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BY HOYT & CO. ANDERSON, S. C, THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 8, 1877. VOL. XII-NO. 30. HATES OF SUBSCRIPTION.?Tmo Dollars per annum, and O.ve Dollar for six months. Subscriptions are not taken for a less period than six months. Liberal deductions made to clubs of ten or mi ore subscribers. RATES OF ADVERTISING.?One Dollar per square ol one Inch for the first insertion, and Fifty Cents per squaro for subsequent insertionsless than three months. N<5 advertisements counted less than a square. Liberal contracts will be made with those wishing to advertise for three, six or twelve months. Ad? vertising by contract must be confined to the im? mediate business of the firm or individual contrac? ting. Obituary Notices exceeding five lines, Tributes of Respect, and all personal communications or matters of Individual interest, will be charged for at advertising rates. Announcements of marriages and deaths, and notices of a religious character, are respectfullv solicited, and will be inserted gratis I THE GREAT SENATORIAL DEBATE. the LEADING republican newspaper bitterly ArTACKING senator conk LING. From the Neio York Times. Washington, Jan. 27. The Sergeant-at-Arms tnrew open the doors ef the main entrance, and the Sen? ator from New York entered the cham? ber amid a loud buzz of excitement and expectation. He walked slowly to his seat, looking neither to the right nor left as he went, until, arriving in front of Senator Morton, who sits opposite to him. he bowed low and with mock deference in cesponse to the quick, short nod of re? cognition which he received from that gentleman. Then he sat down, and bus? iness of the Senate went on. An hour afterward he rose to conclude his speech, commenced the day before. He did so deliberately, with a full reali? zation of the fact that 2,000 people were waiting for his appearance. Every de? tail ofhis entree, so to speak, was care? fully considered: "the properties" were all in their place, and they were of the most striking and effective character. A copy of the Constitution, from which the great actor quoted, was gilt-edged and bound in dainty form. His notes were written upon cream-tinted paper; every tbittg was in order, everything in its pia??. *Mr. Conkfing was faultlessly at-; tired. His coat and vest opening down ;o the waist displayed his chest and shoulders to the bwt advantage. His hands, w"hite as any maiden's, were frilled with spot? less linen, and his hair, the golden splen? dor of which dazzled many a beholder in the days that are gone, was thrown back from the broad, massive brow with a studied carelessness which was the very Eerfection of art. As he took the floor e carefully pushed two obstructing chairs out of his way, and then he stood for a moment calm and self-possessed, six feet and two inches of manhood, filled to overflowing with conscious greatness. He was about t? speak?indeed he had just opened his mouth?when a page, "with frantic haste to gain the proud man's approbation," rushed to. his side with a glass of water. For an instant he looked at the child as if he would have crushed him. and then, remembering the audience> he gently waved him aside, and commenced his speech. Why he rejected the water which the poor little page offered him was soon apparent, for he bad hardly commenced to speak when his own body-servant entered, bearing a silver salver, upon which was a gold edged vcup, filled with fragrant tea. Having partaken of this, the Senator went on with his speech. Jfc was a won? derful effort?there can be no doubt of that; wonderful because of its real sophistry and false logic, and because of its apparent candor, frankness, good na ture, courtesy, and high-minded, disin? terested statesmanship. Principally, however, was it remarkable because of the wonderful power of u.emory which the Senator displayed in its delivery. He had carefully studied, committed to heart, and rehearsed every word in the oration, and at the same time he so m played his part as to lead many of those. * who listened to him into the error of be? lieving that it was extemporaneous. With well-studied affectation, he Eaused from time to time, as if to collect is thoughts, gently pressing his temples the while, seemingly to quiet his over? worked and troubled brain. Then, with increased energy, he uttered the well rounded sentences which for days had been fixed in his mind. Everything con? sidered, his speech was the greatest speci? men oP'the art which conceals art" that has ever been displayed in this country. pass?ge of the bill in the senate. . ? - ? From the Chicago Times. Washington, Jan. 25. An event so unusual as a night session of the Senate drew out a great mass of people. At 7 o'clock every attainable inch on the floor and in the galleries was packed with the curious thousands. From half after 7 at night of Wednesday, until five minutes past 7 this morning (Thursday) the very interesting debate continued between the divided parties. The fact is the field had been so thor? oughly covered in every conceivable direction by Conkling's titanesque effort that the very ablest advocates on the same side were chagrined to find not a word, not an idea, not an omitted sug? gestion left to either illustrate or discover. The compact force and unmistakable completeness of Conkling's argument were" $h?wft even more markedly in these after efforte of his friends. During the eight hours which he had given to the exposition of the arguments moving him to the support of the bill, the rapt atten? tion of the House had been held quite as much through the fascination of his declamation and manner as the irresisti? ble appeal to sober judgment which his prodigious array of proof, precedent, and reason combined. It was midnight when Thurman, look? ing greatly jaded, sat down, and there was a look of unspoken entreaty on the countenances of many that the contest should end for the time, to be resumed to-day. Taking advantage of this, Mor? ton and Sherman consulted earnestly to? gether, and the Indianian, throwing the languor of mental and physical exhaus? tion into his words and action, begged that as he was feeling the strain of the day too acutely to do justice to the sub? ject, the Senate adjourn and let the busi? ness be brought up again to-day. There was a very evident sentiment of sym? pathy with the Senator, but Edmunds said, in his customary monotonous tone, evincing not a particle of feeling, that he deplored the strain his friend was sub? jected to, but he was pledged to do his duty by this bill. He must insist on a vote. It was for the Senate to say whether it should pass or not. but a vote must be reached before the Senate ad? journed. Senators straightened up in tr eirseats. The two leaders, the one bold, audacious, unscrupulous, unused%> opposition: the , other impassive, immovable, scrupulous to fanaticism, a martyr to many a tri? umph of might and right, had thrown down the gage. Morton moved an adjournment. Ed? munds opposed. The vote was expected to decide the battle as well as the mo? tion. The roll was listened to with pain? ful intensity of interest, and several of those who had tacitly consented to be known as supporters of the bill sided with Morton. There was for a few thrilling moments an impulse toward