University of South Carolina Libraries
BY HOYT & CO. ANDERSON, S. C, THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 1, 1877. VOL. XII-NO. 29. per aopunuand One Dollar for six months. .Subscriptions are not taken for a less period than six months. Liberal deductions made to clubs of ten or more subscribers. RATBS OF ADVERTISINQ.-rOv* Dollar net square o! one Inch'fbr the first insertion, and Fifty Cents per square for subsequent insertions less than three months. No advertisements counted less than a square. Liberal contracts will be mnde^ith thoce wishing to advertise for three, six or twelve months. Ad? vertising by contract must be confined to the im? mediate business of the firm or individual contrac? ting, a ? Obituary Notices exceeding five lines, Tributes of ?Respect,, and all personal communications or matters of individual interest, will be charged for at advertising rates. Announcements of marriages and deaths, and notices of a religious character, are respectfully solicited, and will be inserted gratis G R AN T?S MILITARY INTERFERENCE. the USE of troops at eijlctions? an-. swer of president grant to the resolution of the' house asking information?his views on the duties of the executive under the constitution and the laws. Washington, Jan. 22, 1877. In reply, to the resolution of the House of Representatives, passed early in De? cember, 1876, requesting the President to transmit to that body copies of all orders or directions emanatingfromhim or front either of the executive departments to any military commander or civil officer relating to the service .of the army in Virginia, South Carolina and Florida since the 1st of August last, together with all reports from any of said military or civil officers, the President to-day sent to the House of Representatives the follow? ing message. After stating that the House resolution reached him on the 9th of December, the President says : It was immediately or soou thereafter, referred to the Secretary of War and the Attorney General, the custodians o?alt retained copies of "orders or directions'* given by the Executive Department of the government, covered by the above inquiry together with all information up? on which such "orders or directions" were given.. The information, it wilL. be ob? served, is-voluminous, and with the limi? ted clerical force in thueV Department of Justice has consumed the time up to the present. Many of the communications ^ accompanying 'flnsSAave been ^already made public in connection with'messages heretofore sent to Congress. This class of information includes the important doenments received from the Governor of ' South Carolina, and sent to Congress with my message on the subject of the Ham biirg'Tirassacre^ allo the documents ac? companying my .response to the resolu? tion of the House of' Representatives in regard to soldiers stationed at Peters? burg. There have also come to me and to the - Department of Justice, from time to time, other earnest written communica? tions from persons holding public trusts and others Tesiding in' the' South, some of4 which I append hereto as bearing upon the precarious condition?of ? the pablic-, peace in those States.' 'These communi-"* cations I have reason to regard as made by respectable and responsible men, many of whom deprecate the publication of their names as involving danger to them personally. The reports heretofore made by com? mittees of Congress of the result of their inquiries in Mississippi and Louisiana, and the newspapers of several States, re? commending the "Mississippi plan," have also furnished important data for estima? ting the damage to public peace and or? der in those States. It is enough to say that these different kinds and sources of evidence have left po doubt whatever in my mind that intimidation has been used, and actual violence, to an extent requir? ing the aid of the United States where it was practicable to furnish such' aid, in South Carolina and Florida and in Loui? siana, as well as in Mississippi, Alabama and Georgia* - The trwpS1 of the United States have been but sparingly used, and in no jcase so as to interfere, with the full, exercise ofTEe right of suffrage. Very few troops: were available for the purpose of preventing or suppressing the violence and intimidation in the States above named. In no case, except that of South Carolina, was the number of soldiers in i any State increased in anticipation of the election, saving that twenty-four men and an officer were sent from Fort Foote to Petersburg, Va., where disturbances were threatened prior to election. No troops were stationed at the voting places in Florida aud Louisiana respec tiveJy. *. The small number of soldiers-in the ;&id States were stationed at sue!) points In each State ?s were most threat? ened with violence, where they might be available-as a posse for the officer whose duty it was to preserve the peace and prevent the intimidation of voters. Such a disposition of the troops seemed to me reasonable, and justified by law and prec? edent; while its omission would have been inconsistent with the constitutional duty of the President of the United States to "take care that the laws; be faithfully executed." The statute expressly forbids the bringing of troops to the polls, ex? cept "where it is necessary to keep the peace^' implying that to keep the peace it may be done; but this even, so far as I am advised, has not in any case been done. The stationing of a company or part of a company in the vicinity where they would be available to prevent a riot has .been the ..only use made of troops prior to the election, and at the time of thep election tKey were'sp stationed that they could be called in an emergency re? quiring it by a-marshal or deputy mar? shal as a force to aid in suppressing un? lawful vi?lencel The., evidence which has come to me has left me no ground to doubt that if there had been more military force avail? able it would have been my duty to have disposed of it Tn-several-States with a view to the prevention of violence aud intimidation which have undoubtedly contributed to the defeat of the election law in Mississippi, Alabama and Georgia, as well as in South Carolina, Louisiana and Florida. By article 4, section 4, of the constitu? tion, "the United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a republican form ot government, and on application of the Legislature or of the Executive (when the Legislature - cannot be con? vened) against domestic violence.'1'By act of Congress (R. S. U. S., sec. 1,034, Wf' the President in case of "insurrection'in any State" or Of "unlawful obstruction to the enforcement of the laws of United States bv the ordinary .course of judicial proceedings," or whenever "domestic vi? olence in any State so obstructs the exe? cution of the laws thereof and of the United States as to deprive any portion of the people.of such State" of their civil or political rights, is authorized to employ such parts of the land and naval forces as he may deem necessary to enforce the execution of the laws and preserve the peace and sustain the authority of the State and of the United States. Acting under this title, 69 of the Revised Sta? tutes of tbe;United States, I