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BY E. B. MURRAY & CO. ANDERSON, S. 0., THURSDAY, JUNE 7, 1877. _VOL. XII-N0.47. SATES OF SUBSCRIPTION.?Two Dollars per annum, aud Ohk Dollar for six months. Subscriptions are not taken for a less period than six months. Literal deductions niadc to clubs of ten or ?nore subscribers. BATES OF ADVERTISING.?One Dollar per f qnare oi one Inch for the first insertion, and Fifty Centa per square for subsequent insertionsless than three, months. No advertisements counte less than a square. Liberal contracts will be made with those wishing to advertise for three, six or twelve months. Ad? vertising by contract must bo confined to the im? mediate business of the firm or individual contrac of ituary Notices exceeding five lines, Tributes of Respect, and all personal communications or matters Of individual interestvwm be charged for at advertising rates. Announcements of marriages and deaths, and notices of a religious character, are respectfully solicited, and wfil be inserted gratis 18 TO 7. Me. Editoe: The famous 8 to 7 of Electoral Comm issiou notoriety has passed into history as the synonym of fraud and corruption. The recent action of the House of Representatives of this State, in postponing action upon the usury law, is likely to render the figures placed at the head of this article equally the synonym of oppression to the poor. The question as to the right and proprie? ty of the Legislature passing a just and wholesome usury law is surely not now a debatable one. The past history of the legislation of our own State, together with that of all the other States in the Union, with scarcely an exception, is. a sufficient answer to that question.? Whether the rate of legal interest should be Axed at 5, 7,10, or more, is another and a different question. That question should be decided on the basis of a just and equitable return to the capitalist for the loan of his money, and.the ability of the laboring and business classes of the community to payv That there should be some legal restraint to the cupidity of the capitalist in this matter (and when we ose the word cupidity in this connec . tion, we do not mean that as a class they are more than other people; not at all, but it is ? principle of human nature to take all we can get) is a well established principle in political economy. That the borrower is servant to the. lender is a Bible truth. Hence, the lender, needs not any special protection of the law, because he is abundantly able to protect himself. If he does not like the rate of legal interest, whatever that may be, he is not obliged to lend his money at all. There are numerous other ways in which, he may invest his money with a promise of a Treasonable return. But from the nature of the ease the borrowers will al? ways be the most numerous and the" most dependent class. Whatever fine-spun theories we may weave to the contrary, as to the beauties of the cash system, the history of the world shows that the busi? ness interests of all political communities are. mainly propelled by the credit sys? tem. Hence, our legislators, if they wish (really to reinstate business prosperity all over the country, should direct their ef? forts mainly to the re-establishment of a sound and safe credit system. To do this successfully the rates of interest should be fixed at the lowest possible rate, in justice to the capitalist, and then all homestead and bankrupt laws should either be abolished or so modified as hot to continue as they are now, for the most part a species of legalized robbery and fraud. The sad history of all the indus? trial classes of bur country, since the repeal of, the old usury law in 1866, is a sufficient argument to any calm, dispas? sionate and reflecting mind why a whole? some usury law should have been prompt? ly adopted by the Legislature at its extra session. There is but one single class of the community, agricultural, manufac? turing or commercial, but are now suffer? ing under a prostration of business un? paralleled in the history of our State, and that is the capitalist. From a sale of bank etock at Anderson recently, the premiums paid for such stock showed conclusively that one inter? est at least of our community is in a prosperous condition. The high rates of interest which the bank has been ob? taining for the use of its credit, together with the excellent business tact of its management, has caused the stock to rapidly enhance in value. But we fear that its singularly prosperous condition at the present time is bnt a correct ther? mometer of a corresponding depression among all other classes. We do not claim that the exorbitant rates of inter? est which the merchant, the farmer and other classes of the community have had to pay for bank accommodations is the sole cause, but only one among many of the numerous causes that are driving the country to financial ruin and bank? ruptcy. The great difference which the merchant demanded for the corn on a credit to the widow lady, is only one among thousands of the disastrous effects of exorbitant rates of interest to the poorer and more depeudeut classes of our community. For the bank accommoda? tions necessary to enable the merchant to purchase the corn at all, he had to pay 18 per cent., and that in advance, re? newed every 60 or 90 days, which makes the interest compounded to him about four tim^'during the year. So that a prudent merchant would calculate the interest which pays at "about twenty-five per cent.; so thatTat $1.40*" per bushel for corn on a credit, he would only leave fifteen or twenty per cent, as a margin for all the risks of the transaction. Ob? serve that the laboring classes of the community, who are ever dependent on credit for the'purchase of the commonest necessaries of life, are thus obliged to pay the high rates of interest which the want of a usury law enables the capital? ist to demand for the use of his money. So that the high rates of interest which the merchant ostensibly pays comes ulti? mately out of the bard earnings of the laboring man. And as the merchants as a clasrctand at the head of all the trad? ing interests of the country, the exorbi? tant rates of interest which they have to pay ramifies and pervades every interest of society, to the detriment of the poor and dependent. As an offset to the case of the widow lady alluded to by "A," wo know of a case in an adjoining county where a man failed to obtain the money Necessary to pay his taxes, and the last day of grace was rapidly approaching, he actually agreed in a note of hand to pay at the rate of two per cent, a day for the loan of enough money to pay his taxes. On the other hand, we know of many men who, during all these years of high taxes and high rates of interest, have resolutely refused to make more than ten per cent., believing that the people generally could not afford to pay more, and he could well afford to take it. As a general rule the money holder is just as generous and just as charitable as the money borrower, and the same re? mark would hold equally true, doubtless, ?with