a panic on the part of the friends and expectants qf the compromise, but a solid Democratic vote gave Edmunds the contest, and he settled back in his seat with the faintest possible tinge of complacency in his ordi? narily inscrutable countenance. Morton gave no evidence of either mental or1 physical debility when thus baffled and compelled to take the floor. Indeed, the extraordinary resources of the man were never so strikingly displayed. Though traversing an argument worn threadbare and adopting a line frequently exposed by himself as untenable, he dealt with the resources at his command with such force and emphasis as to confuse if^not cover tbb palfrirress of hi? potior/. Throwing his old-time fervor into the subject, ne put aside all disguise. He admitted that it was uot the interest of law, of the people, or of fair dealing he had at stake, out the success of his party. He appealed to those members who had stood by him in other contests when the fall of that party had been decided by just such legislation as thib ?o rally again, and save that party which had saved the nation. The better class of Republicans listened with marked disappointment at this shameless avowal of partisan dis? honor and political selfishness! "Why!" shrieked the gradually weakening voice of the angry leader, "Why should we five up a sure thing for a chance? ? We ave the count in our hands. Let us keep it, and we can put in Rutherford B. Hayes and the thing is done." This startling confession of lawlessness took everybody by surprise, not only M the boldness of the proposition, but at the wail of despair in the accents of the speaker. He spoke sitting in his chair, Sherman and Sargent close beside him, and the tearful carpet-baggers, grouped iu mournful attitudes about him, while curiosty held the Democrats in a com? pact mass in their seats, wondering what the amazing man could-find to say. The morning wore on. and Senator after Sen? ator yielded insensibly to the drowsy at? mosphere, until but a dozen remained alertly wakeful, watching events. Howe followed Morton, and the .galle? ries began to disperse; he was presently addressing himself to a single auditor, Conkling, who, swathed in a thick Car? digan jacket with a' scarlet border visi? ble under his carelessly-fastened coat, sat under Howe's eaves, while the seventy Senators, more or less, were picturesquely distributed about in diversified positions. In one corner lay Thurman, his th'ih fringe of white hair partially confused in an improvised night cap made of his famous red bandana kerchief. As the sonorous syllables of Howe's swelling periods rose and fell the snores of the great Ohioan could be distinctly heard above the clamor of the shrill voice. In an opposite corner lay Burnside, sound? ing the loud* call of Soranus until his vicinity re-echoed again to the nasal clamor. In a third corner Senator Mc? Donald stretched his bulky form, reliev? ing a weary eye on the floor and "chip? ping in" occasionally when needed. Huddled on other sofas could be seen al? ternately Bayard, his fine figure and bright face retaining all the freshness of an afternoon debate, save when losing the thread of the narrative he dozed in* his place, waking with a sudden start as some unaccustomed clamor disturbed the serenity of his repose. When Pinckney, who is the lion-lunged Senator from Ma? ryland, succeeded to the floor, his voice broke the slumbers like a trump sounded in a cavalry bivfeuac. Directing himself fiercely to Thurman, who had folded his red night cap and taken his place right in frort of the enraged Marylander, that perturbed spirit, wrestling with fate, strove to guide the Democratic party from the way it should go, but the only perceptible effect was the relegation of the main body to a slumber so profound and tranquil that only the regular snort? ing from their recumbent figures denoted that they were not dead but sleeping. The gray dawn of the morning was vTsi-" ble far out through the distant windows when the uneventfhl speeches of the con? tending hosts were ended, arid the two bodies took up the contest again. Ed? munds, who had been in the gallery shortly after midnight with the ladies of his family, re-appeared, his bald head shining under the glowing flood of light; but in his face and action as fresh as when the fray began. As he arose the snoring'statesmen were aroused by pre? concert. The vacant seats on the floor filled up, and there was at 3 o'clock in the morning all the dignity, decorum and severity which mark the daily routine of this grave body. He spoke mainly in response to the taunts of Morton and Sherman, and in a few sentences, precise, biting, and unswerable, stripped the two arch intrigues of even the poor pretence of legitimate party interest. Morton, who had emerged from the cloak room, sat with his hands over his face dejected? ly as the old man's mild, expostulatory accents fell, which, though hardly above a whisper, were heard all through the chamber. It was one of the most dramatic situations of the whole debate, and there was very little surprise when sharp eyes in the gallery detected Mor? ton wiping tears from his eyes?a dis? covery confirmed a few minutes later when, Sherman concluding an angry dis? claimer of Edmund's allegations, Morton owned that the tone and words of the Vermont Senator had moved him to tears. There was a scarcely less striking tableau an hour or two earlier, when, on the conclusion of an interlude from Thur? man and while the seats were well filled, Blains arose to define his position, and, to the inexpressible astonishment of Ed? munds and his friends, spoke against the bill. At 6 o'clock in the evening he had, sketched a brief address in favor of the; bill, and at midnight, with characteristic1 duplicity, turned squarely in his tracks. He worked, it was noted, on all sides like a man driven, not consenting, for in? stead of the frank, outright tone habitual with^him, he whispered huskily the first half dozen sentences, as though his throat were dry and feverish, and his words were choked in utterance. Even when Blaine had ended, so inaudible was that rich, resonant wice which had stirred thousands in the house to the very mar? row, the reporters sent to him to find out which siae he had declared for. Even bis response to vote denoted perturbation of his usually assured mind. He whis? pered his yea or nay with a cautious, cat? like purr which seemed to deprecate being held to responsibility by either fac? tion for the vote which he gave, not on conviction, but to preserve his standing with both wings. It was past G, and the dull light of day was struggling with the garish yellow glow falling from the sea of gaslight iu the roof of the chamber, when Sargeut made a final attempt to kill -the bill by an amendment. These test votes pre | figured the end, but the desperate lieu | tenants of Chandler were intrepid to the last, staving the vote off until five min? utes after 7, when, on a call of the roll, the battle ended, and Edmunds had kept his pledge, in spite of a combination and methods which have rarely been known to miscarry in the Senate. ? You may wish to get a wife without a failing, but what if the lady, after you find her, happens to be in want of a hus? band of the same character? ? Colorado, the youngest of the States, contains more than double the number of square miles in New York; and Texas is more than twice as large as Colorado. The figures are: New York, 47,000 square miles; Colorado, 105,000; Texas. 