accompa? nied the sending of troops to South Car? olina with a proclamation, such as is therein prescribed. The President is also authorized by act of Congress "to employ such part of the land or nava! forces of the United States" as shall be necessary to prevent the violation and to enforce the due execution of the provisions '/of title 24 of the Revised Statutes of the United States for the protection of the civil rights of citizens, among which is the provision against conspiracies, to pre? vent by force, intimidation or threat, any citizen who is lawfully entitled to vote from giving his support or advocacy in a legal manner toward or in favor of the election of any lawfully qualified person as an elector for President or Vice Presi? dent or afc a member of Congress of the United States (U. S. R. S., 1789.") In cases falling under this title I have nntl considered it necessary to issue a procla? mation to precede or accompany the em ployment of such of the army as seemed to be necessary. In case of insurrection against a State goveruweat, or against the government of the United StateB a proclamation is appropriate, but in keep? ing the peace of-the United States at an election, at which members of Congress are elected, no such call from the State or proclamation from the President is prescribed by statute or required by prec? edent. --' In the case of South Carolina insurrec? tion and domestic violence were so clear? ly shown and the application of the Gov? ernor thereof was duly presented, that I could not deny his constitutional request [ without abandoning my duty as the Ex? ecutive of the national government The companies stationed in the other States have been employed to secure the better .execution of the laws of the United f States aud to preserve the'peace of the United States. After the election had been held and where violence Was appre? hended by which the returns frora,the counties and precincts might, be destroyed, troops were oraereoSto^tuerState of Flori? da, and those already in Louisiana were ordered to the points in greatest danger of violence. I have hot employed troops on slight occasions nor in any cisfe where it has not been necessary to theienforce ment of the laws oFihe United States. In this I have been gfafded by the consti? tution and the laws winch have been en? acted and the precedents which have been formed under it. It has been necessary to employ troops occasionally to overcome Resistance to theiriterflal revenue lawspftoWtne time of the resistance to the collection of the whiskey-tax in ^Pennsylvania, under Washington, to the present time. In 1854, when it was apprehended that resistance would be made in Boston to the seizure and return to his master of a fugitive slave, the troops there stationed were employed to enforce the master^ right * uder the constitution, and troops stationed at New York were ordered to be in readiness to go to Boston if- it should prove to be necessary. In 1859, when John Brown, with a small-number of men, .made bis attack on Harpens ;F?rryvtne\3?rj?ident ordered United States troops to assist in the ap? prehension and suppression of him and ibis party, without, a" fbrtnal call of the Legislature or Governor of Virginia and without proclamation of tb^e President. Without jreddlirig -fujther instances in which the Executive has exercised his powers as commander of the army and navy to prevent or suppress resistance to the laws of the United States, or where he has exercised like authority in obedi? ence to a call from a State to suppress in? surrection, I desire to assure both Con? gress and the country that it has been my purpose to administer the executive powers of the government fairly, and in no instance to disregard or transcend the limits of the constitution. . ' U. S. GRANT. Executive Mansion, Jan. 22, 1877. Reformation of the Election Laws. Governor Hendricks urges the reforma? tion of the election laws of Indiana? which are made as pervious to fraud as a seive is to water. He suggests that all poUticaL^parties be represented on the ?board -6P erection officers; that voting places be made numerous and the pre? cincts small i that a reasonable residence be required to qualify a voter, anoTtlia't some steps be taken to prevent the use of money to influence elections. "If in the contest for power," says Governor Hen? dricks, "money shall become stronger than the people, we will have the worst government possible." He recommends as tending to further the purity of elec? tions, that the time of holding them be changed to the Tuesday after the second Monday in November. Such a step will deprive the October elections of all sig? nificance. It is of the utmost importance that the election laws should be reformed, and that such legal safeguards and guarantees should be thrown around the ballot box as will not only effectually. preserve its purity, but will inspire the confidence and respect of the people. Any attempt, however, to reform the present defective system that does not provide a uniform and fair method of counting the votes and establishing definitely and beyond the suspicion of.fraud, the result of the p?lling will be deficient. It would be well if the several States .of the Union would adopt?for the govj eminent of Federal elections at least?a uniform election law, so framed that un? der its provisions the people would be enabled to give certain and irreversible expression to their sovereign will through the ballot box. To accomplish this end the law should provide for the appoint? ment of trustworthy and responsible citi? zens, equally representing both political arties, who should be amply protected y the local civil authorities in conduct? ing the election in a fair and orderly manner. ? At the close of the polls it should be the duty of the managers -to proceed at once to count the votes in presence of representatives of both par? ties, and the counting should be continued without intermission, by reliefs if necessary?the ballot box not being removed from public view?until all the votes are counted. On the com? pletion of the counting the result should be properly certified by the managers of the election, and publicly proclaimed and an official certificate of the result, giving the vote polled for each candidate, posted in some conspicuous place at each polling place. The result of the balloting thus officially cc/tified, publicly proclaimed and conspicuously posted should be de-., clared by law/to be authentic/valid and: final, and should be subjected to no after revision or manipulation by any other tribunal than the managers of the elec? tion under whose supervision the votes were cast. The official result thus made public could not afterwards be falsified or sup? pressed. The law should make provision for the adjudication, on the spot, of all questions of legality, and should prescribe' a uniform system' of registration; also the manner of conducting the election and of certifying the returns, which being strictly complied with, should render the official return of the managers conclusive and irreversible. Such regulations properly enforced would insure fair elections and prevent fraud or the suspicion oWraud ; would do away with all pretext for State