reference to the stock-holders of a bank, but all corporations have but one object in view, and that is to make money; and as business men, it is to be expected that they are ready to take ad? vantage of any legislation favorable to their interests. And who blames them ? We do not certainly. But we do blame our legislators, custo? dians of the public interests, who are not to look at one single interest in the body politic, but to survey the whole ground, and legislate for the "greatest good to the greatest number." And, Mr. Editor, what is the most remarkable thing of all is,' that a bill for the restoration of the old usury law was promptly passed by a Radical Senate, and as promptly post? poned by a Democratic House. Take care, gentlemen, you are treading on dangerous ground. If you fail to realize and provide for the pressing demands of the people in their most vital interests, tekel will be written upon you at the next election, and you will be invited to step down and out, and make room for others more in sympathy with the people. But the Charleston Chamber of Com? merce, gathering all its powers and in? fluence, actually belabors the Legislature with the long-exploded theories of legis? lation?that it is better to have no usury law at all; that money would be cheap? er and plentier without it.- And this, too, in the face of the! sad experience of the people of this State for the last ten years. Although the rates of interest without the usury law have been just what the capitalist might please to ask? not what the country was able to pay? yet never in the history of the people of this State is money harder to get. And this same sort of Charleston influence besieged the Legislature of 1866 for the repeal of the usury law, as a temporary relief to the Commerce of the country; but give an inch and people will take an ell is as true in regard to Charlestoniaus as other people. It is about time that the Chamber of Commerce should be taught that Charleston is not the State, and that the State does not belong to Charleston. Nor do we believe that the Chamber of Commerce represents the true interests of the people of Charleston in this respect. Some of the leading business men of Charleston seem strange? ly oblivious to her true interests in other matters besides that of a just and whole? some usury law. For proof of this we would call attention to their persistent discriminations in way freights on rail? roads, when it is evident to everybody outside of Charleston that such a policy is driving trade away from her merchants that properly belong to them. No doubt the repeal of the usury law would work injury to some of the Charleston merchants. They are mere agents for New York firms, who are glad to furnish them money at five and six per cent., to be re-loaued to the poverty stricken people of their own State at twenty or twenty-five per cent. Othello's occupation wonld be gone. But instead there would spring up all over the State a sound and healthy basis of trade, founded upon low rates of interest and a modified homestead law, which would react upon the prosperity of the Queen City, and make her what she ought to be ?the entrepot for the trade of the State, and also of that of many portions of the adjoining States. Let our legislators, in financial legisla? tion, go back to the old system so long practiced in South Carolina, which made her credit equal to any State in the Un? ion, contract but few debts, and pay what she promises faithfully. All along through our days of prosperity we had a good usury law, the credit of our State and the credit of our people was untar? nished, and prosperity reigned through? out our borders. "Search for the old paths aud walk therein." T. H. R. In the Wkong Room.?Some ludi? crous mistakes are narrated about the occupants of the suites of rooms at the National Hotel, Washington, which opened upon little halls, uniform in ap? pearance, connected by long corridors, and which were all furnished alike. One night Senator Mangum, of North Caro? lina, then President pro tempore of the Senate, a dignified gentleman of the old school, had returned from a party, when Governor Upham, a Senator from Ver? mont, came in without ceremony and took a seat. The two chatted away on politics, &c., until the clock struck one. "Reallv, Governor Upham," said Man fum, "1 am always pleased to see you, but believe it is getting very late." "I have thought so for some time," replied Up? ham, but made no movement. The half hour sounded and Mangum remarked: "I thought, Governor Upham, that you .had decided to go to bed, Sir?" "So I had, Mr. President," answered the Ver monter, yet he did not budge. Mangum stared at him in amazement, and at last said: "But why don't you go to your room ? It will soon be 2 o'clock." "My room, Mr. President! Why this is my room, and I have been waiting for you to go away for two hours past." Mangum sprang to his feet, looked into the sleep? ing room adjacent, and found that he was in Upham's room instead of his own.? Philadelphia Press. Mind.?Mind your tongue! Don't let it speak hasty, cruel, untruthful, or wick? ed words. Mind your eyes! Don't permit them to look on wicked books, pictures or ob? jects. Mind your ears! Don't suffer them to listen "to wicked speeches, songs, or words. Mind your lips ! Don't let strong drink pass them. Don't let tobacco pollute them. Don't let the food of a glutton enter between them. Mind your hands! Don't let them steal or fight, or write any wicked words. Mind your feet! Don't let them walk in the steps of the wicked. Miud your heart! Don't let the love of sin dwell in it. Don't give it to Satan, but ask Jesus to make it his throne.? Youth's Companion. Remarks of lite Hoii. M. W. Gary on the Appropriation Bill. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Senate : The line of action that I have endeavored to pursue as a member of the Democratic party, has teen first to secure the political redemption of the State, through the policy of "straigblout Democracy," and thereby to get control of the executive, the legislative and ju [ dicial departments of the government. There is no doubt that we have the ex? ecutive, and with the casting vote of the President of the Senate, we now have complete control of Ge legislative de? partment of the government. I did my best to secure the control of the judicial department, but we were defeated by our vote in caucus, and the high position of Chief Justice was conferred by a Dem? ocratic General Assembly upon one who for four years was armed against us, and one who after the "long roll" had ceased to beat, persecuted our citizens by ar? rests and imprisonments, some of whom died of his cruel and cowardly treatment. This office was given to a "carpet-bag? ger," who was an avowed member of the Republican party, by members who were elected upon a "straightout" platform; and this election was carried over the claims of such sons of the State as the Hon. A. P. Aldrich, who fell in his ju? dicial career under the shadow of the sword, in a time of peace. Those who instigated and perpetrated the act imita? ting the redoubtable Falstaff, who stabbed . the dead bodies of his enemies after the battle was over. He was chosen over the Hon. W. D. Porter, who for years has stood the foremost member of the Charles? ton bar. Over the gal'tint General Mc Gowan, who was wounded five times du? ring the late war, and who was the second choice of the Democratic caucus which nominated the present Chief Jus? tice. The merits of that knightly and chiv? alrous soldier and gentleman, General J. B. Kershaw, were made to play the part of "a bad third" in this most remarkable race. He was chosen over the popular and gifted Mclver, who was subsequent? ly elected as an Associa. 