247,000. ? A case of protracted vitality kept in ice was evidenced in Dave Hagerty's last week. A barrel of frozen terrapins ?they had been congealed in a solid lump for several days?were turned out in a hentetf room, and in a few minutes the amphibious birds came to life and executed a waltz over the floor.-? Wash? ington Cdpikl WHO DID IT J A Trenchant Review of the Late Cam? paign?The People entitled to the Credit. The first and far more important ques? tion is, has it j'et been doue? Have the fruits of the great struggle of the 7th of November been harvested and secured ? Before Gov. Hampton has been firmly seated as the legal and acknowledged Governor of South Carolina, our contem? poraries are debating the question as to which of them deserves the credit of originating and shaping the policy of the campaign. We will say in the outset that we firmly believe that Gov. Hamp? ton is, and that he will be finally accepted as the legal Governor of South Carolina, and that the victory thus accomplished is worthy to be regarded as the greatest triumph of the century, a triumph of honesty over corruption, of economy in public expenditures over extravagance, of competency over incompetency for office, and peace, law and order over gen? eral confusion among the people and in all branches of the government. We say farther, that every man, from the hum? blest citizen, white or colored, to the highest intellect of the Stale, who con? tributed to this glorious result, has done his duty and nothing more. This is all we claim for ourselves, whether consid? ered in our individual relation to our na? tive County or as the head of our County journal. If we have any cause for re? joicing, it is that we tried to do our full duty, and if we hare any cause for regret it is that wc may have said or done some? thing or failed to have left something un? said or undone, which, if said or left un? said, would have given to Hampton a larger majority in this County. The question should uot be who originated or shaped the policy of the last campaign, but have we all as journalists and as in? dividuals done, all in our power to make that policy a grand success ? With the lights before them we believe the press and the people of the State did their whole duty; but in saying this, we do not.mean that each and all of us could not have accomplished more. To doubt is to court defeat. To determine is to command success. Where there is a will there is a way, but .hat is a lame will which undertake a thing with confidence on the lips and with doubt in the heart. The man of nerve can enter the cage of the lion and the tiger with safety, but let him doubt,. let his eye wander and fear seize on him and he is lost. That faith which we have heard can remove moun? tains, finds a similar power in all human undertakings, as it begets the energy aud confidence which seldom fails. But who can say he did not doubt the re&ult in the late campaign ? In fact how many can say that they did not feet the chances of defeat were greater than the hopes of success ? Frequent defeats, the difficulty of reaching tbe colored people through the medium of argument, the heavy nu? merical majority in a race point of view against us, and the scattered and demor? alized condition of the whites rendered the undertaking a stupendous one, and placed the hope of a doubtful success in thorough organization and in constant and zealous individual efforts to strength? en the organization. The doubts of ulti? mate success growing out of these known obstacles affected the efforts more or less of all our people, and weakened tbe result of those efforts. It is a common thing to hear men now say if they could have known what they now kuow, the majori? ty for Hampton would have been ten thousand instead of twelve hundred, tacitly confessing that they could have accomplished more bad they realized the chance of success. Now we think it far more profitable to draw from the cam? paign of 1876 wholesome food for future efforts than to discuss who should have the credit of starting tbe movement. Let us all impress on our minds what has been accomplished with doubts overhang? ing our efforts^ and what can hereafter be accomplished with the hopes of cer? tain success inviting our efforts. The colored people are finding out and will realize soon that their rights and liber? ties are not endangered by Democrat? ic government, aud being more approach? able, we can see, with the proper dis? charge of our duty, the final and complete redemption of the State, as beginning with tue last campaign. Who really deserves the credit of this movement? The Journal of Commerce lays claim to a large share of credit in originating and shaping tbe policy of it, while the Register retorts with the state? ment virtually that before the Journal of Commerce was conceived, it with tbe In? telligencer, the Advertiser and some other journals had become the Joshua of the straightout policy. The Register should remember it was but a fledgling; but though young in years we grant it was strong in zeal and ability, and that it with the Intelligencer, Advertiser, Journal of Commerce and its other contemporaries battled manfully for the good cause, the redemption of South Carolina. Do these or any of the journals of the State desire any special credit for their services in the cause of their native State? What one of these can claim to have doue more than its simple duty, and who will be presumptuous enough as to claim special credit for the discharge of his plain duty? If credit be due to any one, it is, in our opinion, due to tbe honest and patriotic colored man, who in the face of early training, of race hostilities to the Democrats and of the strong ap? peals of the Republican party for the votes of his race by reason of alleged past services to the race, advocated and sup? ported honesty and reform, by voting the Democratic ticket. The whites generally were original Democrats, and early train? ing, State pride, a feeling of common calamity and a common desire to remove it by reforming the government and re? ducing taxation, all united to prompt them to lend a ready support to Use movement. It may be true and doubt? less, is, that some accomplished more than others, but who failed to come up to the measure of his ability ? Some had wealth with its influence, some position with its attractions, some intellect with its powers and some, as the press, enjoyed peculiar means of reaching the people and sowing good seed among them, but upon the true principle that, to whom much is given from him much will be required, no one can claim credit for do? ing his duty, iu a wide sphere by reason of these advantages, any more than the humblest individual who has labored equally zealously in his limited sphere. We say they all have done well and the result is good. It has been stated by some of the jour? nals that whoever really deserves the credit for the movement, the News and Courier can lay claim to none of it, as it came limping in at the eleventh hour. The News and Courier is fully able to take 1 care of itself, but we really think that no paper in the State