Columbia, S. C.: Tbe Governor of tue State of South Carolina should exercise bis own resour? ces to purge tbe Legislature which he has recognized of unauthorized persons. If he is resisted in this it will become your duty to enforce bis authority. J. D. Cameron, Secretary of War. Subsequently tbe following telegrams were sent in relation to the same subject: Executive Mansion,,?. Washington City, Dec. 8,1876. Gen. T. H. Buger, Columbia, S. C.: Fearing your instructions may be con? flicting and leave you in doubt as to your duties in the present unhappy condition of affairs in South Carolina, I wish to say this: Governor Chamberlain is the legal constituted Governor of the State, and remains bo until tbe Legislature canvasses the vote and installs his suc? cessor; and be is entitled as such to your support and protection. It is a civil duty to organize the Legislature devolving on State authorities. All you can do is to prevent unauthorized per? sons from forcibly interfering with the Governor and other authorized officers in tbe performance of their duties. To be plain, I want to avoid anything like an unlawful use of the military, but it will be entirely right to sustain the Gov? ernor, or any of bis agents or officers, in the performance of any duty in connec? tion with the Legislature if interfered with by outsiders while in the perform? ance of that duty. U. S. Grant. Columbia, S. C, Dec. 5,1876. To Hon. J. D. Cameron, Secretary of War, Washington, D. C.: Gen. Buger announces this morning that he will no longer guard doors of State House. The city is filled with armed and violent men. There 13 great? er need than ever before of protection of State House. Specific orders must be sent respecting this matter at once, in order to arert riot and bloodshed. Va? cillation here now is most unfortunate. Please answer. All I ask is that State House be protected against violence. D. H. Chamberlain, Governor of South Carolina. Wae Department, Washington City, Dec. 5,1876. To Governor D. H. Chamberlain, Co? lumbia, S. C.: General Ruger's instructions are to protect the Legislature from all outside interference, and those instructions will be repeated. J. D. Cameron, Secretary of War. I hold in my hand the official testimo? ny taken in relation to use of troops at the Presidential election before a special committee of the last Congress, of which the honorable gentleman from New York (Mr. Wood) was chairman and I. was a member. The publication of this testi? mony could not be obtained at the time, but I have it as it was written. In it I find the testimony of Gen. Ruger in plain and unmistakable terms that he construed these telegrams to bim to mean that the Laurens and Edgefield members and the other conservative members of the South Carolina Legislature were the "unauthor? ized persons." And be interpreted these telegrams aright, for they could have no other significance; and accordingly be took steps to enforce these orders. The telegrams and the testimony of General Ruger I will insert in my remarks. Gen. Ruger sent word by his orderly to the Legislature of South Carolina, after the two houses convened in the hall of the State House, telling the Conser? vative members that they must not be there at 12 o'clock on the next day. In obedience to that order they withdrew, and having withdrawn, a committee waited upon Gen. Ruger, and asked bim if these members would be permitted, to return the next day, and he told them that tbey must not go back. Here is the testimony of Gen. Ruger: Question. Did you give Gov. Cham? berlain any assurance that you would aid his force in excluding anybody at that time from the hall of the House? I mean while the two Houses were in ses? sion together. Answer. I had some orders in refer? ence to that subject, but I gave Governor Chamberlain no such assurance, prior to receipt of such orders, that I would aid in exclnding any members. q. What orders did you have ? A. I think you have the telegrams. Q. At a still later period than that did you make some order in reference to the exclusion of certain persons from the house? A. A committee of the Conservative Legislature called upon me and submit ted certain propositions in writing : I do not recollect now exactly the words, or perhaps the substance, but tbey asked that they should be permitted to occupy the hall as the legally constituted Legis? lature. I told them that if their body went to the hall for the purpose of enter? ing there as the lower House of the Leg? islature they would not be permitted to enter, that is, that if they were refused admission by the civil officers or the civil guards at the door, and if the door? keeper should call upon the military officers there to prevent their forcible en? trance or assist in doing so, the officers would prevent it. That was after they had gone out in the first place and when they proposed to go back, but they did not go back. Q. What authority did you have or for what reason did you make that order? A. My reason for it was the instruc? tions which I had and my understanding of my duty under the circumstances. Governor Chamberlain called upon