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HOYT & CO., Proprietors. ANDERSON C. H., S. C, THURSDAY MORNING, JULY 8, 1876. VOLUME X.?NO. 51. HENRY WILSON'S DEFENCE. A Letter from the Yice President on His Late Trip?The Presidency and the Repub? lican Party. Natick, Mass., June 23, 1875. Wo (he Editor8 of the Boston Daily Advertiser: ? Recognizing to the fullest extent the right ?of the press to review and criticise the words ?nd acts of public men, I claim the right and ?believe it to be sometimes the duty of those so criticised to vindicate those words and acts. Acting upon these convictions, I propose to Notice some adverse criticisms that have re? cently appeared in a few republican presses. Eight years ago there was printed at the ?capital a journal which assumed to be the or? gan of Andrew Johnson and the exponent of nis "policy."j That journal still lives and ?seems to be hugely gratified with the imputed deputation of being the orgaa of the present ^administration. Recently returned from a ?h?rt journey in a few of the States, South and West, I find myself and trip to have been the innocent cause of extreme solicitude to the ?conductors of this assumed organ, and to those who inspire it, if there be any, of which I en? tertain more than a doubt. But all such solic? itude, I assure them, is uncalled for. That little journey of mine was but the carrying out of advice to take a few weeks of rest before 1 commenced upon the task I had marked out for the summer and autumn. Kindly welcom? ed by the people of both races, by democrats, republicans and conservatives, I visited col? leges, schools and marts of varied industries. Being welcomed by people and presses of every shade of opinion. I said nothing in the twen? ty-nine brief addresses I made of public affairs or of party politics, j I spoke of law, order, peace; of industry, material development, ed? ucation, temperance; of justice to black men and of a generous policy to white men. I vis? ited the graves of Jackson and Clay, of Taylor and Polk, of Crittenden, Bell and Benton. I visited, too, a dying ex-Vice President and chatted a moment with Mrs. Jefferson Davis in the streets of Memphis. Never did I make a more innocent- or agreeable journey than was I crowded into these six weeks. But 1 find on my return that all this is very "significant." These welcomes from all without distinction of race or color; these brief speeches, this visit to the conch of a dying man, that little talk with the wife of the President of the late Confede? racy, were full of meaning. The "wandering Vice President" was too "unanimous," he was "the victim of Presidential aspirations," and he must be rebuked as other gentlemen sus? pected of like desires hod been. To all this I reply that I indulge with thou? sands of my country the idea that the Presi? dency is a lofty and responsible position; that to be elected to that nigh office, and clothed with its vast powers for good by 40,000,000, is an honor by the side of which uncounted wealth must weigh as nothing. But notwith? standing this high estimate, I assure the organ and all others alike exercised that there is not one being in all this broad land to whom I have ever written, spoken or even hinted that I desired, hoped, expected or intended to be a candidate. I assure them, too, that I have been so neglectful, not to say discourteous, as pot to reply to letters written me upon a sub? ject these imaginative ones deem me so inter? ested in. It may soothe their anxiety further if I assure them that I have neither mouey nor patronage nor an organ; that I never made - a promise, in a political life of thirty-five years, to give office or patronage to persons or presses for votes or influence, and that I never intend to do so. No money I no patronage I no organ! Surely this pitiable condition should console and reassure, if it does not placate, these dis? tressed gentlemen who see such mighty influ? ences in money, patronage and organs, and protect me from their jealousies and their sus? picions. - But there is another offence, hardly less hei? nous. On the morning of my return to New York I was visited by a reporter of the Tribune, who propounded several questions concerning my visit and the condition of public and party affairs. Those questions I answered frankly, as I would have done for any other paper, and these answers were published without any re? vision of mine. They were intended to reach and influence, if possible, those republicans who supported Mr. Greeley and the tens of thousands of republicans who aided last year by their votes, or by not voting at all, in losing two-thirds of the States we had carried in 1872, and in converting a republican majority of 760,000 to a minority of 500,000. They who do not see. that these republicans of 1872 and those now deeply dissatisfied, but who are still proud of the record the party has made, hold in their hands the fate of the next Presidential election, little comprehend the condition of public affairs and what is necessary to success. A journal that does not see the wisdom of trying: to influence dissatisfied republicans, says that the IHbune has said sundry unkind things of me, and it taunts me with, being "the most forgiving of men," and declares that my action may be "excellent Christianity," but it is not "self-respect" or "manliness." I came to the conclusion years ago that life is too short to be spent in revenging mere personal wrongs, and I have been for a long while forgiving men and presses that have said unkind, unjust or untruthful things of me. I expect to forgive those who are so foolish as to say untruthful things of me now. They need forgiveness, and if I can act in the spirit of "excellent Christianity," I can afford to let my "self-re? spect" and my "manliness" take care of them? selves. I am accused, too, of not treating the Presi? dent with becoming respect. Where? When ? How ? I am surely unconscious of any Buch purpose. I have seldom obtruded my opinions upon the President; and whenever I have made suggestions it has been because I religi? ously believed that what I deferentially sugges? ted wonld be for .the credit of his administra? tion, the success of the party and the good of the nation. My opposition to the third term folly has been construed, too, into opposition to the President. But nothing is more untrue. When I saw that issue raised and pressed with such disastrous effect upon the party by the adroit representations of its enemies I took early occasion to say to timid friends that there was no real danger, that it was coutrary to the | settled-conviction and traditions of the people, and- that they would elect no man President for a third term. I was actuated by no hostil? ity to the President, nor by favor to any one desirous of being his successor. I deemed the proposition, by whomsoever favored, quite as fatal to the republican party as would have been a proposition to amend the constitution so as to elect a President for life. Having opposed the policy of reconstruction when adopted, it is not surprising that the organ sees little or no progress in the Southern States, and that it criticizes me for expressing the opinion that there has been progress and that there is a better feeling than heretofore. Having been an anti-slavery man for thirty nine years, and having read and thought much of Southern affairs, I examined with some care the present condit ion of the South. There have been unquestionably mistakes, misman? agement and in some cases corruption on the part of those called to the high duty of work? ing out the practical problem of a reconstruc? tion in those disordered and devastated Com? monwealths. But with all these mistakes and corrupt practices I saw progress?slow, but I thiuk sure. Had a prophet at the close of the war predicted that in the short space of ten years there should happen what has happened, few would have believed him. Then the col? ored race, just emancipated, had neither prop? erty, homes, education nor political or civil rights. Now, though little accustomed to habits of economy and thrift, it possesses mil? lions of property, has hundreds of thousands of children in schools, has been clothed with civil and political rights, occupies high posi? tions at home, and has representatives in Con? gress. Then the white race, with institutions, industries and labor disorganized, unaccus? tomed to toil, disappointed and defeated, were careless alike of the rights of black men and of the opinions of their countrymen. Now States, industries and institutions have been reorganized, labor is becoming more honorable and more universal, the government is more respected, the old flag is more loved and the favorable opinion of the Northern people more highly appreciated. Much remains to be done; but a beginning has been made and hopeful progress has been already secured. There are yet unscrupulous men who are seeking to divide society and parties upon the perilous line of race. Enemies of their country, of mankind and of God, these reckless men should receive the sternest condemnation of the patri? ot, the philanthropist and the Christian. In spite, however, of all untoward influences there is unquestionably a kinder and better feeling pervading the South. I pity the head of that man who does not see ana comprehend it, and the heart of him who does not acknowledge, hail and welcome it with gratitude to God ana with hope for humanity and the nation. It may be that I have spoken too often and too much, but my convictions have forced me to raise quite often the voice of entreaty, ad? vice, warning, remonstrance and protest. I fear from the present outlook and the temper of a few present it will be my duty, as it will be the duty of all devoted, experienced and thoughtful republicans, to continue to do 60, however distasteful it may be to those who seem to heed not the lessons of defeat. I am not one of those who believe that the way to make a party strong is to make it indefensible, or to close its ranks to the believers in its prin? ciples. The sin for which I am so sharply re? buked by self-constituted censors appears not to be unfaithfulness to the republican platform and organization, but my continuous efforts to win back to the republican ranks honest men who still adhere to the republican faith. Hav? ing advocated the ideas embodied in the repub? lican creed and illustrated in republican deeds, in nearly 1,500 speeches, in twenty-seven States, I ought to know something of the feel? ings, desires and purposes of the American people. Finding nothing iu the constitution nor in the traditions of the people that forbid a Vice President to