manifested more real zeal and ability in the cause of the Dem? ocratic ticket or struck harder and heav? ier blows to Radicalism than the News and Courier. Its tardiness, if it be so re? garded, to enter the lists of the straight outers was, to our mind, fully compen sated by its invaluable services after the convention had adopted a party policy. Not fail wo rArodetBn, nor say We rt**rfct the course of the News and Courier prior | to the August Convention. On the con- ; trary, we look upon it as almost provi- j deutial, certainly as conducive to the success we achieved, and the unity of the people, which led to that success. Prior j to the August Convention there was a J great diversity of opinion as to the best policy to be pursued by the Democratic party of the State. The difference was not confined to widely separated sections, but it was seen and felt in the same coun? ties and in the same neighborhoods. All felt the absolute need of a change but diffe.ed as to the best mode to secure it. The press of the State was no less divided in opinion, and was classified as extreme, conservative and fusion, according to the leading views of each journal. The old political leaders and trusted men of the past divided in opiuion. While this was true, the people at large, the heretofore leaders, and the press of every shade of conservative opinion united on one great and leading idea, to wit, the paramount importance of organization. Before any policy was defined for the State, the press, including the News and Courier, day after day drilled into the people the then abstract idea of organization. The very different views of ultimate' policy entertained by the press enabled it to drill tbis idea into the minds of fusion ists, conservatives and straightouters, which perhaps could not have been ac? complished had a policy of any kind then been adopted, or even universally advocated by the press. The next leading idea impressed on the people was, that when organized they should stand together, as one man, upon whatever policy the State, in con? vention, might ultimately adopt. No journal advocated these ideas mure stren? uously and more ably than the News and Courier and other journals, then dubbed as fusionists. These fundamental ideas constituted the basis, the only founda? tion, on which the superstructure of success could be even hoped for, much less accomplished. The entire p^s of the State united in their advocacy, and differing in policy these ideas were more readily disseminated and took belter hold of the popular mind than they could otherwise have done. Organize and act together were the abstract ideas universally advocated from the May to the August Convention, all matters of State policy being unsettled and open for free discussion. Not only the press du? ring this period, but the best and wisest men of the State of all professions and avocations differed honestly as to i he best policy, for which we impute no blame to any one, but rather regard it fortunate. Through the process indica? ted, the minds of the people were thor? oughly prepared to accept and act upon any policy the Stale, through a conven? tion, might adopt. As a consequence, so soon as the convention declared the poli? cy, nominated candidates and adopted a platform, the press, as a unit, advocated the policy, and each journal, having pre? viously inculcated the doctrines of organ? ization aud united action in the minds of its readers, carried over to the policy its readers, whatever bad been their previ? ous views Thus, out of this division of views of policy came a more solid and compact union of the intelligent proper? ty-holding element of the State than had ever been known. We are willing to ad? mit that the sterling integrity of Gen. Hampton, the perfect unassailability of his character, as a Union man before the war, as a brave soldier during it, as a quiet and unobtrusive citizen since its close, and as a man without reproach at all times, gave strength to the move? ment. His name was a tower of strength to'the party, a beacon light to guide the people safely to success, and his counsels of moderation not only gave us peace and unity, but robbed our opponents of every chance of successful attack. As to the question, who originated the movement, we answer, the people. From the days of reconstruction, the opinion has been universal, that the only hope of a wise and economical government rested in the restoration. to power as rulers of the intelligent and property holding class. Their interest and State pride gave motive to desire, and their informa? tion and experience furnished the wis? dom to devise a good government. The ruling majority devoid of both cculd never give it. The adoption of the straight out policy we also attribute to the people. They had tried every expedient likely to give them relief from the incubus of ex? orbitant taxation without success. Tbey had patiently listened to, aud hoped for the fulfillment of, the many promises of reform made at each recurring election by the Radicals, and all had been in vain. They had acted with the party in the hope of better times. They saw and felt they were annually growing poorer and that their hard earnings were squandered .by foreigners and adventurers. They saw no hope of deliverance from utter financial ruin but in a change of rulers, and with little hope of success but with the energy of despair, they determined to try the apparently hopeless expedient of a straight Democratic ticket. The adoption of the straight out policy was due to no man or set of men of the Democratic party, but to the misgovern men t and oppression of the Republican party.? With the odds against us, no effort would have been made to defeat that party had it given to our people, a goverment they could live under. All felt it was neck or nothing. Our existence here depended on success, or such a show of opposition to misrule as would command better government from the Radicals. The May Convention neither declared nor recommended any policy, but simply said, organize. The people when organ? ized in convention declared the policy, and the people it was who gave success to the policy. With due deference to all our contemporaries whoare contesting for the credit of starling this movement, wc will say so far as our county is concerned, they had nothing to do with it. Our delegates went to Columbia instructed to vote for a straight Democratic ticket, and we doubt if either the mover of the resolution, or one in twenty of the con? vention, which passed it, ever read a column in either of those journals. You have all done well in your sphere, but the people have done better. Let us labor together to make our victory per? petual, so that our children's children may rejoice in November harvest of this our first centennial.?Keoxvec Courici. ? An educated young man went to Mississippi a fewyearssince. His friends were proud of him, and said he would be heard in the world before many years. They were right; the young man'beats a gong at a railroad station. ? A curious incident took place in Piiris. A drunken mau, Phillippe Bo? chen, was staggering to his home in the Rue St. Jacques. As he swung along, taking the entire pavement, he ran afoul of a passenger, who, with an oath, dealt him such a blow that he fell prostrate, bathed in blood. Whilst the brutal as? sailant flr-d others ran to the aid of the poor devil and took him to an apothecary's, who. v.