me before that for assistance in enforcing the authority of the Speaker, I think. He made a verbal application, and after? ward made an application in writing the same day. That was, I think, on the 80th of November. I had declined, and had reported the state of the case to Gen. Sherman, and the dispatch which I received in reply to that was that he (the Governor) should exercise bis own resources to purge the Legislature he had recognized of unauthorized persons, and in case be was resisted that I should assist him. I think those were the words or substance. Q. That was in reference to the mem? bers from Laurens and Edgefield Coun? ties? A. I presume so. I had also, before that application by the committee of the Conservative House, received a dispatch to prevent unlawful interference with the Legislature by outsiders. Q. You left it to bim to decide which was the lawful Legislature ? A. I considered that the ether, that is the one called the Conservative House, should be classed as outsiders. I did not assume anything as to the legal status, but I considered it within the intent of my orders that I should support the au? thority of the Governor. Q. I think you did not quite finish your statement as to your answer to the committee that waited upon you. A. The substance of it was, that if they appeared there, as proposed, for the purpose of occupying the ball of the House of Representatives, and if they were refused admission by the persons at the door?the State constables or persons having charge as doorkeepers?and such persons should call on the officers in command of the troops at the State House for assistance to prevent their en? trance, it would be his duty under his orders to give it. If they were granted admission, of course I should not have prevented their entry. In response to a question whether Gen. Ruger had not sent his orderly to ex? clude the Conservative members when both parties were in the hall, he said: A. I did at one time send word to Speaker Wallace by Maj. Maginnis that at twelve o'clock the next day the mem? bers from Laurens and Edgefield should oor must not be there. My impression was that the Legislature would adjourn that evening, and that when they came back at twelve the next day these mem? bers should not come. But that had nothing to do with the application by the Governor. Several gentlemen had been to see me before that, and had asked whether I should give orders to exclude the members who had certificates signed by the Secretary of State or prevent their entering the hall. I said that I should not. They asked if I would say that the members who had certificates from the Supreme Court might go in ; I j said I wouif not consent. That would have brought up a new subject, and I did not know what it might call forth ; also I did not regard it within my au? thority. I was told by these gentlemen that the members who had the certificate from the Secretary of State would prob? ably go to the hall, and when I heard that the Conservative Houso had gone up and taken possession of the hall, I thought that I had not been fairly treat? ed. I suppose that Mr. Wallace knew of this conversation. Q. While the two bodies were in the House together, and while the two Speakers were on the stand, was word sent by you to Mr. Wallace, the Speaker, th 'at 12 o'clock the next day the Lau rens and Edgefield members must uot be there ? A. I do not remember that I said that they must not be there ; I think I said either must or should not, but which ex? pression I used I do not remember. Q. Do you know whether that mes? sage was repeated the second time? A. I think not. I told Maj. Maginm's to say to Mr. Wallace that these mem? bers should not or must not be there at tbe time of meeting next day. Q. Were they in the House at that time? A. Yes, sir; so 1 understood at tbe time. I gave tbe message to Maj. Ma ginnis._ MB. POTTER'S COMMITTEE. His Letter to a Northern Friend Abont the Frauds In ventilation?The Cry of "Revo? lution" Only a Republican Fretense for Fartlsan Purposes. Hon. Clarkson N. Potter has been ap? pealed to so generally by letter and by representatives of the press to express his views as to the investigation into the Presidential election frauds that be de? cided to make public a private letter which he wrote in reply to one from a clergyman in New York, and which covers very fully tbe inquiries addressed to him, not only from that but other quarters. Mr. Potter shows very conclu? sively that the cry of "revolution" which the Republicans have ?et up over this investigation is simply the cry of wolf when there is no wolf, and is a repetition of tbe bloody shirt business. The letter is as follows: Washington, May 27,1878. : My Dear Sir : I have your letter of the 25th. I agree with you in wishing Congress would p.djourn. I am one of those who tbiuk the world is governed too much. I should be glad to Bee the power of Congress over matters of private and special legislation entirely cut off. And since much of the public legislation proposed disturbs business and unsettles industry, I have thought it might be well if Congress, unless convened