3 Justice, as an antidote to the infectious Chief Justice. The modest worth of the accomplished, the pure, honest and profound jurist. Colonel Carlos Tracy, was also ignored by this grand rally und jr ths flag of the carpet-bagger from New York. My next objective point has been and will be to relieve this State from her fraudulent debt, created by the Republi? can party, and to relieve our citizens from the payment of burdensome taxa? tion, which has in the past amounted to a confiscation of their ruined and deso? late homes under the plan of levying a tax to support the government and to Eay the interest on tho public debt. I ave been informed, within the last ten days, by Mr. T. Gaston, the Sheriff of Edgefield County, that there are about 2,000 tax executions in his office, for past due taxes, being about two-fifths of our entire voting population. I propose, in order to arrive at an en? lightened judgment in regard to the debt of the State, to inquire what it was -un? der the administration of Governor James L. Orr, prior to July I, 1868. At that time it amounted to $4,438,058.98, inclu? ding principal and interest. The con? tingent liability of the, State was $2,187, 608.20, which was seenred by joint mort? gages and other liens sufficient to protect the State from loss. According to the Treasurer's report of October 31, 1871, the aggregate amount of the public debt was $15,851,327.35, upon all of which there was interest pas!, due and unpaid. In the short space of about three years and four months, the debt of this State was increased by the enormous amount of $11,412,308.37. Of ihis amount it has been agaiu and again conceded by the most unblushing of their party, that $7; 191,700 was a fraudulent debt of this State. It was admitted in the act enti? tled "An act to reduce the volume of the public debt, and provide for the payment of the same," passed December 22, 1873, that $5,965,000 of bonds, known as con? version bonds, issued under the act for the conversion of stocks and bonds, passed March 23, A. D. 1869, were put npon the market without any authority of law, and were, therefore, absolutely null and void. We next come to the consideration of those bonds that have been funded , or that are proposed to bo funded under the act of 22d December, 1873, and to ascer? tain what proportion cf them are fraud? ulent, and have been issued in violation of the letter and spirit of the laws of the General Assembly aud of the constitu? tion of this State. The act of August 26, 1868, authoriz? ing the issue of bonds to the amount of $500,000; also the act of 26th of August, 1868, authorizing the issue of bonds to the amount of $1,250,000, and those is? sued under/act of February 17, 1869, to the amount of $899,000?these bonds amounting in the aggregate to $2,649,000 ?are all invalid, because it is expressly provided that these bonds should be sold at the highest market price by the Fi? nancial Agent of the State in the city of New York, and not less than for a sum ' to be fixed by the Governor, Attorney General and the Treasurer." They were disposed of without compliance with the above directions of the law. They were, in facl;, hypothecated without the discre? tion of the board, and the sale of all was effected without reference to any rate fixed by the board. The Supreme Court in the case of Morton, Bliss & Co. vs. S. L. H?ge, Comptroller General, (4 Rich., New Se? ries, page 430,) refused to allow the At? torney General, who represented the State, to introduce testimony to estab? lish the above facts. It is admitted that the act passed on March 13, 1872, enti? tled "An act relating to the bonds of the State of South Carolina," commonly called the "validating act," was not passed by a vote even of two-thirds of the members present, the President of the Senate deciding in the teeth of article 9, section 7, of the constitution, that it was not necessary. (See Senate Journal for 1871 and 1872.) But^RUch ruling cannot abrogate the provisions of the constitution. As to the acts of March 27,1869, which authorized the issue of $200,000 of bonds, and the act of March 1, 1870, for $500, 000 of bonds, they are unconstitutional, and, therefore, null and void for the fol? lowing reasons: 1. Ti*at in each the pur? pose to contract a public debt is not ex? pressed iu the title as any part of the subject. 2. That each relates to more than one subject matter, iu utter viola? tion of article 2, section 20, which reads as follows: "Every act or resolution having the force of law shall relate to but one subject, and that shall be ex? pressed in the title." As to the act of February 17, 1869, of March 27, 1869, and of March 1, 1870, they are each unconstitutional, and there? fore null and void, because they were passed without the requisite number of votes, to-wit: "two-thirds of the members of each branch of the General Assembly." (Article 9, section 7.) Now if we add the amounts of $200,000 issued March 27, 1869, and $500,000 is? sued March 1, 1870, they make $700,000, which amount added to the $2,649, 000 it aggregates 3,349,000 of bonds issued in violation of . the law and the constitution, and they are therefore fraudulent, null and void. We have previously shown that on the 31st of October 1871, the debt that had been added by the Republican party amounted to $11,412,368.87. It also ap? pears in the act of December 22, 1873, that $5,965,000 was fraudulent. In addi? tion to this amount I have just attempted to demonstrate that there was $3,349,000 additional bonded debt that was also fraudulent, so the aggregate fraudulent debt amounts to $9,314,000; subtract this from the $11,412,368.37, it will leave $2, 098,368.37. This then is the true amount that should be funded or fundable under the act of December 22, 1873, which at 50 cents on the dollar amounts to $1,049, 184.18 the amount that the State owes on the iudebtedness created by the Republi? can party, and if to this you will add one half of $4,438,958.98, which is the amount of the ante bellum debt, it will leave $2, 219,479.49; if to this you will add the amount of the Republican portion of the public debt which is $1,049,184.18, it will give us the true amount of the public debt of this State, which will be $3,26?, 663.67, the interest being omitted on both amounts. Now this is a fair and legal statement of the public debt of this State made by applying the provisions