-, lo and behold, thev discovered that a magnificent diamond, evidenty detached from the setting of a ring worn by the assailant, had lodged in the cut rfttidutftU by tire bloW. THE STAT?S OF THE SOUTH. I The Views of a Northern Lady. The following letter to the New York World is from the pen of an able writer, who is well known in literary circles North, and whose veracity and capability of correctly criticising matters that come under her own observation: To the Editor of the World-Sin: One of the worst featur.es of our period is the general lack of faith among our people. Such a tantalizing muddle has been crea? ted by reporters, interviewers, telegrams and newspapers at large that nobody knows what to believe, and all settle down to a care-for-nothing skepticism utterly destructive to the well-being of society. The good old times when a man's word was as good as his bond; when a lie was unworthy of a gentleman, to say nothing of a Christian; when offi? cial fraud condemned a man to the out? skirts of society if not to the prison; when the judge on the bench was expec? ted to be like Caesar's wife, above suspi? cion?are fading away into the dimness ot tradition or the obscurity of myths. Committees are appointed to meet some emergency or solve some political prob? lem, and their report leaves us as much in the dark as before?everybody regards it as made in the interests of party, and its statements are received with distrust. Men supposed venerable for their wisdom and full-fraught with integrity, can hard? ly make themselves heard for the clamor of those whose interest it is to make them ridiculous or doting. Who can the peo? ple look up to as authority in opinion when the best among us cater to the fash? ions of the times, and step down "from their pride of place" to contend in the arena with vilifiers, blackguards and po? litical tricksters ? It would seem that nothing could be easier than to learn the status of the South, and yet nothing can exceed the falsehood and misrepresentation under which she is banned. Long before the election in November Northern emissa? ries were at work endeavoring to stir up the colored people to acts of aggression. They were subtle in their movements, rarely appearing openly, interviewing a colored leader here and there, telling him how to act, what to say, and making him promises of aid. The consequence was that meetings were held at midnight by the negroes, in some dilapidated quarter of a plantation, aud the matter discussed. These meetings are so frequent that the fields and forests arc threaded with tracks leading to them, and these white schem? ers and renegades meet with them when they can do so safely. The whole colored population is a leagued force?they com? bine and modestly act together; but they are combined as a race, not as Republi? cans, not aa politicians. They act in concert as a race. They have no fear of the whites, but they fear each other. Deny it who will, the colored man scarce? ly feels that he is amenable to the laws; he has a dim feeling that if one of his kind commit an offence he has a perfect right to inflict punishment, and these punishments are often inflicted and im? puted to the whites, for they are keen in their plans to escape detection, retreating to the swamps when hard beset. While the colored population is thus leagued together, the whites do not com? bine?they have no fear of their former slaves. The work of the carpet-baggers is not carried on with those who once owed servitude to the whites of a locali? ty; they operate with the tramp, migra? tory negro, who has little or no sympathy with his surroundings, and they tell him the whites are determined to remaud him to slavery?that if the Democrats get the ascendency they will be slaves again, and every soul of them beat and tortured in revenge for their having dared to call themselves free. The poor, ignorant creatures sometimes believe this, and act accordingly, but more of them go to their old masters and learn tho true state of the case. They have a natural affection for the locality in which they were raised and the people with whom they have been familias, and the feeling is mutual, and the old quarters in which they lived before emancipation are still occupied by them. It is asserted again and again that the colored people of the South are Republi? cans, and vote the Democratic ticket from compulsion. This is not true. I have never in a single instance known a white man to interfere with the vote of a col? ored man, but they (the colored people) are very stringent and bitter with each other, and if possible conceal their vote. Even when they hold back till the whites , have voted, as they sometimes do, aud go in a body to the polls, they try to hide from each other the nature of the ballot they have cast. They do this because they can be punished in various ways by their own people?by turning them out of the church, forbidding them to "hold forth," in meetings, and keeping them out of some coveted employment; and eveu?for the negro is naturally timid and superstitious?threatening him with what is equivalent to the "evil eye," or some sorcery akin to it. In the November elections the colored people did not, as a body, vote the Re? publican ticket?all the whites, except as the colored leader designated them to m? as the carpet-baggers, scalawags and rings, voted the Democratic ticket, creat? ing a vast and united body, which with? out a shadow of doubt carried every Southern State. The negroes were not molested or coerced by the whites; on the contrary, in North Carolina they were invited to join the Tilden clubs, and fully appreciated the consideration with which they were treated. They have long been disaffected with the Republican party, declaring that they have not kept faith with them, that they have made promises of aid to them in lauds, schools, churches, etc., which they have not redeemed; that they promised them offices in return for their votes, while they find no benefit from them in this way. Hence, they prefer to vote the ticket that will help the South instead of helping the North. They say, further, it is not at all likely the Republican par? ty will ever vote again, thus indicating no little political sagacity. Again, it is not true that Southern peo? ple are opposed to immigration from the North. Thdy have been maligned by Northern office-holders, robbed by them, and misrepresented by them. They arc naturally repugnant to this class of men, whom they call carpet-baggers, who are with them but have no sympathy with them ; obtain money and a living and then turn the community by which they live into odium or contempt. Much of tho business done at the South is by Northern men, who are well esteemed and often much admired. The people admire the culture thus brought into their midst, consult them and uphold them warmly. So far from trying to drive Northerners away, their regret is that the South in her poverty holds out so few in? ducements for them to come. Young South is thoroughly sympathet? ic with Northern ideas. As superinten? dent of a Sunday School in North Caro? lina I was able to get up a Christinas tree, upon which were hung miniature [ Union flags; and