by the President, met but eveiy other year, as is the case with tbe Legislatures in some of tbe States. I accordingly proposed an amendment to the constitution pro? viding for biennial sessions of Congress, but it has not been received with any favor. Other sections of the country do not feel as we do about this, and want currency or subsidy or other legislation. You ask me why Mr. Stephens was "howled" down, The "bowling" was by tbe newspapers. To interrupt tbe pend? ing order of business by a motion or a statement requires unanimous consent, and every member has the absolute right to object to the interruption. This ob? jection is expressed by the words, "I object," or a demand for "the regular order." Sometimes one person will pre? vent the interruption, sometimes the de? sire to prevent it is general, and then the cry of "regular order" will be from many persons. It so happened tbat there was a very general unwillingness to hear Mr. Stephens. He bad suggested tbat we should receive and adopt the Hale amendment. It was reported that be has given the Republicans a list of twenty-two names who would follow him in any motion of bis to prevent investi? gation. About thin he was'grossly mis? taken, and this made our side especially unwilling to hear him. But you will observe that when I rose to make a prop? osition to Mr. Hale, and tbe Republican outcry prevented my being heard, it was announced by tbe press that "Mr. Pot? ter's inquiry was interrupted," while Mr. Stephens was head-lined as "the venera? ble statesman howled down by Potter's mob." You ask me why we would not let the Hale amendment be attached to our resolution. Because it was not ger? mane. An inquiry into frauds accom? plished, and which changed the electoral vote, ia proper, to prevent their repeti? tion, but an inquiry into mere attempts at fraud which resulted in nothing is not. First, because we understood it contained recitals to which we could not assent, and which would have forced us to vote against our own resolution ; second, be? cause we offered Mr. Hale every oppor? tunity to have his amendment adopted as a separate resolution. That it was not so offered shows it was really not desired. Third, because its incorporation into the resolution might have had tbe effect of preventing any report upon the resolu? tion. As it is, the committee will have probably but one opportunity to report in this Congress, and this amendment could, if added to the resolution, be made to prevent tbe report at that time, and thus to deprive us of an opportunity to report at all. Just as we got ready to report, we should be liable to be stopped to take further testimony in some of the added States brought forward for the very purpose of preventing a report. But you suggest tbat to raise a ques? tion about the last Presidential election will bring on disturbance or revolution. Not at all. About tbat "possess yourself in peace." There is not the slightest chance of revolution or disturbance. When the whole country was at fever beat on the subject of the election a way 1 was found to establish a tribunal to pass upon the election, and every one submit? ted to that determination. The Presi? dent's title rests upon that. If now it should appear that there was fraud which palpably affected the electoral vote and which tbe commission did not notice, and if a legal remedy exists for correct? ing the error, you cannot believe that such a proceeding under the law could lead to disturbance. If there bo no such legal remedy existing, and Congress should bereafter, by the approval ot the President, or by two-thirds of both Houses without "that approval, provide one, why should the legal determination thereafter had any more produce distur? bance than the decision of the electoral commission did? Is it exactly because this is not Mexico, and because tbe peo? ple prefer determining questions by legal methods, and if the legal methods have not been provided to invent legal meth? ods of determining them and submit to tbe determination thus arrived at, that this country cannot be Mexicanized? About the enumeration of electoral votes there could be no question. Eight and eight could only be counted as sixteen. Neither could there be question that the conceded vote of every State should be counted. To refuse tbat would be revo? lutionary. But when there were two bona fide returns from a State, each claimed to be its vote, it was a necessity to decide between these returns before either return could be counted. This determination could only be made by the Vice President, who opened the re? turns, or by the Congress in whose pres? ence they were opened. I thought it clear from the nature of our government, from the precedents and from the opin? ions so many statesmen bad expressed, tbat this grave power upon which tbe last election did, and upon which any election might depend, could only be vested in Congress. If this power rested in Congress alone, then the action of Congress was necessary before a choice could be made between conflicting re? turns, and so, whenever the two Houses of Congress could not agree in their choice of