canvassers and returning boards, that are bringing our boasted elective system into merited contempt and put an end to contested elections and the strifes of faction which threatens the destruction of the republic. ; The purity of the ballot box should be held sacred, but the purity of the ballot box is not to be preserved through the means of corrupt and irresponsible re? turning boards. The ballot box is the source of free, popular government, and if it is to continue to express the popular will, the closer it is kept in hand by the people the surer will it subserve the pur? pose for which it was instituted. ? Vanderbilt, the great railroad mo? nopolist, bequeathed some money to a Granger?the widow of Gen. Go.don Granger. ? "We've got to economize, or this county is ru>incd," was the soliloquy of a Detroit husband, as he kindled the fire j with his wife'b bustle, THE REPUBLICAN CONSPIRATORS. the dangers which the country has j happily escaped-projects and j purpose8 of republican extrem- j 18 rS in washington?hayes to be ! counted in, even at the expense of a war?a gigantic conspiracy against the nation's peace. Correspondence of the Nets York Herald. Washington, Jan. 21,1877. Previous to the harmonious action of the Joint Congressional Committee, the j political situation here had changed so j greatly and so dangerously for the peace | of the country within a week that what j passed here, if it were known to the peo- j pie elsewhere, could not fail to create | deep and well-founded alarm. The coun- j try appeared to rest under the belief that, j however the politicians may disagree and quarrel, when the proper and law-ap pointed time comes a proper and lawful; settlement of the Presidential dispute j would be made. During some weeks the result seemed not improbable; but with? in a few days past the extremists of both parties had begun to show their hands and develop their intentions, and I do not exaggerate when I tell you that the opinion has been widely entertained that unless the substantial men of New York and of the whole country spoke out promptly and plainly, unless they united in an imperative demand that there should be a peaceable, constitutional and honest settlement of the question, trouble of the most serious character lay imme? diately ahead. Nothing is now more absolutely certain than that the peace of the country de? pends on the twp houses coming to some agreement before the 14th of February as to the manner in which the electoral vote should be counted. If this question was not settled beforehand, the Republican leaders had determined that the Vice President should count the vote, and should count only such certificates as they would have directed him to open. They would have claimed that, no agree? ment having been reached by the houses, the duty or counting devolved by this failure upon the Vice President, and thus they meant to count in Hayes, no matter what protest might be made by the House. But if this scheme was carried out it is very certain that the House on its part would proceed to elect Tilden and proclaim him President, and leading Democrats, looking to the great possibili? ty of such a complication, were quietly taking measures to secure the attendance here of 5,000 or perhaps 10,000 men to make a demonstration under the guise pf petitioning Congress for justice. Now, the Republican leaders were not in the least averse to all this. They have been credited with a determination to crush every effort looking to an agree? ment of the two houses. They were fill? ing their organs all over the country with assertions that the Vice President has the constitutional right to count, and thus preparing the public mind to sustain their open opposition to any plan the joint committee might produce, and meantime they were usiug party terror? ism and all other means to prevent an agreement in the committee. They pointed to the silence of the country as evidence that "nobody wants a plan or agreement;" and they had already, by a few days of unintermitting work, so cowed some Senators and puzzled others that it was doubtful whether any plan or agree? ment could pass the Senate. The Chandler-Morton theory was that it is better to provoke a new war than to give up the power they possess. They held that the Democrats would blunder ; that the Vice President's count would be accepted by the country, or at atiy rate that which had the. most plausible ap? pearance of loyalty; that it a Democratic mass meeting assembled here it would authorize and produce a Republican counter demonstration, and that with the federal power, forces and arms in their hands, they could crush any movement here, while if it should extend and be? come a general outbreak, they would thank Heaven for a new rebellion, in which they meant to be the men to en? force peace and carry out the laws. It is not difficult to see that this scheme was full of strong points. If the Demo? crats submitted then Chandler would have carried his point, and he, Morton and Sherman would reckon on the neces? sary gratitude of Hayes. If the Demo? crats resisted?as they undoubtedly would, and as no force oi influence which could be used could prevent them from doing?then hurrah for a new war, a vast raid on the South in the name of peace; and these leaders, who carried on tbe last canvass as a crusade, believed the people would follow them, or, rather, would spring to arms at a Democratic demonstration. The one thing feared by Chandler, Morton and Sherman was an agreement by the two houses upon a plan?any plan ?for a count of the vote. They were not so averse to a plan which should leave the decision concerning the dis? puted States to a committee composed entirely of members of the two houses. The members of such a committee would have been chosen by party caucuses, and it was well understood that Mr. Morton would manage that men should be ap? pointed from the Republican side who would disagree to everything;. But the proposition now adopted to bring in legal experts, and those judges of the Supreme Court, was a different matter. The Re? publican leaders could not hope that these judges could be deceived, or that they would decide on partisan grounds the questions as to constitutional methods, law and weight of evidence which will now come before them. Mr. Chandler and his allies are not blunderers; they have a perfect knowledge of the facts in the disputed States; they know that their case in Florida and in Louisiana will not bear even a slight investigation by men trained to this work and impartial in their judgment. Hence their prompt alarm and opposition to this plan of call? ing in judges of the Supreme Court; and the immediate renewal of tbe cry in all the Republican organs that the Vice President must count. Hence the threats that were made here prior to the agree? ment that any man in either house who even weakened on this question should be considered a traitor to his party; should be opposed at home and de? nounced everywhere, and should be sum? marily expelled from public, life. Such threats have more effect here than you think, ag a multitude of Congressmen hold their places by precarious tenures and need at every election the help of the party. They also have