not one of all the pres j ents was received with such lively acecp I faubb as tbts'o prcVcntmunte rrf the tffar old flag. The spirit of rebellion is dead ?and buried at the South; all they ask now is breathing space, that they may "get the hang" of the new order of things. Not far from where I was living were to be found the little headboards indicating where thirty or forty Union soldiers were laid aside to sleep the sleep that knows no waking; and when Decoration Day came round Southern maidens laid flow? ers upon these deserted graves?a sweet womanly tribute, very touching in my eyes. The two races do not affiliate socially, nor is it desired by either. The negro docs not enter white school or church. He does not wish it. He prefers his own way amid his own people. He accepts help in the way of books and papers, and if a white speaker goes among them he is listened to with respectful attention. Mr. Appleton Oaksmith has lectured for them in aid of their school, and others have done the same, which they well ap? preciate, but they as a rule keep to them? selves. The women are inclined to re? gret the old times when Christmas brought a wholesome supply of new garments, and the festival hasted twelve days instead of one. and the "nurses" saw to the chil? dren, they having little care for them; but the colored man is proud of his citi? zenship, and anxious to give his children the benefits of more learning. Like the whites, the colored people are mostly Baptists and Methodists. They join the churches very young, at twelve and four? teen, ahd are very rigid observers of reli? gion. The people df the South are by no means the fire eaters and madmen which they figure in Northern papers. They are restive under the fear of being de? frauded of their votes, and it would be a shame to them were it otherwise. I am not sure but we shall have to look to the South for the preservation of the Consti? tution. They are perfectly willing to give the negro all his constituted rights, but they do not like to have an inferior, ignorant race put over them by Northern bayonets, and it would be a shame to them if they were. Let them alone, and they will adjust their own affairs in the best way. They are a simple-minded, teachable, religious people. Their former status has left them in the rear of pro? gress, but they are advancing in the right path, and they only need to be let alone, or, what is better, that the thousands of unemployed workmen of our Northern cities should go South and carry their in? dustries with them, where they will find mild winters, easy sustenance from land and sea, and farms to be bought for a mere song. Capital is wanted at the South, but the white man is doing his best. He works hard, even the women going into the fields?the prejudice against labor is much stronger at the North than it is at the South. To me it has often been quite touching to see per? sons of both sexes meet the inevitable of toil with a cheerful patience quite differ? ent from the sour moroseness and foolish pride by which they are supposed to meet it. Very respectfully, Elizabeth Oaks Smith. Queer Antics of Radical Offi? cials.?The Edgefield Advertiser says : On Friday last, a remarkable perform? ance took place in our Judge of Probate's office, leading to a very disgusting and exasperating manifestation of Radical villainy. For six months past, or more, Bouey, the mulatto Judge of Probate, has been systematically and seriously an? noying the members of our bar, and pre? venting the settlement of several estates, by declaring that certain papers and moneys were locked up in the iron safe of the office and that he had lost the key. Ever and anon this brazen tale was told. On the morning in question, a reference was begun by Gen. M. C. Butler and Mr. Jno. R. Abney, and again Bouey told his stereotyped lie. Hereupon these two gentlemen called a meeting of the bar, and it was determined to enter the office, open the safe, and penetrate the mystery. All the bar attended the ceremony. A blacksmith was also there. And by? standers. The huge safe, after being laid lovingly upon its back, then upon its belly, and then upon either side, gently yielded to the blacksmith's chisel; and what do you think was disclosed ? Noth? ing?not an individual thing. The scene was intensely amusing, but we have not time to describe it. Bouy, who has sur? rendered the office to Jesse Jones, as Clerk of the Court, was not present.? Jesse was also not present, but before leaving, uttered a lofty and virtuous pro? test. Jesse, whose father might have been an ape, and his mother a cocoanut, is now the great leader, father, champion, friend, of the negro race in Edgefield. To this degredation has the negro race come! -Having struck no "ile," three of the gentlemen of the bar waited upon Bouey at his house and informed him of the dry and barren result of their rape of the lock. He received them blandly ?he is a preacher too!?and informed them that One Hundred and Eighty-five Dollars had been imprisoned in this safe, and if it was not there, then false keys had been used for its removal. And this tale the impudent and lying idiot sticks to! He Ought to be arrested, indicted for stealing and perjury, tried, convicted, and sent to the Penitentiary. And if not this, then the people of' Edgefield should not hesitate one moment to drive him out of their County. And the gen? tleman born of the ape and the cocoanut ought to be made to follow him. The Fence Story.?A man who prided himself on his morality, and ex? pected to be saved by it, was constantly saying: "I am doing pretty well on the whole; I sometimes get mad and swear, but then 1 am perfectly honest. I work on Sunday when I am particularly busy, but I give a good deal to the poor, and I never was drunk in my life." This man hired a canny Scotchman to build a fence around his pasture lot. He gave him very particular directions. In the even? ing, when the Scotchman came in from work, the man said: "Well, Jock, is the fence built, and is it tight and strong?" "I canna say it is all tight and strong," Jock replied, "but it is a good average fence, anyhow. If some parts are a little week, other parts are extra strong. I don't know but I may have left a gap here and there, a yard or so wide ; but then I made up for it by doubling the number of rails on each side of the gap. I dare say that the cattle will find it a good fence on the whole, and will like it, though I canna just say that it is perfect in every part." "What?" cried the man, not seeing the point, "doyou tell methat ybu built a fence around my lot with weak places and gaps in it? Why, you might as well have built no fence at all. If there is one opening, or a place where an opening can be made, the cattle will be sure to find it, and will all go through. Don't you know man, that a fence must be perfect, or it is worthless?" "I used to think so," said the dry Scotchman, "but I hear you talk so much about averaging matters with the Lord, it seemed to me that we might try it with the cattle. If an average fence" will not do for them, I am afraid an average character wili not do in the day of judg? ment?." * J b THAT FATAL LETTER. a secret from the transactions of chamberlain, parker, kimpton & co. From the Charleston News and Courier. The public will remember the highly dramatic