entreat or advise political associates to heed the lessons of experience in legislation and administration, I have warned, remonstrated and protested against mistakes I believed would bring defeat, if not dishonor. Eighteen months ago I thought I saw danger looming up in the near future. I warned my republican friends of the impending peril, and advised that we should, by wise and prudent leg? islation and administration, and by timely and efficient organization, strive to save the present House. But I was considered, by some who did not "scare well," an alarmist, and was told, with that supercilious arrogance which has driven from us so many republicans accustomed to organize victories, that "the Vice President had Detter not play the role of a political prophet." In spite, however, of confident as? surances of these presuming, but not very sa? gacious politicians, unexampled disaster came. _ I had no doubt then that these were repub? lican defeats rather than democratic victories. Nor have I any doubt now that a majority of the nation still adhere to the distinctive prin? ciples of the republican party, and can recover what was then so heedlessly thrown away. So believing, I think duty to the country demands that republicans should do all they can to so reinstate their party that it shall again invite and command the support of all who profess to believe in its principles, and who rejoice over every reform of acknowledged abuses. I have endeavored to look the situation squarely in the face, and I have done and I intend to do all in ray power, in spite of carping and cap? tious criticisms, to reunite republicans and to secure again the ascendancy of the party that has saved the Union and emancipated a race. Believing the continued success of the re? publican party to be conducive to the sure and more speedy development of the nation in its varied interest*, upon the achieved basis of human rights, I thiuk its presses and its lead? ers should now, in the spirit of self-sacrifice, subordinate their personal aspirations, rivalries and ambitions, ana welcome all to their rauks with generous magnanimity, and so leave to a reunited, reorganized and reinspired party the selection, at the fitting time, of its candidate for the Presidency. They should now forgive and forget, and by a reformatory and generous policy, and by the earnest and honest appeals for unity, win back, in the elections of this autumn, Ohio, Pennsylvania, New York, Cali? fornia and Massachusetts. Successes so won will assure a national victory in 1876. Such a victory gives the republican party, with its brilliant record for liberty and union, a grand opportunity to illustrate the opening of the second century of the Republic with glorious deeds HENRY WILSON. The Downfall of the Ca rtet-B aggers and the Result.?Just as 6oon, says the Philadelphia Chronicle, as the power of that scoundrelly crew, familiarly known as carpet? baggers, was broken in the South, so soon did the people of that section begin to "thank God and take courage." The incubus that for years pressed so heavily upon them, onco re? moved, they immediately set to work, and with that wonderful energy that has ever character? ized the American people?and ten times moro wunderful when displayed iu the South. They are to-day laboring with hopeful hearts for the restoration of the prosperity that once prevailed amongst them. And they are succeeding as they deservedly should. Alabama, Mississippi, Arkansas, Louisiana and North and South Carolina, all feel the encouraging impulse. The outrages that kept the mills of Landanlot Williams in full play for years have ceased ; peace and good order prevail; sound legisla? tion has taken the place of the cruel burles? ques upon the word; white and black live to? gether in peace; broken confidence has been restored; waste fields begin to show rich har? vests, and the hum of cheerful industry has driven out slolhfulness and strife. Surely, says the Chronicle, the people of the South have honest cause for thanking God and taking courage, and in their expressions of gratitude they Bbould not fail to give a porliou of the credit to the Democracy. BENEDICT ARNOLD'S TREASON. A New and Important Contribution to our Revolutionary History. The following account of the plot of Arnold to surrender his command and several impor? tant forts to the British, and of the hanging of Andre, written by Sir Henry Clinton, the British commander, with whom Arnold was negotiating, has recently been published for the first time: "About eighteen months before the present period, Mr. Arnold, (a major-general in the American service,) had found means to inti I mate to me, that having found cause to be dissatisfied with many late proceedings of the American Congress, particularly their alliance with France, he was desirous of quitting them and joining the cause of Great Britain, could he be certain of personal security, and indem? nification for whatever loss of property he might thereby sustain. An overture of that sort coming from an officer of Mr. Arnold's ability and fame, could not but attract my attention, and as I thought it possible that like another general. Monk, lie might have repent? ed of the part ne had taken, aud wished to make atonement for the injuries he had done his country by rendering her signal and ade? quate benefit, I