friends and allies in local offices, and they have been accus? tomed to follow their leaders. But there is not the least doubt that the administration leaders conceived that their main strength lay in the supineness of the public. Daily and triumphantly they pointed their followers to the fact that nobody demanded an agreement or a plan. "The people don't care," they urged, j "Why should you move?how dare you j move against your party?" The few amiable politicians sent here j from New York and other cities for an I honest settlement only excited their con I tempt. j "Thtty were signed by aortsbeaUd/' they said. "The party is a unit. Stand still and it will all be right." The Senatorial elections in Illinois and Massachusetts attract extraordinary in? terest, because the results there would give some evidence of popular feeling. If Messrs. Boutwell and Logan are re elected it would be held by Chandler and Morton as a clear indorsement of their course, for both Boutwell and Logan have committed themselves to the most extreme measures?even to a new war? if that would be necessary to put in Hayes, and Mr. George F. Hoar's course, which is moderate and judicial, had al? ready caused him to be privately de? nounced as a traitor and no better than a fool. I say to you, therefore, that unless the two houses had agreed upon a plan be? fore the 14th of February none would have been adopted ; and in that case my deliberate advice to everybody would be to prepare for a new and bloody war. I do not say this hastily; you know that I have uncommonly good means for know? ing what goes on here below the surface. The danger was not greater in 1860 than it has been in 1877. I have given you not mere impressions; the fears I have expressed and the schemes I have related were the topics of private consultation here daily among members of all classes. War was in the air, and despondency gained on the one hand among men anxious for peace, while the other side grew more boastful and assured of suc? cess. Happily all this cloud of doubt and danger has been dissipated, by the agreement of the joint committee to a peaceful and constitutional settlement of the question at issue. The country has been rescued from terrible peril and our institutions received a renewal of strength from the fact that they have withstood such a tremendous strain. JUDGE JERRY BLACK ON GRANT. Testimony of a Man who Knew Much of the First President of the United States. Judge Black and a party of Constitu? tionalists were engaged in discussion in the gorgeous dining room of the Riggs House last night. I was surprised at the apprehensions these men indulged.? They hold Grant capable of any bull headed lawlessness, even to the extent of immuring the Tilden majority in Con? gress in the bowels of Fortress Monroe, as he openly threatens. Judge Black's tongue is sharper than vitriol and aqua? fortis. As to nates, or hopes, or fears, or passions, or predilections, be seems to have none. Sitting at the sumptuous table, the head of it?as "where Douglas sits is the head of the table"?he recalled the singu? lar career of the clod who, by the satire of chance, sits in the seat of Washington and wields a power a million-fold greater. The very comparison between the men drew from the Judge one of those com Eendious apothegms, which have made is pleas before the Supreme Court treas? ure houses of the most enduring wit. Some of these gentlemen had rather de? precated the greatness of Washington, thought he was a common-place person; great only because surrounded by medioc? rity of a lower order, and tried by events of only ordinary perplexity. "Not so," said the Judge with a tone of reproach and the nearest approach to vivacity that his grave voice ever gives loose to. "If any power, supernatural or otherwise, had appeared in the American Congress, and, laying down 'Plutarch's Lives,' said take your choice of all these heroes, you shall have the one you select to lead your armies and restore you from tyranny, they could not have fouud," said the Judge emphatically, "a character so rounded, complete, and thoroughly equipped as Washington's." This re? markable testimony, it must be bore in mind, comes from a man who was quite a boy when Washington died?who, in? deed, knew much of the first President. Upon this broad basis Grant's character was discussed, and it was agreed that if "Plutarch's Lives" couldn't furnish a parallel for Washington for virtue, patriotism, wisdom aud moderation, neither could it supply a counterpart for the General who in a hundred battles never won one, save where his forces were five to one and his slaughter in the same proportion; who never knew a generous emotion; who never dreamed of a higher position, save for the oppor? tunities it gave to reward dependents; who never yearned for power, save as a reward; who never dreamed of office as a trust; whose motives are in every posi? tion ignoble; whose rewards are se [fish, and whose resentments are degrading. Upon such a character as this the peace of the country, conservative men hold, should not be permitted to depend. It is true that impeachment could uot reach him in time, but when the people are in peril, there are those who claim that the laws, which are made solely for public safety, should not be suffered to render them a prey to designing scoundrels. Hence tne duty of Congress to imitate the Cromwell House of Commons. The writ of the Speaker, under a vote of the House, could bring the whole business to a sudden issue. With Grant, Chandler, Sherman, Don Cameron, and Taft sequestered in some State prison for a week or two, the conspiracy would be without the vigorous inspirations of per? fectly unscrupulous malefactors, and the popular forms of government under no shadow of subversion. Like breeds like. If Chandler and his kind had never set the evil example of open conspiracy, there would be no occasion of discussion of this sort. But when the purpose of the malcontents has been boldly set forth, there is no reason why the defenders of popular rights should not prepare to meet revolutionary schemes by methods equally as resolute.? Chicago Times. Perry and Hampton.?In a letter to a New Haven Palladium, ex-Governor B. F. Perry comes to the rescue of the good name of Governor Wade Hampton. Al? though Governor Perry at one time de? sired the re-election of Chamberlain, and says as much, he does not hesitate to de? clare that Gen. Hampton's public and private character is freer from reproach than that of any man whom he has ever known in a political experience of half a century. He says : He is kind and gentle, modest, unas? suming, the soul of honor, and attaches every one to him who makes his ac? quaintance. His character is very much that of Washington's, distinguished for wisdom, firmness and purity, looking only to the interest of his country and rising above all party considerations. He did not wish to be Governor, but felt it his duty to obey the popular will. Be? fore South Carolina seceded he was, like myself, a Uniou man, but felt that he was bound to share the destiny of his State for woe or for weal. In the Con? federate army his genus and talents, rendered his career a brilliant one, and he rose to be a