scene in the State Republican Convention last September. Mr. Cham? berlain, then Governor, was a candidate for the Republican nomination. Elliott, Dunn and Patterson opposed him. The grievance of Elliott was that Chamber? lain had publicly denounced him,and had solemnly declared that salvation for the Republican party lay in unloadingsuch as be, and in that only. It was announced that Elliott would make disclosures dam? aging to Chamberlain, and when he arose to make hisset speech theexcitement was intense. He said "he had been approached by the friends of Governor Chamberlain and advised not to make known what he had intended to." He said that he had been warned that whatever he might say would do no good, "as Governor Cham? berlain has seventy-six votes that would stand by him, if he was proved guilty of larceny." With a flourish, however, Elliott then presented a letter, written in 1870 by Mr. Chamberlain to State Treasu? rer Parker, explaining that, at the time the letter was written, Cardozo and Delany were candidates for the United States Senate, and that Cardozo "had just been ruined-by a conspiracy in which he was induced to take the Seal of the State to New York to sea!" a fresh batch of the fraudulent Conversion bonds. He then read the letter,as follows: Laurens C. H.,-, 1870. Dear Parker: Yours of the 21st received this evening. I was very glad tu hear from you. There is nothing of special interest now. For a few days we have had some fears of an outbreak in Lauren* and Newberry, but the danger is over. About the United States Senatorship I dont know what to say. I am well satis? fied with my present office, but my posi? tion is just this: If my friends wish me to be a candidate for the sake of keeping the party from going over to negroism, I shall, if it is to defeat such a calamity* consent to run. D. H. Chamberlain. There was nothingspecially offensive in this letter; it did not come up to the ex? pectations of the Convention, and was a lame and impotent conclusion to El? liott's speech. The hypothesis was that Elliott, in some way, had been bought off, and that the letter he read was not the letter that was promised, or was only a part of that letter. Mr. Chamberlain, who followed Elliott, said that he had been forewarned for weeks that "his pri? vate aud personal character" would be attacked in the Convention, aud that he was told that he could purchase the sup? pression of the threatened disclosures, either with mouey or with a promise to give his influence in favor of the Blue Ridge scrip aud Conversion bonds, if elected. Those propositions he had re? jected with scorn. The end of it all was, that Chamberlain was nominated for Governor, and Elliott for Attorney Gen? eral. They worked harmoniously to? gether during the canvass, and had been fast friends ever since. It will be noticed that in his speech in the Convention, Elliott mentioned that Cardozo, at the time the letter was writ? ten, was a candidate for the Senate, and had just been ruined by a conspiracy in which he was induced to take the Seal of the State to New York to seal bonds. El? liott did not mention that Mr. Chamber? lain, then Attorney General, gave his sanction to this proceeding, authorized the Seal of the State to be taken to New York, and instructed Cardozo that his business was to seal as many bonds as were presents to him, and that the pur? pose/or which the bunds were to be issued was no concern of his. Nor did Elliott review the history of the Conversion bond frauds, and show that Mr. Chamberlain was one of three persons constituting the Financial Board, who, with Financial Agent Kimpton, had entire control over the emission aud sale or hypothecation of those fraudulent bonds. Tbe allusion to Cardozo was a bare hint of what might be said ; and, if our information is correct, what Elliott read in "the Convention, as the letter of Mr. Chamberlain to Treasu? rer Parker, was only a part of that letter. What purports to be an exact copy of the letter has been sent to us. We give it in full, and print in italics the words and sentences omitted by Elliott in reading the letter in the Convention: September 23,1870. Bear P.: Yours, of the 21st, came to me this evening, I was glad, indeed, to hear from you ; and especially that the fi? nances now promise to weather the storm. I have no doubt it was well to defer the "statement" until October. There is no special news here. For a few days we have had fears of an out? break in Laurens and Newberry, but we hear, yesterday, that the danger is over. About the United States Senatorship, I don't know what to say. / know very well it is, in every way better for me, to remain where I am for the rnst of my term. Still, I am called a candidate al? ready, and my position is just this: If my friends wish me to be a candidate, for the sake of keeping the party from going over to Negroism, I will stand; but, if no such need exists, I should prefer to remain where I am. What the chances are I have no means of guessing now. I will serve my friends in any way in my power, and especially you. Do the Commissions foot up pret? ty well ? Eh ! 1! Regards to K. Yours, faithfully, Chamberlain. A glance at the italicized passages and those in capitals will explain why Elliott did not read the whole letter, and how the letter could compel Mr. Chamberlain to consent to Elliott's nomination. There was no manner of doubt that Mr. Cham? berlain's position as Attorney General and a member of the Financial Board was such that he had either been strange? ly blind, or was fully cognizant of the ways in which the State was defrauded. It needed only the evidence of his inti? macy with Treasurer Parker and Finan? cial Agent Kimpton to complete the chain of evidence.. What does the letter show? It shows that Mr. Chamberlain was in the confidence of Parker and Kimpton ; that he knew of their troubles and sympathized in them ; that he con? sented to a postponement of some "state? ment" (of the debt, probably) in order that a better showing might be made; that he confessed that it was, in every way, better for him that he should re? main Attorney General, and a member of the Financial Board ; that he was es? pecially ready to serve Parker. Now, join to this the current statement that, between Parker, Chamberlain and Kimp? ton, there was a formal written agree? ment, in the nature of a copartnership, and the closing sentence of the letter, Do the Commissions foot up pretty well? eh!?! explains itself. We have not seen the original of the letter read by Elliott in the September Convention. What we print purports to be on exact copy. The original letter is in existence. So, it is .'aid, is one of the original articles of agreement between Parker, Chamberlain and Kimpton. The letter and the agreement together deter I mine and measure Mn Chamberlain's LEGAL ADVERTISING.-^e^arc compelled to require cash payments for advertising ordered by Executors, Administrators and other fiduciaries and herewith append the rates for the ordinary notices, which will only be inserted when the money comes with the order: Citations, two insertions, ? - - - S3.00 Estate Notices, three insertions, - - 2.00 Final Settlements, five insertions - - 3.00 TO CORRESPONDENTS.?la order-to receive attention, communications must be accompanied by the true name and address of the writer. Re? jected manuscripts will not be returned, unless the uecessary stamps are furnished to repay the postage thereon. 