was, of course, liberal, in making him such offers and promises as I judged most likely to encourage him in his present temper. A correspondence^ was after this opened under feigned names; in*the course of which, he from time to time, transmitted to me most material intelligence ; and with a view (as I supposed) of rendering us still more essential service, he obtained in July, 1780, the command of all the enemy's forts in the high? lands, then garrisoned by about four thousand men. The local importance of the post has already been very fully described. It is, there? fore, scarcely necessary to observe how that the obtaining possession of them at the present critical period would have been a most desira? ble circumstance; and that the advantages to be drawn from Mr. Arnold's having the com? mand of them, struck me with full force, the instant I beard of his appointment. But the arrival of the French armament, the conse? quent expedition to Rhode Island, and the weakness of my own force, together with the then daily increase of Mr. Washington's, obliged me to wait for some more favorable opportunity before I attempted to put that gen? tleman's sincerity to the proof. "In the meantime, wishing to reduce to an absolute certainty whether the person I had so long corresponded with was actually Maj. Gen. Arnold, commanding at West Point, I acceded to a proposal he made me to permit some offi? cer in my confidence to have a personal con? ference with him, where everything might be more explicitly settled than it was possible to do by letter, and as he required that my adju? tant general, Major Andre (who had cbiefly conducted tho correspondence with him under the signature of John Anderson,) should meet him for this purpose on neutral ground, I was induced to consent to bis doing so from my great confidence in that officer's prudence aud address. Some attempts towards a meeting had been accordingly made before Sir George Rodney's arrival. But though the plans had been well laid, they were constantly frustrated by some untoward accident or other, one of which had very nearly cost Mr. Arnold his life. These disappointments made him, of course, cautious; and as I now became anx? ious to forward the execution of my project while I could have that naval chief's assis? tance, and under so good a mask as the expe? dition for the Chesapeake, which enabled me to make every requisite preparation without being suspected, I consented to another propo? sal from General Arnold for Major Andre to go to him by water from Dobb's ferry, iu a boat which he would himself send for him under a flag of truce. For I could have no reason to suspect that any bad consequence could poBsibly result to Maj. Andre from such a mode, as I had given it in charge to him, not to change his dress or name on any account, or possess himself of writings by which the na? ture of his embassy might be traced, and I understood that after his Dtuiness was finished he was to be sent back in the same way. But unhappily uone of these precautions were ob? served. On the contrary. General Arnold, for reasons which he judged important or perhaps (which is the most probable) losing at the mo? ment his presence of mind, thought proper to drop the design of sending Major Andre back by water, and prevailed upon him (or rather compelled him, as would appear by that unfor? tunate officer's letter to me,) to part with his uniform, aud under a borrowed disguise to take a circuitous route to New York through the posts of the enemy uuder the sanction of his passport. The consequence was (as might be expected) that he was stopped at Tarry town and searched, and certain papers being found about him coucealed, he was (notwithstanding bis passport) carried prisoner before Mr. Wash? ington, to whom he candidly acknowledged his name and quality. Measures were of course immediately taken upon this to seize General Arnold ; but that officer, being fortunate enough to receive timely notice of Major An? dre's fate, effected his escape to a King's sloop lying off Taller's point, and came tho next day to New York. "I was exceedingly shocked by this very un? expected accident which not only ruined a most important project, which had all the ap? pearance of being in a happy train of success, but involved iu danger and distress a confiden? tial friend for whom I had (very deservedly) the warmest esteem. Not immediately know? ing, however, the full extent of the misfortune, I did not then imagine the enemy could have auy motive for pushing matters to extremity, as the bare detention of so valuable an officer's person might have given him a great power and advantage over me; and I was accordingly in hopes that an official demand from me for his immediate release, as having been under the sanction of a flag of truce when ho landed within his posts, might shorten his captivity or at least stop his proceeding with rigor against him. But the cruel and unfortunate catastro? phe couvinccd mo that I was much mistaken in my opinion of both his policy and humanity. For delivering himself up (as it should seem) to the rancour excited by the near accomplish? ment of a plan which might have effectually restored the king's authority, and tumbled him from his present exalted situation, he burnt with a desire of wreaking his vengeance on the principal'actors in