a return, one House preferring one and the other the other, no choice could be had, and the vote of that State would be lost. Not because one House had any greater rights or powers than the other, not because either or both Houses together had the right to reject arbitrarily or to refuse to reckon any cer? tain electoral vote, but only because in case of bona fide conflicting returns from a State, each claiming to represent its electoral vote, it was a necessity to choose ? between the returns before the vote of the State could be counted. This was the view at last established. For tbe electoral commission to decide the dis? puted votes was created by Congress, and that was the only authority it possessed. Now, it seemed to me in 1876 that this was so clear, and that tbe leading Re? publican Senators had so generally com? mitted themselves to this view in previ? ous discussions, thnt we ought to stand upon that ground to declare that we would abide the action of Congress, would accept whomever the Congress found to be elected, and that if the two Houses Bhould fail to agree as to which of tbe returns from any State from which there were bona fide duplicate returns should be received, wherehy the vote of the State was lost, and no election by the electors should thus result, we would then abide and maintain the choice of the House of Representatives, the body authorized by the constitution to elect the President where there is no election by the electoral college. Instead of do? ing this we drifted along until at last the Republicans, hewing all the while to the , line, had got us where we were ready to accept the electoral commission. Hav? ing acceptcd it, of course we were bound to submit to its results, but we ought at least to be allowed to nhow?if such was the fact?that the returns upon which the commission passed were procured by fraud. I admit that the Presidency is not worth a civil war, but I have not be? lieved there was any danger of such a war. The generation who charged up the heights of Fredericksburg and de? fended the works at Petersburg will not go lightly into another civil struggle. We must get years further on before that will happen. I remember after tbe elec? tion remarking to General McDowell that a great mine ought to be exploded by a spark, to which no answered, "Yes, if tbe train be inflammable, but this time the powder is wet." He was right. There never was danger of a civil war. The whole thing was, as I think, a gigan? tic game, in which we held the (?ras and the Republicans bluffed us. Years hence.. when it is remembered that we needed only one electoral vote and that your side could not get on without every one of the remaining seventeen; that we had 300,000 popular majority; that our ma? jorities were around the capital, yours in New England, the Northwest and the Pacific coast; that the moral sense of the country was that our man was elec? ted and yours not; that you had notbing on your side but the control of an army of which 10,000 men could not be got together, the privates mostly in sympathy with us, and commanded by officers edu? cated to understand the supremacy of the civil over the military authority? officers who, excepting the leaders, Grant, Sherman and Sheridan, could, I believe, never have been generally used to resist the declaration of the House of Repre? sentatives, (I am told this will appear certainly whenever the secret correspon? dence of the War Department is re? vealed,) and that you were laden down with the care of the national credit, the first shock to which would have arrayed against you all the moneyed institutions in the country; that under such condi? tions, I say, your leaders contrived and were able to carry through the capture of all these votes, will be regarded as one of tbe greatest political performances of history. I admit the success of the Re? publican leaders. Hs.ving lain down when the law was on our side and when wc ought to have stood up, it is not for us now to stand up as long as tbe law remains against us. But you will ask whether if there be no danger to public order from legal proceedings there may not be from action by Congress. No; no more tbau from the action of the courts. Congress represents the people of the country, but does not march be? fore them; it expresses, but does not an? ticipate their will. Should.fraud con? nected with tbe electoral count appear so gross and palpable that you and all hon? orable men should unite in denouncing ! it, Congress might then take action. But if so, what Congress might do, being the result of the action of men of all J parties of the great body of the people, not of a party, would be effected quietly, certainly and without violence or distur? bance. In saying this I do not mean that I expect the investigation to be followed by either legal or Congressional action. What, if anything should be done because of the inquiry must depend upon the results of the inquiry. But I do mean that whatever action, if any, should follow the investigation, such ac? tion can neither disturb tbe order nor the prosperity of the country. This cry of wolf when