of acts of the General Assembly and the constitution of the State, to the facts that are involved in the estimate of tbe pub? lic debt. Again if you will take the figures of tha Republican party as set forth in the report of the case of Morton, Bliss & Co. vs. S. L. H?ge, Comptroller General of the State, which fraudulent debt was fixed at $7,191,708. If we add to this $3,349,000 it will amount to $10,549,700. If we subtract this amount from $11,412, 368.37, it will leave $871,668.37. If you settle this at 50 cents in the dollar, ac? cording to the act of 22d December, 1873, it will be $435,834.18. This, then, is the true amount of the debt that we owe, that was created by the Republican par? ty. If to this we add the true amount that We owe of the ante bellum debt, which is $2,219,479.49, it gives the cor? rect amount of the debt of tbe State, to wit:. $2,665,313.67. The parties to whom this debt is payable can readily be ascer? tained by reference to the registry kept by the Treasurer in accordance with ar? ticle 9, section" 14, of the constitution of this State. The consolidated debt of tbe State is represented by those who do not desire to look behind what has been done by the Republican party as follows: Con? solidated debt, $4;396,290.44; not consol? idated, $4,367,519.62. This when consol dated according to the act of 22d Of De? cember, 1873, would be $2,183,759.81. To this if you will add the amount of past due interest on the debt consolidated and to be consolidated, which amounts to $371,025.84, it will give their statement of the public debt, to-wit: $6,951,076.09. Now, if you will subtract what I have ascertained to be the public debt, to-wit: $2,665,313.67 from the above amount of $6,951,076.09, it will leave a difference in favor of my statement of $4,285,762.42, which will make a big difference with the purses of the poor tax payers of this State, ? y ' 1 will next review some of the argu? ments advanced by those who are un? willing to look behind the debt that the act of 22d December, 1873, has and will establish, and who are. in favor of the levying in the fifth section of the bill of a tax sufficient to pay the interest due upon this.debt. Those who are not of the legal profes? sion are under the erroneous impression that the State can be compelled to pay the public debt by tbe ordinary process of the law; but such is not the fact. The Slate cannot be sued. For a breach of con? tract on the part of the State there is no legal remedy; but there is a remedy for a breach of contract between individuals. The very essence of the obligation is the legal remedy for the enforcement of it. The reason of the difference is given in the case of Morton, Bliss & Co. vs. S. L. H?ge,'Comptroller General, and is as follows: "That a suit pre-supposes the submission of a controversy between two or more to a third party, independent of both, and, therefore, capable of dealing with the question in a judicial spirit with judicial authority. When a sove? reign State violates its contract, no such independent source of authority can be appealed to, for the fact of sovereignty in the State precludes the possibility of its existence." It is, then, clear that a State cannot for a violation of its obliga? tion become -the subject of coercive process to compel it to meet its just in? debtedness. The creditor must, then, rely solely upon tbe honor and moral principle of her citizens and the sound policy of her statesmen. The action of the General Assembly is, therefore, final and absolute. If they refuse to levy, a tax sufficient to pay the principal or in? terest, there is no remedy to compel them to do so. They are at once the judges of the law and facts, and from their decision there is no appeal, except to the people, who are source of all pow? er in a republican government. The second argument that has been relied upon by those who favor the fifth section of the bill is that the Democratic party was pledged to abide by the adjustment of the public debt by the act of December 22,1873, commonly called the "Consolidating Act," and to establish this they quote a resolution adopted by the State Democratic Executive Commit? tee on the 4th of October, 1876, which reads as follows: Resolved, That the State debt having been practically adjusted by the consoli? dation act of December 22, 1873, and most of the creditors having come in un? der that act, we consider the adjustment as final, and pledge the party to abide by it. In my comments upon the action of the members of the State Democratic Executive Committee, I wish to say that I know them well, and some of them I regard as my personal friends, and I be? lieve them to be high-toned, honest, patriotic and good citizens. I, therefore, in advance, disclaim anything of a per? sonal character in what I am about to say in reference to them as members of this committee. Now let us look at the mode and manner of the organization of this committee. Every other Executive Committee had been elected by the members of the Democratic Convention, and consisted of about fifteen members. This was formed by a resolution of the convention giving the right to elect to the president of the convention and the candidates who had been nominated for the State offices. They met and threw overboard every member of the then Executive Committee except Colonel Haskell and Colonel Fraser, and reduced the number to seven members. Now, it is n well-established maxim of the law that protutas delegatd non protest delegari. Therefore, the election or re-election of this committee of seven members was in violation of the established precedents of Democratic conventions and the law of the land. The powers of the Executive Committee are next to be considered. The platform of the Democratic party was referred to a committee composed of one member from each county, and after a careful consideration they reported a written platform, upon which the cam? paign was to be conducted. The cus? tomary duties of the Executive Commit? tee had been to appoint the time, place and persons who were to address the masses in behalf of the Democracy; to invite speakers to assist in the campaign, both from within and from without the State; to distribute political pamphlets; to inform the Commissioners and Mana? gers of Elections throughout the State of their duties; to collect money to defray the expenses of the committee; to have the ballots printed and distributed?in fine, to conduct the entire campaign. But they had no right or power to change the.platform either by adding to it or taking from it. It was their compass to guide them in the campaign. The adop? tion of the above resolution was, there? fore, a usurpation of authority not given to them, and was the addition of an im? portant plank to the platform, and was not binding upon any member of the Democratic party except the members of the Executive Committee. Under this assumed authority, this same Executive Committee pledged or attempted to pledge, the Democratic party to support an amendment to the State constitutiou. This amendment reads