it; and consequently regard? less of the acknowledged worth and abilities of the amiable young man who had thus fallen into his hands, and in opposition to every prin? ciple of policy and call of humanity, ho with? out remorse, put him to a most flporainious death, and this, at a moment when one of his generals was by his own appointment in actual conference with commissions, whom I had sent to treat with him for Major Andre's release. . "Tho manner in which Major Andre was 1 drawn to the enemy's shore (manifestly at the instance and under the sanction of the general ollicer who had the command of the district), i and his being avowedly compelled by 'hat of? ficer to change his dress aud name, and return under his passports by land, were circumstan ces which, as they much less the imputed crim? inality of his offense, ought at least to have saftened the severity of the council of war's opinion respecting it, notwithstanding his Ira prudence of having possessed himself of the papers which they found on him; which, though they led to a discovery of the nature of the busiuess that drew him to a conference with Gen. Arnold, were not wanted (as they must have known) for my information. For they were not ignorant thafl had, myself, been over every part of the ground on which the forts stood, and had, of course, made myself perfectly acquainted with everything necessary for facilitating an attack on them. Mr. Wash? ington ought also to have remembered that I had never, in one instance, punished the dis? affected colouist3 (within my power) with death, but on the contrary, had iu several, shown the most humane attention to his intercession even in favor of avowed spies. His acting therefore in so cruel a manner in opposition to my earnest solicitations could not but excite in me the greatest surprise; especially as no ad? vantage whatever could be possibly expected to his cause by putting the object of them to death. Nor could be be insensible (had he the smallest spark of honor in his own heart) that the example (though ever so terrible and ig? nominious) would never deter a British officer from treading in the same steps, whenever the service of his country would require his expo? sing himself to the like danger in such a war. But the subject effects me toy deeply to proceed ?nor can my heart cease to bleed whenever I re? flect on the very unworthy fate of this most amiable and valuable young man, who was adorned with the rarest endowments of educa? tion and uaturc, and (had he lived) could not bat have attained to the highest honors of his profession." The Scientific American and Keeley Motor. Upon the authority of the Scientific Ameri? can, the recent discovery of a new motor may be regarded as an exploded humbug. We ex? tract the following article from its columns: We have given the latest accounts of this latest attempt to impose upon the credulity of the public, as written by the parties themselves, and backed by their willing assistants. The deception of the whole scheme is so transpa? rent that it hardly seems credible that persons of sane minds can be found who are willing to invest. Nevertheless, we hear from a reliable source that quite a number of well known bus? iness men have invested money in the scheme, and in one instance we were told so by the party himself. He had paid $5,000 down, and fully believed the thing to be a great discovery, and fully expected to realize a large fortune from his investment. On all other subjects this gentleman was rational and intelligent, but in respect to the Keeley motor he was badly hallucinated. He was present at the trial above referred to, saw 2,000 pounds on the gauge, and came away perfectly satisfied. The question is asked : How could so great a pressure as 2,000 or 10,000 pouuds per square inch be produced, allowing that it really was exhibited as stated ? We think that any inge? nious mechanic, by means of a hydraulic jack and a small pipe, could readily produce and exhibit such a pressure, and could, by turning a faucet drive a whirligig for the space of sixty seconds, or from 9:08 p. m. to 9:09 p. m. alf the learned counsel gravely reported. Keeley talks about hi3 studies regarding the force of columns of water, and describes the use of water pressure in his "generator," "roul tiplicator," "receiver," etc. Well, now, Keeley might, if he wanted to, get up an honest show of air pressure by arranging a series of short water tubes so as to concentrate the combined weight of their water against air confined in a suitable chamber. Ai lowing, for example, that he had ten communicating water tubes, each holding a cubic foot or 62 pounds of water, he might, by turning a faucet, fill the tubes from the hydrant, and concentrate 620 lbs. weight on the confined air, which, if con? ducted to a gauge, would indicate 620 pounds' pressure; this air might drive a small wheel from 9:08 p. ra. to 9:09 p. m.; it would more? over be a cold vapor, without smell or taste ; it would blow out a candle, but not burn ; there would be no noise except that of running water; there would be no residuum save air and water; no heat, electricity, or chemical action would be involved. A curious arrangement of water and air tubes, in which, by turning faucets, the water weights are concentrated, producing pressure, was illustrated and described in the