there is no wolf, this effort to make it appear that there is danger to peace or order from this investigation, is a Republican pretense, like the "bloody shirt" justification of carpet-bag govern? ment ; like the "public danger" excuse advanced for the enforcement of Durell's infamous order and the protection of the returning board by bayonets; like the cry set up after the election to prevent any agitation and to secure submission. We must have a very sorry sort of popu? lar government if Congress cannot even inquire into frauds in the choice of the executive without endangering the peace and prosperity of the country. Wha' then, you ask, is the purpose of the investigation ? I answer, to ascertain facts, so that if frauds be established a repetition of such frauds may be preven? ted, and if not, to clear up the general belief throughout the country that there were such frauds. It is true that not every allegation of wrong is to be in? quired into by Congress, but when a large majority, of the people believe that the last Presidential election was secured by organized fraud, surely an inquiry to as? certain tbe facts ought to be had. The feeling amongst many Republicans after the election was that while we bad been cheated in tbe returns we had bull-dozed the negroes as badly, so that the accounts of wrong were about equal. This belief in the Dull-dozing of the negro was based mainly upon the fact that in cer? tain districts in the South which usually gave Republican majorities there was not returned a single Republican vote. Now, the people of the North have never understood that this condition of things was fraudulently prepared by the Repub? licans. They ought to understand that there never was} anything so dangerous to a free government as a returning board. A delegation of persons vested with dis? cretionary power to revise the votes cast become thus the body that elect. So long as they exercise their functions under the protection of the State alone the influence and indignation of the peo? ple will prevent them from any flagrant and enormous outrage. The public pres? sure will necessitate some excuse for sub? verting the choice of the people, some limitation upon the outrages'they do to the popular wish. But separate- them LEGAL ADVERTISING.--We are compelled te require cash payments for advertising ordered by Executor.!, Administrators and other fiduciaries and herewith, append-the rates for the ordinary notices, ?hieb will only be inserted when the money comes with the order: Cltstlona, two Insertions, ? $3.00 Estate Notices, three insertions, - - z.00 Final Settlements, five insertions - - 3.00 TO CORRESPONDENTS.?In order to reccire sttentlon, communications must be accompanied by the true name and address of the writer. Re jetted manuscripts will nnt be returned, unless tbe necessary stamps are furnished to repsy the postage thereon. 49* We are not responsible for tbe Tie-rsand opinions of our correspondents. All communications should be addressed to"Ed itors Intelligencer," and all checks, drafts, money orders, Ac, should be msde payable to the order Of E. B. MURRAY i CO., Anderson, S.C from the people by 3 cordon of Federal troops under the pretense of preserving order, surround them with Federal bayo? nets, and they cease to be responsible to any one but the national administration which protects them. There need then be no limit to, as there is longer no check upon, their abuses. To throw out the votes of one side and keep in the votes of the other without cause, to invent pretext for such wrongs, to accept after contrived protests and manufactured ob? jections as color for their action, to permit figures to be altered, returns to be forged, frauds to be perfected, and generally every means by which the will of the people may be frustrated and the popular voice stifled then becomes possible, and there may be thus a condition of things absolutely destructive of free government. We believe tbat it was by such proceed? ings we were cheated out of the election. Unless tbe proceedings be exposed, tbe outrage will be repeated. If an administration can defraud its opponents out of the results of an elec? tion at which they bad seventeen electo? ral and 300,000 popular majority, and no effort is made even to inquire into the wrong, there is nothing the next time to {?revent the same administration cheating heir opponents, even though the latter have forty electoral votes and a million popular majority. And thin will go on time after time until theoutrage becomes intolerable. Let us rather, as air. Jeffer? son said, "have a jealous care of the right of election by the people, and seek a safe and mild corrective for abuses which, where no peaceable remedy is provided, are lopped by the sword of revolution." It has been said tbat there was nothing more cowardly than $1,000,000, except $2,000,000. This is natural. But it is the mistake of capital to magnify the dangers on the surface and overlook those that lie below. Just now your capitalists are troubling themselves about the com? mune, and oppose the reduction of the army, which they would have kept