4?- Wc are not responsible for the views and opinions of our correspondents. All communications should be addressed to "Ed? itors Intelligencer," and all cliecks. drafts, money orders, ?v.o., should be made payable to the order of hoyt & co., Anderson, S. c. culpability. Is what we publish a true copy of the letter of September 23,1870? We ask this question of Elliott who had the original, and of Mr. Chamberlain who wrote it. Was there an agreement between Parker, Chamberlain and Kimp ton, and what are its terms? Wc ask this question of Mr. Chamberlain and of Mr. Parker, who is not so far distant from Charleston that he cannot hear whatjpsaid to him. And we warn the persons to whom we propound the ques? tions that shifts and evasions cannot serve them ! If Mr. Chamberlain knew, as we know, the danger of his position, he would not take the risk that confiding Parker took, at a time wheu the Repub? lican officials still had some influence over judges and juries in this State! Judge Carpenter's Decision. The reports heretofore given hardly give an accurate idea of Judge Carpen? ter's decision. The Judge finds as mat? ters of fact: 1. ThatAhamberlain was elected Gov? ernor in 1874, and duly installed. 2. That an election was held on 7th of November, 1876, for Governor and mem? bers of the General Assembly, and that, according to the election returns, Cham herlain received 91,127 votes, and Hamp? ton 92,201? a majority for Hampton of 1,134. 3. That the w/iole number of members of the House of Representatives elected at said election was 124. 4. That the Mackey House was organ? ized by 59 members. 5. That on the 5th day of December last, the said Mackey having received the election returns from the Secretary of State, proceeded, in the presence of the Senate and the body over which he pre? sided, to open and publish the same; that the votes returned from the counties of Edgefield and Laurens were, without for? mal contest, proof or debate, excluded by a separate vote of the Senate and the body over which he presided, and there? upon said Chamberlain was declared by said Mackey duly elected Governor for two years. That."on the 7th day of De? cember last, before the same bodies, said Chamberlain assumed to take the oath prescribed by the constitution and deliver the address usual upon installation, and from that time has claimed to be Gover? nor by virtue of his last election and in? stallation. 6. That the Senate was organized on the 28th November, and recognized the Mackey House. 7. That on the 28th November the Wallace. House organized. 8. That on the 14th December the Speaker, not being in possession of the election returns, in the presence of the House and some Senators published the secondary evidence of the votes and an? nounce i that Wade Hampton had re? ceived a majority of the votes, aud that upon the same day and in the same pres? ence Wade Hampton assumed to take the official oath, &c, and has from that time until the present claimed to be Gov? ernor of the State and to act as such. Haviug decided these issues of fact, the Judge then examines into the legal as? pect of the case. He holds distinctly that "the election by the voters of the Stute confers the title," and makes it the only inquiry in the case, whether either of' the claimants have complied with the constitutional condi? tions precedent to entering upon the dis? charge of the duties of the office of Gov? ernor. He hoWs, in answer to this inquiry, that no Governor can be constitutionally in? stalled except bv the publishing of the returns, &c, in the presence of the Gen? eral Assembly, made up of both the Senate and the House, and for this reason that Governor Hampton (although hav? ing the title) was not legally installed on account of the absence of the Senate. Hm also decides "that the body over which Mackey presided was not simply illegal from being incomplete, but actively so, vi? olating positive law and usurping the right? ful authority of the House of Representa? tives," [i. c. the Wallace House,) and hence "that all its. acts were illegal and void, and the attempted installation of Governor was without lawful authority, and conferred uo right whatever." From these premises, he concludes that Chamberlain's installation before the Mackey House and the Senate, being absolutely void, could not amount to the surrender of his old term, and, therefore, for want of the due installation of his successor, he now holds over under his old title acquired by the election of 1874. It is not our purpose now to criticise this decision. We do not believe it to be sound law; still the Senate can, through a conspiracy with the incumbent of the Executive office, retain him in office and defeat the installation of his successor. But we wish now only to call attention to what this decision really is. It is decided, on the one hand, that Governor Hampton was elected; that his election conferred upon him, under the constitution, the title to the office, and that the Wallace House was the consti? tutional House of Representatives; and, on the other hand, it is decided that the Mackey House was a revolutionary body, "violating positive law, and usurping the rightful authority of the House of Repre? sentatives." In plain English, that Gov? ernor Hampton, being entitled to the . office, cannot, in strictness of law, enter upon the discbarge of its duties because, and only because, the Senate refused its recognition to the House of Representa tatives, and entered into a conspiracy with a revolutionary body and D. H. Chamberlain for the purpose of continu? ing the latter in office.?Register. England's New Climate.?The issue of the New York Herald of Sunday last contained a pretended cable dispatch from London, which, if true, conveys in? formation of the most startling descrip? tion. It states that the winter has been one of unexampled severity, so that all the papers are discussing the extraordi? nary manifestations of nature, and grave? ly disputing whether it has not been caused by a deflection of the gulf stream from the coast of England. If the de? flection has taken place, the change of climate will probably be so extreme, the dispatch says, that the English nation will be compelled to emigrate cn masse, possibly to America, possibly to some other favored country. The publication of this news, it is almost unnecessary to say, is an exclusive enterprise of the Herald. The nation will not embark for our shores until the delicate negotiations now pending on the subject between the State Department at Washington and her Majesty's government are satisfacto? rily concluded. Inducements of wild lands will have to be offered to the Queen and Lord Derby, as was done in the case of the Mennonitcs recently. ? Even electricity goes west easier than it goes east. A London dispatch is said to reach New York sooner than a New York dispatch can reach London. ? A minister going to visit one of his sick parishoners, asked him how he rested during the night. "O, wondrously ill, sir," he replied, "for my eyes have not come 'ogether these three nights." "What is the reason of that?" said the minister. "Alas! sir," said he, "because my nose was betwixt thenr.