Lieutenant-General.? Never was an officer more idolized by his command, and he deserved the love and admiration of his soldiers. He has been known to pull off his overcoat and give it to a soldier whom he saw lying on the ground uud abivoring with cold, I THE ENGLISH YIEW OF IT. A Stranger's Sketch of Some Recent Scenes In Columbia. Correspondence of the London Times. Columbia, S. C, December 2. . * * * Whoever may have refused admission to the eight members from Lauren* and Edgefield, there is no doubt that it was refused, whereupon the other Democratic members, who, being pro? vided with certificates from the board of canvaRS, might have entered the House if they had liked, declined to separate from their comrades, and the whole Democrat? ic party went to another hall, and there formally declared themselves the legally constituted House. It seems to me, I must confess, a pity they did not remain there ; but on Thursday, taking advan? tage of the thanksgiving holiday, they stole a march upon the enemy and got into the State House, hustling away the doorkeeper, who made a feeble effort to stop them, and seized the unoccupied chair for their own Speaker. The Re? publicans soon gathered, and attempted to dispossess him by commands and threats; but no force was resorted to on either side. The attempt proved a fail? ure, and he is still there, the Republican Speaker being driven to the not very dig? nified expedient of occupying a chair alongside of him. The comical part of the situation is that neither party dare leave the House ungarrisoned, lest they should be surprised by a coup de main, and some of the garrison have now been there over sixty hours continuously. They have their food brought in, and at night lie on the floor, wrapped in blan? kets, or sit dozing in arm chairs round the stoves. The negro legislators while away the time by singing political songs to religious airs, such as "Hold the fort for Hayes and Wheeler," and by other grotesque buffoonery of a kind never, I suspect, witnessed in a hall of Legislature before. Their usual chairman, a white man, can keep them in something like proper order, and so can two or three of the abler men of their own color. But as the chair has to be always filled, and the chairmen, in consequence, are con? stantly being changed, an average mem? ber occasionally gets into it for whom they have no respect, and then scenes ensue which, as an Anglo-Saxon with the same blood in my veins as the white members, Democrat or Republican, I am almost ashame to describe. I need not, I hope, say that I have no sort of prejudice against the colored members as such. There are among them some very able and well educated men. Mr. Thomas and Mr. Miller made as good speeches as one could expect on the aver? age to hear in any Parliament, much bet? ter speeches than some I have heard in St. Stephen's. Such men are, of course, in their right place, for, though they have more white blood than black in them, they take rank, according to the custom of the country, with the negro population, and are well fitted?so far as their intellectual qualifications go?I know nothiug else about them?to watch over its interests. Mr. Hamilton, com? monly known as "Tom Hamilton," is another type of colored member to whose presence in the House no impartial man would object. He is not welt educated, in the ordinary sense, and bis English and grammar are sometimes quite his own. But he can make himself intelli? gible, and can speak very straight to the point. He is, perhaps, a little too fond of talking about his pistol and the good shooting he can do with it. In one speech he told a member who was rash enough to venture upon an interruption which would have been thought very mild in the House of Commons, "Any man that feels himself insulted by a re? mark from my lips has his remedy; he has only to say how he wants it." In another speech, turning to a group of his colored brethren, (he has, though a Re? publican, temporarily joined the Demo? crats on the question which House is legal,) be remarked?"I am one of those who, if they think a man a ? thief tell him so. I don't talk about my shooting, though I now and then hit a sparrow fly? ing over the rice fields just to keep my hand in. Make your threat, but when you go to put it into execution make your will." I took down these observations verbatim in my notebook, as I thought I had seldom heard any more pithily ex? pressed and to the point, and they were all the more remarkable as coming from a man who, a few minutes before, bad expressed a hope that if he were kP'ed fighting for his dear South Carolina, bis "remainders" might be deposited by those of his father and mother. It is only fair, too, to explain that this reference to shooting and fighting does not sound as unparliamentary here as it would in the House of Commons. The whole atmosphere is charged with talk about pistols and fighting. I believe that I, being the only neutral, am the only person who goes to the House with? out a pistol; some "strangers" take two and even three, so as to have a spare one for a friend. The reporter's gallery is armed, and some of its occupants quite eager for the fray. When one of them found out in the course of conversation that I had no weapon, he stared at me much as in England a man might have stared if I had said I did not own a tooth? brush. I do not, of course, wish to imply that this is the ordinary state of things in Columbia, at least as regards the House. It is due to the threat uttered by the Re Eublicau party that they will have the aureus and Edgefield members forcibly expelled from the House by the State constabulary, and the Democrats solemn? ly declare that they will offer armed re? sistance to the State constabulary unless it is supported by Federal troops. With the latter, whose authority they recognize and respect, they have no wish to come into collision. Hence every Democrat in the House, whether a member or "stranger," would assuredly join in a fight with the constabulary (who are col? ored,) and, therefore, a Democrat now wants something more than the one con? ventional pistol, de rigueur, which he car? ries about everywhere. The Republi? cans, I need not say, are equally well armed, and each side keeps very close watch upon the other, and the leaders do their best to see that by the withdrawal of members or the introduction of volun? teers and free-fighters they are not out? numbered. The Democrats have one volunteer who is said to have killed his two or four men?the accounts given me varied?and he is so afraid of missing a fight that he has not once put his foot outside the House lest the Republican doorkeepers should not let him in again, and means to stick there until the dis? pute is somehow settled. The Laurens and Edgefield members are specially watched, since if they ventured out of the House, and could be kept from returning, the Republicans would have gained their point. Only one of them has, I believe, so far ventured out, and he has such a well-established reputation for fearless? ness and unflinching readiness to risk his life, that the doorkeeper has probably to be found who would care to stop him. This morning, seeing his entrance create some little pomtnotiou