as follows,: That sectiou 5 of article 10 be amended as follows, to-wit: "The boards of County Commissioners of the several counties shall levy an annual tax of not less than two mills on the dollar of all taxable property in their respective counties, which levy shall not be in? creased, unless by special enactment of I the General Assembly, for the support of the public schools in their respective ! counties, which tax shall be collected at the same time and by the same officers I as the other taxes for the snrtie year, and shall be held in the treasuries of their respective counties, and paid out exclu? sively for the public schools, as provided by law. There shall be assessed on all taxable polls in the State au annual tax of one dollar oh each poll, the proceeds of which tax shall be applied solely to educational purposes: Provided, That no person shall ever.be deprived of the right of suffrage for the non-paymeut of such ! tax. No other poll or capitation tax shall be levied in this State; nor shall the amount assessed on each poll exceed the limit given in this section. The school tax shall be distributed among the several school districts of the counties in proportion to the respective number of pupils attending the public schools. No religious sect or sects shall have exclu I sive right to or control of any part.of the school funds of the State, nor shall sec? tarian principles be taught in the public schools." This amendment was passed by.the Senate at this session of the Gen? eral Assembly. If it should become a fmrt of the constitution, and the fax be evied to pay the public debt, as ascer? tained under the consolidation act of December 22, 1873, what will be its 1 effect upon the tax payers of this State. The last election returns show that we have over 180,000 voters. In this State the capitation tax is levied upon all per? sons between twenty-one and fifty years of age. The amount of capitation tax will be about $150,000. The amount of taxable property for the year 1876, as appears from the report of the Comp? troller General, is $133,132,638, Now, a tax of two mills upon this amount will ?ive $266,265.27. Now, this added to the ?150,000, will give us an annual tax un? der the constitution, of $376,265.27, to be used exclusively for educational purposes. If to this you add the proposed levy of $270,000 to pay the interest upon the public debt, as ascertained by the Re? publican party, and in accordance with the resolution. of the 4th of October, 1876, adopting the public debt of the Republican party, it will give you the annual tax of $646,265.27. This tax is E1 roposed to be fastened upon the people y the modest action of the seven gen? tlemen of the State Democratic Execu? tive Committee, in utter disregard of the wishes of 91,000 democratic voters. But if to this amount you add the sum of $143,100, levied to pay the salaries of the executive and judicial officers of the State, also the sum of $101,300, levied for the support and maintenance of the penal, charitable and educational insti? tutions of the State, exclusive of common schools, and the sum of $10,000 for the printing of the General Assembly, these several amounts aggregating $244,410, which, added .to the $646,265.27, will give us $890,675.27* as ;the tax to be levied under the present bill; and if to this we add the sum of $81,400 for the pay of the members of the General Assembly and the salaries of its subordinate officers and employees, we will have the amount of taxes proposed to be levied by the members of this General Assembly, all of which amounts to the enormous sum of $972,075.27, to be levied upon a tax? able property of $133,132,638. Now, be? fore the war, the taxable property of this State amounted to $532,530,552, it being four times the present amount. The ex? penses of the government before the war averaged about $450,000. The proposed levy is more than twice the amount, it being in excess of the ante bellum ex Jcnscs by the sum of $522,075.27, and, as have shown, with only one-fourth of the taxable property upon which to raise this amount, and with a financial pres? sure that has been without precedent, and upon a people overcome and ruined by war and persecuted by^njust, unlaw? ful and corrupt legislation for the last ten years; and still the poisoned chalice of corrupt taxation is to be tendered to their lips, and that, too, by the action of Democratic representatives. I trust the General Assembly will pause before they consummate this great wrong upon the honest, struggling people of this State. Those who favor the levying a tax of $270,000 to pay the interest on the public debt claim that it is the pet measure of the administration. This is a new term as applied to the government of South Carolina. The State officers were all elected on the same general ticket on which the Governor and the members of the General Assembly were elected, and we owe our election to the people. It is j different with the members of the Cabi? net of the President of the United States. He chooses his Cabinet, and they are confirmed or rejected by the United States Senate, and they are properly the officers of the administration. Again, you hear them assert that Gov. Hampton is favoring this measure, and that, too, in the face of his inaugural message. I shall quote from his message to disprove this reckless assertion. "The suspicions which attach to a por-. tion of the outstanding obligations of the State, and which, to a greater or less ex? tent, affect the value of all, render it imperative that these obligations, wheth? er funded or not, should be strictly scru? tinized with a view of ascertaining which are valid and which are not. Tliis should be a condition precedent to tlic payment of intercst on any of the outstanding obliga? tions; of the State, whether in tho shape of bonds or otherwise, and also to the further funding of any of the State in ' debtedness into the consolidated bonds authorized to be issued under the act of 1873 to reduce the volume of the public debt." (Message No. 1, page 3.) Can. : language be more explicit aud terms more convincing than those contained iu the suggestions of the Governor to: the General Assembly ? Those who favored the election of Willard to the office of Chief Justice secured his election by assuring the mem? bers of the General Assembly that he was the choice of the Governor. If they were the staunch supporters of the Gov? ernor as to men, why do they oppose him as to the greatest and most absorbing measure that now agitates the minds of the tax payers of this State?' I opposed him as to Willard because I believed that the bondholders desired Jhis eleva? tion to this high position in the interest of the "bond ring." His presence there would serve as a basis to form the Su? preme Court in the interest of the fraud? ulent bondholders of the State. If this was their intention, sr. far we have de? feated them. But why this indecent haste to recog? nize the consolidated bond debt of the State by fie passage of a resolution be? fore the complete organization of the General