Scientific American of April 4, 18G8. It was patented by James E. Cole, of Tennessee, December 10, 1867, as a water elevator. It might be bad for Keeley if he should prove to be an infringer of this patent. There is also a patented arrangement of mercurial tubes for concentrating the weight of mercury and air columns in an analagous manner. We allude to Quinn's patent steam gauge, 1866. It is possible that Prof. Rand, Prof. Ha8well, Chief Engineer Rutherford, United States Navy, Chief Engineer Wood, United States Navy, and other advocates of the Keeley motor, are not acquainted with these devices. One of the strangest developments connec? ted with the Keeley motor is the implicit faith which many gentlemen in this community, of tried experience and business capability, have given to the enterprise. They have yielded not only faith but their money. We can ac? count for this only by supposing that they mistake mere pressure for motive power. But mere pressure is not motive power; it is sim? ply a resultant of motive power. A very slight motive power, if sufficiently loug co?tiuued and properly applied, may produce the greatest pressure. A weight of only a single pound, hung upon the extremity of a suitable lever, is sufficient to produce a pressure at the oppo? site end of the lever of 10,000 pounds more to the square inch. To persons not familiar with the laws of mechanics (and this, we thiuk, is probably the situation of most of the Keeley investors) the exhibition of a gauge showing 10,000 pounds pressure might readily be regar? ded as proof positive of an enormous power bebind the gauge ; whereas the actual power concealed from view might bo only a weight of one pound. In cases of this kind, when a body is lifted take paius to ascertain what the extent of tho original moving power or weight is. If this precaution bo taken, the falsity of motors like Keeley'ij may be at once detected. In the example of Keeley, the certificate of Collier shows that a hydrant force of 26 \ pounds to the inch is always required to run the machine. This force, if applied to a common wheel or engine, would produce a considerable amount of constant mecnanical power. But the mov? ing force is neurly all wasted in Kccley's de I vice, for he ;j only able to drive a toy engine ! for a minute or two at a time. This does not i look much like driving a train of cars from Philadelphia to New York, or crossing the I ocean without the consumption of coal. ? Josh Billings says he don't care how much people talk, if they will only say it in a few words. or a pressure produced, the i ihould The Jury System?A Reform Needed. Editor Savannah Morning Kciost In looking over papers of the State and of other States, we are struck with the amount of crime that seems to curse the land. Not only that, but the trials in many instances seem to be farces. The time, labor and money spent goes for naught, for in comes the jury with a mistrial, and if the verdict be "guilty," espe? cially in murder cases, a move for a new trial is made, or a bill of exceptions is taken. Unless there be a radical change in the ad? ministration of justice, a more sure and rapid punishment upon the heels of crime, society must become demoralized, and lynch law more fashionable and justifiable. Society?the law abiding portion of it?must feel there is a safe and sure protection for life and property, and that crime cannot go unwhipped of justice through the mere technicalities or the loop? holes of the law, or through the tricks and eagerness of the advocate to shield his client. We have been led to the above reflections by the reading of trials in Georgia in different sections. Within the last six months or a little rior, there has been several outrageous mur ere of good citizens. Some of the parties have been tried and found guilty of murder and manslaughter, but no sooner were the ver? dicts rendered than motions were made for new trials. How many trials must a man have be? fore justice?simple, impartial justice?can be administered ? Should the murderer have all the sympathy? Has the community in gen? eral no rights? Shall crime count upon the ability of lawyers, the uncertainty of juries, and the sympathy or indifference of the com? munity ? Delayed, or trials carried from term to term, is but a bid for sympathy or the cool? ing down into indiffereuce. Jury trials should not be staved off unless for causes that are imperative. It is easy enough to have important witnesses absent, and when so let them be fined and the trial pro? ceed. The parties interested in their appear? ance or absence would soon learn that justice cannot be winked at, thwarted or trifled with. Again, the idea that twelve men should agree to a verdict is an outrage against common sense and common justice. It might have answered a hundred years or more, but in this our day it is a farce. It is an open door for corruption and bribery, which, unfortunately, is too com? mon. Not long since, in a neighboring State, a trial that should have sent a man to the penitentiary, if one of the jurors had not been tampered with, was made a mistrial?eleven for guilty and one against. In another in? stance, in Georgia, not long since, ten were for murder and two for manslaughter, and so on to the end of the chapter. We should like to see the jurisprudence of the State so changed, that