round the door, I went up to ask him how he got in. His method was very ^mple, though, lent it should in cunaajuenco be tried by the no-1 wary, let me explain that a man must have made the same reputation as the in ventor if he wishes to adopt it with suc? cess or safety. He told methat "at ten yards he fixed the doorkeeper with his eye (a most wild beast-quelling eye let me remark parenthetically,) and laid his right hand upon a large improved Wes? son under his cloak." If, after a hint so gentle yet emphatic as this, the door? keeper had held the door shut, he would have at once "let daylight through him." Nobody who knows the man doubts that he would have done what he says he meant to do. Mr.Tom Hamilton's pistol has tempted me into an unduly long digression, but I hope it may have the interest of, at least, novelty to the peaceable, not to say tame spirited, frequenters of St. Stephen's. I wa* going to point out that such colored members as he and Messrs. Thomas and Miller, with two or three others, whose names I do not know, would not, by any fair man, be grudged their seats in a House of Representatives for a State of which more than half the population is colored. But such members can be counted on the fingers, and as for the rest of the colored members, their merits are of a kind to which I fear it would be im? possible to do justice at the end of a let? ter already too long. Lord Dnfferiu's Speech. At a dinner of the National Club at Ottawa the Governor-Geueral of the Do? minion got ofF some very modest remarks, from which the following extract is taken : As for the United States, although they may be too proud to own it, there is not a citizen of the neighboring Republic who does not envy the smooth and har? monious workings of our well-balanced and happily-adjusted institutions. Of one thing I am quite sure, that there is not an American politician between the Atlantic and the Pacific who would not at the present moment be content to give half his fortune, and perhaps a great deal more, to possess that most serviceable and most useful thing, a Governor-Gen? eral. Indeed the acquisition by the United States of so valuable a personage has of late come to appear of such prime necessity?would prove such an obvious mode of solving their personal difficulties and of remedying the defects of thergov ernmental machine?that I have been extremely nervous about passing so near the border as I had to do on my way hither. There is no knowing what might happen in case of people under such a stress of temptation. Raids have been prompted sometimes by love as well as hate. In fact, the tame ceremonies of modern marriage are but the emasculated reproduction of the far more spirited principle of capture by which brides in less sophisticated ages were obtained.? Who knows to what lengths Mr. Tilden and Mr. Hayes, and the millions of their respective adherents now drawn up in hostile array against each other might not be driven in the agony of their pres? ent suspense. A British Governor-Gen? eral ! What a cutting of the Gordian knot I And so near, too?just across the water. A gunboat and a sergeant's guard and the thing is done. Ana then think what they got in him. A person dislo? cated from all sectional interests, preju? dices, and passions who can never be? come stronger than the people's Parlia? ment or divide the national vote. A representative of all that is august, stable and sedate in the government, the histo? ry, and the traditions of the country; incapable of partisanship, and lifted far above the atmosphere of faction ; with? out adherents to reward or opponents to oust from office; docile to the sugges? tions of his Ministers, and yet securing to the people the certainty of being able to get rid of an administration or Parlia? ment the moment either had forfeited their confidence. Really, gentlemen, I think I had better remove nearer the North Pole, for I am sure you will be? lieve me when I say that after having been made to feel for so many years how good and kind are the people of Canada, having had an opportunity of apprecia? ting how high an honor it is to be con? nected with a Dominion so full of hope, with such a glorious prospect before her, I shall never be induced, even under the stress of violence and a threat of being "bull-dozed," to sit for one moment longer than I can help in the Presiden? tial chair of the United States. Should I go you may expect me back by the under-ground railway. Nay, mor so deeply attached am I to our Canada it the Pashalik of Bulgaria, shall not tempt me away, even though a full domestic establishment, such as are customary in that country, should be provided for me out of the taxes of the people, and Lady Dufferin gave her consent, which is doubtful. Give us a Rest.?Civilization and hunger are incompatible. All the virtue and graces of humanity?certainly of male humanity?fly before an empty stomach. It may be possible for a man to be hungry and amiable at the same time, but it is not safe for any wife to presume upon so unlikely an occurrence habitually. Ignorance of this physiolog? ical truth has been the ruin of many an otherwise happy household. And we may set it down from both observations and experiences?premising that our ex? perience in this respect has been excep? tionally happy?that preprandial discre? tion is the severest test of a good wife. Just before dinner is the worst possible time to bother a husband with questions or complaints, or even with efforts to be aggressively agreeable. Then is the time above all others when social silence should grace the home, and make it seem to the tired man the most delightful and restful place on earth. Half an hour of quiet just then is the best porsible prepa? ration for the social enjoyment of the coming meal, for then the nervous ten? sion and mental strain of business care and anxiety can be gradually relaxed, and the entire system brought into con? ditions for enjoying food and the ameni? ties of social society. Yet how frequent? ly does the wife choose that particular time to speak of her trials and troubles, the misconduct of servants and children, the petty requirements of the household, or other things trivial or disagreeable, and then marvel that her husband's tem? per is not so sweet as it ought to be! The offense is worse even than the intro? duction of such topics at meal-time.? Scientific American. Marks of a Gentleman.?No man is a gentleman who, without provocation, would treat with incivility the humblest of his species. It is vulgarity for which no accomplishment of dress or address can ever atone. Show us the man who desires to make every one around him happy, and whose greatest solicitude is never to give cause of offence to any one, and we will show you a gentleman by nature and species, though he may never have worn a suit of broadcloth, nor ever heard of a lexicon. We are proud to ?wy for the honor of our species, there are many men in every throb of whose heart there is solicitude for the welfare of mankind, and whoso every breath is pBrJunic*d with kindn&tf, ROMANCE OF THE ATE5UE. He Wasn't Drunk, It was Only Hit Buots. From Don PiaiCt Washington Capital. One night last week a member of Con? gress, quite an exceptional