Assembiy, adopted by the House of Representatives on December 24, 1876, as follows: "That in order to a correct understanding of our ?bjects and purposes by all the people, iu is proper that we should, and we hereby do reit? erate in good faith our pledge to redeem, at the earliest practical moment, the credit of the Stale by the payment of the matured interest on the valid, legal and recognized bonded indebtedness of the State, as now provided for by law." Was this resolution passed in the interest of the tax payers, whose trusted servants we are, or was it proposed and engineered through a body of inexperienced legisla? tors unwittingly iu the interest of the bondholders or the bond speculators, and 'are those who now press the passage of this enormous tax bill legislating for the tax payer or for the . bondholder and bond speculator? Those elegant, smooth-; mannered, oily-tongued bondholders, bond speculators, bankers and members of tbe financial boards have produced a magical influence upon the law makers of this General Assembly. The supporters of this bill, with loud? mouth pretensions to exceptional hones? ty, prate of thier fair fame atid credit of the St: j. Do they not know that the Republican party, in article 9, section 16, have repudiated a portion of the pub? lic debt, which is as follows: "JSb debt, contracted by this State in behalf of the late rebellion, iu whole or in part, shall ever be paid?" The amount of bonds and stocks that have been rendered in? valid by this clause of the constitution, issued for the military defense of the State, amounted to $2,241,840.00: They were held by our own citizens. The act of22d December, 1873, also repudiated one-half of the public debt, which was $6,951,078.09; also, in the same act $5, 965,000; making in the aggregate the amount repudiated under the terms of the constitution and acts of the General Assembly $15,157,916. These gentlemen who are guarding so jealously the fair fame and credit of the State will have to go back and pay this repudiated debt if they wish to be considered consistent in their Quixotic schemes of public honesty. The question naturally arises, have we any credit, and what is "wie condition of our treasury ? ' Governor Hampton in his message says, "the first, as it is the most important, subject to which your attention is invited is that of the finan? cial condition of the State. It is need? less for me to say that this condition is deplorable, for it shows by our empty treasury and a ruined credit ; by stagna? tion in commercial circles and depression ? in agricultural enterprises; by public and personal poverty as wide-spread as lamentable." If we have to re-establish our credit, how can we do it better than an energetic inquiry into the validity of the bonds that have been issued, separating those that have been issued under the forms and sanction of the law from the illegal and fraudulent. We are asked to do in our legislative capacity what we would not do in our individual transactions?to pay accounts, notes and bonds that are tainted with fraud without so much as an investigation. Our people are poverty stricken, and it is only necessary to levy a tax sufficient to keep the government going, and that amount is easily ascer? tained. 1. For the salaries of the executive and judicial officers of the Slate, $148, 100. 2. For the support and maintenance of tho penal, charitable and educational in? stitutions of the State, exclusive of com? mon schools, $101,300. 3. For public printing for the two houses of the General Assembly, $10,000. 4. For the pay of the members of the General Assembly, $81,000; making in the aggregate the sura of $335,400. I have left out of this estimate the tax of one dollar on each poll, which ? ought to realize, if rigidly carried ont, $150,000 for the use of the common school system. All of said amounts aggregating the sum of $485,400?a little above what was the tax levy before the war. Let not a single dollar be added to this amount, for fear you may drive a proud, brave and honest people into the last resort of universal re? pudiation. How the Farmer Must Manage.? When out of debt, a farmer can, on a tight pinch, support his family on a very, small income. His cows, pigs and fowls, with the breadstuff's he can grow without any hired help, will supply him with food. Then, l)y keeping from fifty to one hundred hens.'he can buy his groce? ries with the surplus eggs; and with a few pigs fattened, a few calves, a little surplus grain, he can clothe his family, and thus avoid mortgaging his farm?the death-knell, iu most cases, of a farmer's prosperity and peace of mind." Every farmer who finds it hard work to "make both ends meet," and has girls and boys growing up, should have a patch of straw? berries, raspberries, or ot other small fruits, for tbe children to weed and pick, and also to sell in the village, if it is not far off. Let the rising generation among farmers be utilized by being thus em? ployed at times in some profitable and pleasant work. Strawberries often yield one hundred bushels per acre, or 3,200 quarts, worth anywhere from ten to twen? ty cents a quart; and many a farmer has cleared, with the help of his children, $100 on a quarter of an acre. The Wil? son, Charles Downing, Green, Prolific, Kentucky, Champion, Monarch of the West, Seth Boyden, and Jucunds, are among the most popular varieties. Fodder Peas.?Says a practical far? mer : I have for years kept fatter cows and had more milk and butter, and for less. money, than anybody I know of. First?I sow peas broadcast, three pecks or a bushel per acre, in the month of May, harrowing them In after breaking them in well; then, in September, I pufi them up just when a few begin to dry, and make hay out of the vines and peas. I get from 4,000 to 5,000 pounds per acre of hay, that is eaten by cattle ana horses as eagerly as if it were the best clover. Pulling up is far preferable to mowing,, as cattle seem to love the roots better than the tops, and it is said to be more nutritious. No manuring is necessary, and one acre in sowed peas is worth Six of fodder. Thoughts or tho Month. SIDE CROPS?C0W-PEA8 AND OATS. . Rtiii :-.