two-thirds of a jury could bring in a verdict. Any one who has ever studied the philosophy of the mind knows that there are mental idiosyncracies and pecu? liarities in men so marked, that they cannot and will not think as others. They assume their own premises on every subject, and can but see and reason in one line of thought. They arc honest and honorable meu, but pecu? liar withal. We have, in days past, sat upon juries with just such men. If they happened to be opposed to capital punishment, or any ways squeamish on the subject, they instinc? tively lean towards the prisoner. Some men's minds are so much like mud that you cannot get a clear ray of light to shine into them, no matter how hard one may try. Others, again, have minds like an owl's eye?the more light you pour upon them the closer they shut. Others, again, have minds like a mole's eye so very small that they can take in but a very little light. And others, again, have minds that are wilfully corrupt, blind, prejudiced, partisan and perverted, destitute alike of hon? or, truth or justice. Mistrials are godsends, hundreds of times, to advocate and client, and the next trial sets, perhaps, the villain loose upon the community. Change the law. Let two-thirds of the jury bring in a verdict, and the heavy and unneces? sary expense now incurred in mistrials wjuld be forever done away with. Justice would smile and crime stand paralyzed. Before the war South Carolina had the finest jurispru? dence of any State in the Union ; and the re? sult was, that murder and theft were rare, while in Georgia wo invited it in. The rogue and murderer felt that South Carolina was dan? gerous and unsafe ground for him; while in Georgia our laws gave him the benefit of all doubts, with rather an ordinary jury, and most? ly ot his own selection. Our jury boxes have been improved in mate? rial) we are happy to record. Now give us speedy trials, a two-third verdict, and justice will cease to weep over the crimes of the couu try that go unpunished. R. M. 0. P. S.?Suppose the Beecher trial should be a mistrial ,* is all of that miserable stuff to be goue over with again ? Gracious! what a thought to think I The Energy of the Sottthern People.? A vast amount of nonsense is written about the dislike of the white population of the South to labor, and a great deal of gratuitous counsel is given to the citizens of the recon? structed States, the burden of which is that if they wish to prosper they must go into the fields and do their own work. The Chicago Tribune, in an exceedingly self-complacent ar? ticle on this subject, gravely says that in the cotton States "no white man is willing to ac? cept social degradation by working in the field," when it is a well-known fact that the most productive regions of several of the cot? ton States are those in which the negro popu? lation is small, and the greater portion of the labor employed upon the cotton crops is per? formed by whites. Of course the effects of the slave system cannot be overcome in a day, and there is a class of men who, having been accustomed to liviug without labor, exhibit shiftlessuess and want of energy under the new conditions which govern their life. But the Southern people as a mass have shown great pluck ana energy in adapting themselves to their changed circumstances, the best evidence of which is found in the rapid recuperation of their industries and business interests in those States which have relieved themselves from the plundering rule of the carpet-baggers. If the large landholders prefer to employ themselves in superintending hired laborers instead of go? ing into the field and doing work which they can hire negroes to do lor twenty dollars a month or less, we do not see that they are do? ing differently from what is done by people who can a fiord it all over the world ; or why they should be lectured for conducting their own business in their own way.?jV. Y. Sun. ? "Well, I always make it a rule to tell my wife everything that happens." "Oh, my dear fellow, that's nothing." replied his friend ; "I tell my wife lots of things that never hap? pen at all." ? A citizen of New Haven thinks that he has discovered the true cause of planetary mo? tion. His theory is that light, with its great velocity, strikes the earth with such force as not only to counterbalance the sun's attrac? tion, but at the same time to move the earth iu its orbit sixty-eight thousand miles per hour. What a Big Cotton Crop would Do. Cotton fluctuates and languishes in the for* eign and domestic markets, with a largely diminished supply and the certainty that the last crop is three to four hundred thousand bales short. The market has no back bone and is not likely to have any. The trouble now is apprehension of an increased crop next fall. A naif million bales excess over the incoming crop would undoubtedly diminish the money value of the whole crop to producers, even below that of the present crop. The practical value of propitious weather to the cotton producer, therefore, will not inure to him, but to buyers and manufacturers. And he is, moreover, in the.situation of a defendant prejudged to be guilty until he has time and opportunity to prove his innocence. The world of cotton purchasers assume an outside limit of production until it is apparent that this limit has not been attained. Thus