one, iu respect of the proprieties of his station and from I a social point of view, called on a well known young lady of this city. The pavements were sloppery and his feel were wet. While waiting in the parlor and vainly essaying to imbibe warmth at the register, a lucky thought struck him, and as there was no one in the room and no prospect of his lady acquaintance for twenty minutes, he removed his boots and stretched his brown-sock encased feet in front of the register. The effect was soothing and comfortable, and when sufficiently satisfied with the heat our Congressional rooster started to pull on his damp boots. The movement progressed finely as far as the legs were concerned, but the rapid transit was wholly stopped when he struck the instep and there stuck. Stamps, oaths, jerks and wrest? ling with the leg-straps were of no avail. He heard the rustle of the lady's dress, and crowding his off-boot iuto the remain? ing, boot stood, with perspiration on his brow and cold chills down his back, to receive her. When she entered be sank into a chair with relief, and with the ex? ception of some agitated absent minded neas, all progressed well until her father ! dropped in, when, rising to greet the paternal bird, our M. C. lurched dread? fully, so markedly that he was keenly watched in his conversation, and his em? barrassed language resulting from the situation subjected to scrutinous sus? picion. The general idea prevalent was not favorable to the Congressional servant of the people, and worse still he forgot him? self, and asking the young lady to sing, offered to escort her to the piano, which, under the circumstances, he could not very actively accomplish. As it was he lurched to leeward and starboard, rolling on the uppers of his treacherous boots, while the lady recoiled from an abrupt fall on bis part, and the old man seized him violently by the shoulder. "You are a little off," he said as polite? ly as possible with the occasion. "I will call my man ; he will see you home." "I ain't drunk," expostulated the mem? ber, "it's my boots only; my boots " "Why you must be in a bad way 1 Snakes in your boots? No, no, my good fellow, don't be alarmed, a good night's rest and all will be well. Thomas"? "You infernal old fool," howled the booted man; exasperated beyond the limit of decency by his wretched condi? tion and the placid misunderstanding of the old gentleman ; "you infernal old fool, I ain't drunk 1 I can lick the bead off'n you in two minutes?I ain't drunk !" "I never saw a man in a more rampant and beastly state of intoxication in my life." (This in an undertone.) "If it were not that I am restrained by the presence of my servants I would put you out myself. Thomas, show this gentle? man into the nearest street car." Overcome by the coolness of the old man and the muscular development of the darkey boy, the unhappy member was led out jogging and jerking on bis rickety boots and spraining an ankle at every lurch. The darkey boy returned in a few minutes, saying: "Goddlemity! I never see such a drunk? en man in my life. He wanted to fight me fust and then gimme ten dollah bill fo' my shoes, and sot down on de cu'b stone and put 'em on. Dey was too tight fo' him though, fo' be was a Republican gen'lerrian." (As he was a Republican member, we deem it hecessary to state that the ten dollar bill in this instance was not coun? terfeit.) lawyer and Client* The following extracts are from the lectures on the "Study and Practice of Law," by Emory Washburn, of the Har? vard Law School, may correct some pop? ular errors: "I would not, however, be misunder? stood upon this subject of defending persons charged with crimes. There is a great deal of cant and twaddle in the community about lawyers lending them? selves to shield the guilty and defeat jus? tice, as if the cause of justice was not strengthened and the confidence in its administration confirmed in the public mind, by its being known that no man can be convicted except upon a fair trial, even though, nbw and then, a guilty man escapes. * * * * But the question does not expend itself upon individual instances of courage or the conviction, or escape of this man or that, charged with csimes. It lies deeper and goes down to the foundation and constitution of civil government itself. One of the purposes of government is to create a feeling of security on the part of the citizens, that the humblest of them is protected by wise laws, wisely and impartially admin? istered. Nor can a people be accounted free who do not feel that life and proper? ty too, are safe from the tribunals which are to pass upon the questions on which these depend. Next to the certainty of having justice done is the assurance that the law can and will apply tests as nearly infallible as may be, to discriminate be? tween the guilty and the innocent, be? tween what is right and what is wrong. It is here we have to meet the question with which we started, with no sickly sentimentalism about the guilty 'going unwhipped of justice.' The truth is, the public need and they must have, a class of able, trained and disciplined men, set apart as ministers of the law, whose ser? vices all may command, who can and will stand by any one against whom soci? ety is aiming a blow, so far as to see that he is fairly dealt by, and that justice be? tween him and the public is meeted out with an even hand. "But while I am insisting that it is not only the right but the duty of a lawyer to act as the advocate of any man who is charged with a crime, it his services are sought or desired, I claim for him no in? dulgence in the way of trick, falsehood or misrepresentation. He has no more right to use these in defending another than he has in getting his neighbor's money or cheating by false pretences. But such means as the law has furnished him, and made it lawful for him to use, he would be derelict in duty if he failed to apply, no matter what his suspicions may be. If a guilty man thereby es? capes, honest men would feel safer in the assurance they would thus gain, that whatever the law is, it is no respecter of persons, and that no man is beyond the pale of its protection, than they would to see a wretch sent to prison because no one could be found to plead his cause. "I come back, then, to the enquiry with which we began, by saying, so long as you keep within the limits of fair, honorable dealing, you need have no mis-| giving in lending your aid to anyone accused of crime, or in giving him the best of your power and skill. Nor is there any danger that the State, which commands the best talent in tho market, will not be equally careful in seeing that the public good does npt goffer from any r?trp^OT8k2l?ty-c(?ra," LEGAL' ADVERTISING.?Vit are compelled te require cash payments for advertising ordered by I Ejno\ijjUH| Adialutatratorp and- ottar-fldqriariM and YercwTth" append the rates for the ordinary lotices, which will only be inserted whon the money comes with the order: Citations, two Insertions, - $3.00 Estate Notices, three insertions, - - 2.06 Final Settlements, five Insertions - - 3.00 TO CORRESPONDENTS.