- ? ;i ? ? ti-}.i/'*) Sfj - ?': Whilst the main summer crops are all fairly under way, there are some, which on Southern farms are usually regarded as secondary or side crops, that may still be started with very great advantage. Foremost among these, is the; cow-pea, which may be planted now in the stubble fields from which grain has been har? vested. If the soil is strong and hay is desired, sow broad-cast, .1$ bushels-seed per acre. If the soil is poor or seed the object, sow in drills, dropping 6 to 10 seeds in a hill. Care must be taken not to cover very deep, as the pea cannot force its way up through much thickness of earth. One hoeing, and. one. or per? haps two ploughings, may be required to make the crop-^-ample return for which is made in the improvement of the land, even in cases where no part of the crop is gathered or consumed on the ground by stock. For years past we have been laboring to get the oat crop of the South enlarged, pressing it upon the attention of our readers in season and out of season ?we are anxious to do the same for the pea crop. Most farmers are satisfied if they plant peas in their corn-fields, and let their stock gather them. So far very good, but the pea crop is entitled to more than that?it should take rank along with oats as a relief to the corn crib, partly taking the place of corn as feed for work stock. Animals, like men, are greatly benefitted by variety of diet, and when at hard work a partial ration of peas will be found as valuable to them as beans to the laboring man. We write not from theoretical considerations ' merely, but from actual trials, having seen horses and mules kept in most excellent condi? tion on peas as their principal food. It is moreover a very cheap crop?the cost of-cultivation much less than that, of corn, and by cutting the vines with mow? ing blades ^instead of picking the pods, the harvesting .becomes very light. Like oats it furnishes both long forage and grain, and the unconsumed parts of the stems passing into the litter of the stables, make most admirable manure. A; pea and oat crop could follow each other for a long period in the same field, and with' decided benefit to the land;' The peal may be planted after the oats are harr vested, and the next crop of: oats sown at the .last ploughing of the peas, &c. , Old sedge fields planted now in peas will make fair crops, which can be followed advantageously by oats, as suggested above. It will be observed that in this arrangement, the ploughing in of the oats is entirely saved,.and that crop costs nothing but the seed, the sowing of the same and the harvesting. The peas-will pay for their, own cultivation, in the forage they produce, at the same time that they ennch the land, and when fol? lowed by oats, the cultivation of the pea virtually makes the oat crop, a Is there any excuse for a farmer who. is short of stock feed ? The above crops are recom? mended for restoring the poor, "thrown' out" spots on the farm, which are too poor to pay for the cultivation of corn and cotton?start now'and run them for a number of years in peas,'and oats, fol? io wing each other. GERMAN MILLET. Another side crop, which it is not yet too late to plant, is "German," or as it is sometimes called "Golden" millet. It is growing rapidly, in favor with all ,who have tried it. A geutleman recently in? formed us that, being short of corn last summer, he fed his mules on this millet ?which had. been, cut when the seed were^in "milk"?without giving them grain or other feed of any 'kind, and they worked as well and kept in as good,order; as when fed with the usual ration of corn and fodder. As droughts may soon, occur, it would be well to select for the millet, a spot of ground rather disposed to be aamp-T-hotwel bottoms, however? they are not suited to it?bring it by re? peated ploughings and harrowings into the finest tilth, just as you would a tur? nip patch, manure heavily?killed cotton seed, or the meal are excellent^-and sow the seed in shallow drills 2} to 8 feet apart?J bushel is enough for an acre. When up cultivate with sweep, and cut and cure when the seed are in milk." CORN FODDER,. Plantings for Corn Fodder may still be made, but to guard against drought, the land should be very deeply broken and brought into very fine condition, and about two bushels of seed per acre, j sown in drills 3 feet apart. . Good cultivation is essential to a good crop, and so is heavy manuring?well-rotted stable ma nure (not fresh), killed or crushed cotton seed, or cotton seed meal are suited to it. Cut when the ears are forming?it does not acquire its full sweetness and "body" till that stage of growth. Peas and Sorghum.?Another very ex-; ccllent forage combination crop, is peas and sorghum, sown broadcast together. A half oushei of sorghum seed, and one bushel peas per acre, on good land, will make a very large amount of most ex? cellent forage. The upright stems of sorghum hold the peas up and renders the cutting easy. SWEET POTATOES. Sweet potato slips may be put out during the whole of this, month?the early varieties through July also/ To? wards the end of June plantings may be made of the vines of those first put out; if they have made growth. Have the land bedded, run a snallow furrow on top of bed, place two or three vines side by side all along the furrow, and. with a hoe cover at such intervals as to leave, a small portion of the vines. uncovered as far from each other as hills of potatoes usually are. If the weather is not too' dry, they will soon take root and grow, and the potatoes produced from them.are the best. to keep through the wmter. Stubble fields are well suited to these late' potatoes. Potatoes need little working?: just sufficient to keep out grass and weeds and so much loosening of the middles with the plough as to render a drawing up or hilling of the plants ^easy Tt'is' important that in doing this, the vines be not covered, as they strike Toot very easily, and will expend their energies in developing small potatoes through the middles. For the same reason the vines should be loosened up from the ground, after heavy rains all through the season. LAST WORKING OF CORN. If corn has been well worked, no large weeds and grass will be in the field,- and the laying by is simple and easy. A light, thorough surface-pulverizing plough? ing is all that is needed. If the field is foul (especially if bottom' land,) much hoeing will be necessary?a thing which should never happen on a well-conducted farm unless excessive rains interfere with ploughing. It is extremely important that this last ploughing should beshallmo, so as not to cut the "brace" or"eovtfk. roots which have now clustred around the base of the stalk. These roots seem to play a very important part in the economy of the plant?the "bracing" is doubtless a very secondary; consideration. They penetrate deep into; the ground, something like the tap-roots of other plants, and send forth numerous com Saratively short fibrous roots in every irection. One of their functions: ob? viously, is to absorb the moisture which LEGAL AD VEETZSZNG/?'We are compelled to require cash payments for advertising ordered by Executors, Administrators and other fiduciaries and herewith append the rates for the ordinary notices, which* will only beMnsertcd when tbe money comes with the order: Citations, two insertions, - $3.00 Estate Notices, three Insertion?,,-- ? - 2,00 Final Settlements, five insertions - . - 3.CO TO CORRESPONDENTS.?la. order lo receire attention, communications must be accompanied by the true name and address of tbe writer. Be* jected manuscripts will not be returned, unless the necessary stamps are furnished to repay the postage thereon. . . We are sot responsible for the views and opinions of our correspondents.,. All communications should be addressed to "Ed? itors Intelligencer," and all checks, drafts, money orders, Ac, should be made payable to the order of E. B. MURRAY & CO., ? _Anderson, S. C. is collected by the leaves during heavy dews and light rains, and which, descend? ing down the stalk, sinks into the. earth immediately around its base. This water is usually quite strongly impregnated with ammonia, a favorite food of the corn plant. These numerous absorbers, make the manuring of corn in the hill so gen? erally successful. It is good practice to sow peas in the corn field at the last I ploughing. We havef'seen recently an account of some experiments made to test the question of how much the corn crop* is cut off by the presence of the peas ?