up as a national police. And yet in no great country of tbe world is there so Tittle danger of communism as is this, for nowhere is property so generally distrib? uted. But capitalists stood by supinely when the army was used to protect re? turning boards in stifling the votes of States and frustrating the will of their people, and under the pretense of main? taining order to subvert the very princi? ple of free government. Believe me in this there was real danger. Governments . are based upon principle. The theory of this government is that tbe people of the States shall choose electors for them? selves, and tbat by tbe aggregate voice of such electors tbe national executive shall be selected. To let the party in power interfere by force of arms to protect a local board in falsifying tbe will of the localities is to subvert the theory of this government and lead surely to its de? struction. Whatever may result from tbe proposed investigation, you may be sure that nothing can result that will dis? turb either your flocks or your balances. The trouble to capital, property and free? dom will come, not perhaps in your time or mine, but come at last from refusing to inquire into frauds. To confront the. evil, if you may not right it, is to prevent its repetition. To shut your eyes to it supinely is to jeopard ana not to preserve the future peace, safety and prosperity of the country. Faithfully yours, Ci.ARKsoN N. Potter. Artificial Flowers Analyzed. At the meeting of the Board of Health yesterday, Dr. Elwyn Waller, the chem? ist to the board, presented a long report of bis investigation into tbe case of Ma? ry Ann Dougherty, tbe young girl whose death was reported to have been caused by the inhalation or absorption into the system of poison by handling artificial flowers colored with arseniate of copper. Dr. Waller found that artificial leaves are covered with a film of wax, to pre? vent the colors from rubbing and to im? part to tbe muslin of which they are composed the necessary stiffness. Sam plea of seven different styles of leaves were examined, with tbe following re? sult : Two of them contained conside? rable amounts of arsenic, no doubt in tbe form of Paris green (arseniate of copper); two others contained very slight traces of arsenic, and the other three were entirely free from it As the leaves are covered" with wax or paraffine no danger is to be apprehended for those working with the finished leaves. Dried grasses are colored and then tied in small bunches called "piquets," and the operatives then arrange them with arti? ficial leaves and flowers, in sprays, wreaths, &c., which are offered to custo? mers. The grass used in the piquets is known to botanists as tbe Brun media. In itself it has no poisonous properties. The coloring is effected by dipping the grass in solutions of picric acid (which is yellow) and of analine bice, tbe com? bination of tbe yellow and blue giving the grass a greenish tint. - An examina? tion of these coloring matters gave nega? tive results for arsenic. The other plant used for tbe piquet is botanically known as the Statice. It is recorded tbat many of the members of this family of grasses have very irritating properties, and are used by beggars in the south of Europe to produce ulcers on the skin, in order thereby to excite the pity of the charita? ble. Tbe piquets of this plant were found to be covered with a preparation containing much corbonate of lead, ap? plied apparently in a semi-pasty condi? tion. The piquets of boih kinds when shaken slightly gave off a dust consist? ing of or impregnated with tbe coloring matter used in their preparation. No arsenic was detected in them. The question of how far work with these ar? ticles is dangerous to the operatives turns chiefly on tbe dangers to be appre? hended from the use of picric acid. As the hands take up enough of the color? ing matter to carry it to the brows, if tbe operatives ate their noonday meals with unwashed bands, they might be exposed to tbe danger of poisoning as well as the risk of absorbing it through the skin and lungs. Picric acid is used as a medicine in many diseases, notably in intermittent fever, as a substitute for quinine. In large doses it is poisonous, and when death is caused by it it results from a stoppage of the action of the heart. As regards tbe fatal dose for a human being, no case of fatal poisoning by picric acid is yet on record. In conclu? sion, Dr. Waller recites tbe facts connec? ted with the death of-Miss Dougherty, and the result of the post mortem exami? nation, and says that he must leave it for one skilled in the practice of medi? cine to decide how far the occupation of the deceased contributed to her death.? N. Y. Times. _? ? Old postage stamps are highly prized in China, and a hundred cancelled stamps will buy a baby. Accordingly, tbe Roman Catholic missionaries are collecting the old stamps and purcha? sing the infanta, whom they bring up as Christians, while the ingenious Orientals arrange their treasures as wall decora? tions. _ For all diseases of the blood we do not know of any bolter remedy than Dr. Bull's Blood Mixture.