-In order to receive attention, communications must be accompanied by the true name and address of the writer. Re? jected manuscripts will not be returned, unless the necessary stamps are furnished to repay the postage thereon. We are not responsible for the views and opinions of our correspondents. All communications should be addressed to "Ed* itorg Intelligencer," and all checks, drafts, money orders, 4c, should be made payable to the order of HOYT A CO., Anderson, 8. C. A PHILOSOPHICAL BRIDEGROOM. His Affianced Elopes With a Rival, Whereupon He Marries Another. From the St. Louit Times. Lexington was the scene of quite a little episode, in the form of a dual wed? ding, within the past few days. The facts are as follows: A young gentleman, by the name of Tolbert Hickland, residing some two and a half miles from the city, on the Dover road, had arranged for his nuptials with one of Lexington's* fair damsels, a Miss Fannie Jennings, and all arrangements had been completed for the consumma? tion of the happy event at. the time ap? pointed, at the residence of the father of the young lady. It appears that Mr. Rusael Cather, of this city, had .been also paying his address to this same young lady for some time past, and on the day preceding the day set for the wedding, called to see the lady and proposed an elopement with her on that very day, to which she readily as? sented, and on that evening, after the family had retired, both she and ber trunk were stealthily spirited away from her father'-s domicile, and she and her lover, after considerable difficulty in pro? curing the services of a clergyman, were united in wedlock and crossed the Mis? souri river that night at the dead hour of midnight, where awaited them a carriage to convey them on their bridal tour and in search of their honeymoon. Morning came, and soon thereafter Mr. H. ap? peared in town only to the realization of the fact that the bird bad flown, and that he still remained a voyager in search of a wife, but was destined not to remain so long, as the sequel proved. In the fami? ly of the father of the young lady there was also another young lady, poor, but estimable and quite pretty, to whom had been offered the comforts of a home? Miss Alice Haywood. Thither Mr. H. bent his way on learning the faithless? ness of his affianced, and arranged that the preparation for the elegant wedding supper should not be for naught, and that he and Miss Alice should be mar? ried at the appointed time and place at which he was to have been married to Miss Fannie. In the course of the day these facts were quickly circulated and known and discussed by all. The clergy? man whose services had been secured by Mr. H. met him and jocularly remarked that he would expect him to call for him at his residence at the hour appointed, to which Mr. Hickland replied that he would. True to appointment he called for the parson at the hour set with a close carriage. The parson, not knowing just what shape matters had taken, in a sort of semi-bewilderment entered the carriage in quest of the solution of this wonderful and curious affair. Finally the carriage was brought to a standstill and the parson invited to alight and enter the house, which, to his great surprise, he saw was the same one to which he had been called to perform the marriage of Mr. Hickland with the young lady who had so mysteriously and unexpected? ly eloped with another party. On enter? ing he found a pleasant company assem? bled, and soon thereafter united the afore? said Mr. Hickland to the beautiful and estimable Miss Alice Haywood, after which the evening was spent delightfully, and the wedding supper proved not to be spoiled for the want of a wedding. No Longer a Sphynx. The wisdom to be fonnd in the reti? cence of our administration finds illus? tration when he speaks. Silence with him was -indeed golden. For many years we have gazed upon his intellectual coun? tenance, and marveled greatly at the sup? posed thoughts and feelings hidden be? hind the dull, dead look of the modern Sphynx. We cried out again and again, "Speak, oh, mysterious Being! Let ns know in oracular speech of what thou seest." It is human nature to believe that animals see spirits, and feel the ap Sroach of the earthquake and the torna o. We feel that we are warned when the horse or dog stands trembling, or looks amazed when there is naught we can see to alarm. In like manner we watched our executive, believing that he saw signs and had visions. Alas! he has spoken,.and our Sphynx is as dull as he looks. We are reminded of the story told, if we remember rightly, by Charles Lamb. He was impressed by a Caesarian head and a solemn countenance at a dinner party. The owner of this imposing ap? pearance spoke never a word, ana the poor author felt depressed in the pres? ence of this thoughtful man. He feared to open his mouth lest his utterance would meet with disfavor. The dinner wore wearily on, for the wise man said not a word. At last a dish of smoking hot dumplings Were brought in, and the feared philosophere roared out, "Them's the guv'ners for me." Since the President has opened his ponderous jaw and let out his views, "we are ashamed, through all our being, to have been wroth witn so weak a thing." It is too pitiful for laughter. He seems to be obvious of noted events in his own term of office, such as the vote of Loui? siana in his second election. His opin? ions would disgrace a colored Legislature and fetch a ten-year old boy up for pun? ishment. In the midst of such grave events, before complications brought on by wicked men, that threaten the very existence of our republic, to have our Chief Executive, upon whose wisdom, caution and forbearance depend so much, uttering such twaddle as he gives ont through the Associated Press, is enough to make a people despair. We have these views before us. It was our intent to give them comment and criticism. But this is too much like dis? secting a worthless insect beneath a mi? croscope, for our taste. And so we dis? miss His Excellency?as we trust the people may be able to dismiss him on the 4th of March next?with no other feeling than one of. commiseration for him and for ourselves. For him, that he has been so pilloried by a false position, and we, that his pillory was the Presi? dent's chair.? Washington Capital. ? A new tribe of aboriginal Indians has been discovered near the headwaters of the Brazos who have been so quiet that even their existence has heretofore been unknown to the government or any of the whites. They have never asked for ponies or blankets. Their.tribe is called "Plato," and they number about 500. They have been living with the Comanches, and have behaved like little men. Very recently, however, they have notified Col. Hatch that they desire to go to Wescalaro Agency, at Fort Stan ton. They represent that they are very poor, and that if they are transferred it will be necessary to furnish them two or three weeks' rations of beef and a mili? tary escort. They are to be transferred and fed.?Denver News. ? Saint Valentine's Day comes on the second Wednesday of February, the day on which the electoral vote for Pres? ident and Vice-President is to bo an? nounced. As Hayes is a married man and Tilden a bachelor, the latter is the only one of the two who can appropriate? ly receive such a valentine as the Pres.*