-the difference in yield of two portions, one with peas the other not, was scarcely appreciable?the pea crop and the fer? tilizing of the land was shown to be al? most a clear gain. Where the seasons are at all short, early varieties of peas should be sown in the corn, as they cannot make much headway till the fodder is pulled. COTTON. Push cotton by frequent ploughings, and give it so much hoeing as may be necessary to keep it perfectly clean. June is the month for cotton, to make weed?after that we wish it to make fruit ?and frequent ploughings hasten rapid growth. After fruiting begins, the ploughings should be at longer intervals. Bring to a final stand as soon as possible. What that should be, depends on many circumstances?nature or land, of season, of depth of soil, amount of manuring, &c, &c. On good fertile clay soils in this vicinity, well-prepared and manured, good distance?giving each plant an op? portunity to expand and develop itself fully?we find produces the best' results. ?Southern Cultivator for June. The Fence Law. Section 1. That upon the written ap? plication of 60 of the tax-payers of any township in any county of this State, who may desire to substitute the fencing of stock, in lieu of fencing the fields, it shall be the duty of the Commissioners of said county to order an election in said township between the 10th and 20th of August, or the 10th and 20th of De? cember in any yearj 60 days' notice thereof being given iiTpne or moire of the newspapers published in said county, specifying the time and place or purpose of such-election, and the form of ballot to be used at such election, and to ap? point three managers of election, who shall, without compensation,: hold and conduct said election, and immediately upon the close thereof make return to the Commissioners of tbe 'county, who shall declare and publish the result of said election in one or more of the news? papers published in said county ; and if a majority of the qualified electors of said township voting at said, election shall have-yoted for the adoption of this ?act,'then the same shall be and become of force in said township, on the 1st day . of January hext - su cceeding - such elec? tion, and from and after that date, all laws now existing in regard to the erec? tion and' maintenance of fences in said township shall be null and void ; and it shall not be lawful for the owner or man? ager of any . horse, mule,, ass, gennet, swine, sheep, goat, or neat cattle of any description to permit the said animals, or any ?f them", to run at large beyond the limits of their own lands in said ?township. Sec. 2. That upon the. written-applica? tion of 50 tax-payere in__each township in any county in the State, it shall be the duty of the Commissioners of the county for said county to order an election to be held in each, township in the county on the same day, in the , manner and under the regulations of the foregoing section; and If a majority of the townships in said county snail adopt this act, then the same shall be of force in said county on the 1st day of January next -succeeding said election, and all the provisions of ,this act, applicable to townships, shall apply to the county; but if a majority of the townships; shall not. adopt the act, then the same, shall be of force in the townships in which the same shall be adopted by a majority of the votes cast at said election in said township; . Sec. 3. If any of the animals enumera? ted in the foregoing section shall hereaf? ter be found at large, or upon the lands i of any person other than the said owner, in said township, the manager or owner of said animals shall, if he be a citizen of said township, be liable for all. damage done by the said , animals to the. owners of the crops or the lands upon which they trespass. . Sec. 4. In case of trespass, as aforesaid, the aggrieved party may make complaint to a trial'justice, or justice of the peace, of the county in which the trespass was committed, j who shall issue. his- warrant immediately, returnable within five days from the date thereof, and at the time and place named in the warrant the case will be tried, and the amount of damages sustained by. the complaint be ascertained, and judgment given for the same, with legal costs, as in the case of other war? rants. - Sec. 5; Whenever any' township, or county shall adopt the act, and it shall become necessary to protect the lands in said township or county from'the incur? sion of stock or cattle from any adjoining township or county, the Commissioners of the county are authorized to erect fences along such lines of the township or county as are exposed to such incur? sions, and for that purpose to enter upon the lands of any person in said township or the adjoining township or county, and to erect such fence thereon, without being guilty of any "trespass whatever. And the said Commissioners shall have power and authority to construct fences across any public, or private road. Provided, That proper gates are established on such public or private roads; and to levy and collect a tax upon the real property of said township or county to defray the expenses of erecting and maintaining said fences, said tax to be collected at the. same time and in the same manner as other State and county taxes are levied -and collected. And the County Com? missioners are authorized and empowered to make such arrangements with the owners of property contiguous to and on either side or the township or county lines as may accomplish the object of protecting the county or township from the incursion of cattle or stock. Sec. 6. The laws now of force in re? gard to the erection and maintenance of fences shall apply to any'fence erected in pursuance of the foregoing section; and all persons disturbing or injuring said fences shall be punishable as provi? ded in said laws: and all cattle breaking said fences shall be dealt with as provided in said laws. ? ? ? ; ? Sec 7. It shall be the duty of any per? son or persons driving, stock, such as cat? tle, horses, mules, sheep, or hogs, through the 'public' roads of any county, to so herd and drive the -same that they shall not be allowed to enter upon or work in? jury to the lands or crops of the citizens of said county. Sec. 8. It shall be the duty of each and every employer in any county or town? ship which shall adopt the provisions of this act. to furnish each and every em? ployee hired by him with good pasturage for the stock owned by such employee, not exceeeing two head of cattle to every field hand in amount.