the shadow of the big forthcoming crop of 1875-76?though the substance does not exist, and it is as yet only a creation of fond imagi? nation?is thrown darkly on the little remnant of the incoming crop, and shuts out all sun? light from the market. Such is the situation, and the whole argu? ment would be for a sbort cotton crop, provided the loss of product could be equally distribu? ted among producers. The effect of increase in product is simply to impose on the grower the task of more picking, baling and hauling, without remuneration, and indeed, as we be? lieve, at even less than a diminished product would bring to the planter. The interest of the planter in a heavy crop is, therefore, a purely individual and not a col? lective interest. It is an interest merely to secure his personal share in the sum total of crop money, which he believes will be endan? gered by a small yield on his particular farm. If he could be assured that three bales of his short crop would bring him just as much money as five bales of a heavy crop, he would say give me the three bales all the time. I do not wish to raise and send two bales to market at mv own cost. But as the cotton crop covers a vast region and embraces a variety of climatic conditions, no vicinage of the planting interest, and no region of country feels that it has any material power in controlling the grand volume of pro? duct. If such a power could possibly be brought into existence and wisely exercised, the whole planting interest could be secured a profitable product, by at once regulating the production to meet the demand of consumers, and establishing a fairly remunerative price, and a condition of affairs in which propitious seasons should not work positive injury to the planter. The inability of the planting interest to es? tablish and maintain any control of cotton production among themselves (which would be the simplest and most direct remedy for the evils under which they labor,) makes it clear enough to our mind that all projected combi? nations to control the markets and shipments of cotton in the same interest, will be equally impracticable and futile, and the chances are that they will prove disastrous. Men should not venture beyond their legitimate business? business which they have been trained to and understand in all its parts and bearings. If they do, they will blunder and learn experi? ence at cost of loss and failure. We see no possible chance of controlling the cotton trade by any combinations among pro? ducers, especially in the light of the fact that combinations to regulate cotton production have been found impracticable. The only remedy we can see in the premises is a personal one, and very partial at that. It is for every cotton producer to gain a pecuniary condition in which he will not be forced to hurry his crop forward at the opening of the market, but can choose his own time for selling. Thi9 will be some vantage ground gained, though perhaps not a very important one in respect to mere prices. It would have made no very material difference the current cotton year; but next fall, if the market opens under the depressing effects of extravagant estimates of the maturing crop, and the cramp of gene? ral dull times, we can see it would make a great difference, should the crop afterwards prove light, and business revive.?Macon Tele? graph and Maseriger. Intelligence Among Farmers. We have just laid down an exchange in which we noticed a statement, that as a class, there was no occupation whose members did so little to keep themselves informed on those matters most intimately related to them, as the farming population. We believe that the assertion is too sweeping in character, but unfortunately for agriculturalists and the country at large, there is too much truth in it. Asa class, farm? ers certainly do not devote the time they should to papers, books, etc. Many of them do, and from their ranks have been furnished some of the most prominent and useful business men of the country. But such instances are excep? tional. Farmers think that they have no time to read. They are tired at night, and it is nec? essary for them to go to bed with the chickenB (in point of time) in order to rise with them in the morning. When Sabbath comes, they may goto Church in the forenoon, but the afternoon is spent in sleep, visiting, looking at the crops, or?in any way save reading. The children are sent to school during a few of the winter months when they can't work in the field, but in the long months of toil and mental activity which follow, that which is learned at one school is generally forgotten before the oppor? tunity comes round to attend another. Is it any wonder, this being the truth, that farmers' sons rarely evince any taste for study and in? tellectual cultivation f These remarks do not apply to all farmers, but a reflection as to those among his own knowledge, will convince any of our readers that generally speaking, they are true. Fur? ther, it is a mortifying fact, that taking into cousideratiou the small number of these papers and the large proportion of the farming popu? lation, with tue single exception of religious journals, we believe that there is no class of papers in the country which are so poorly sup? ported as those engaged in agricultural inter? ests. Further still, we believe that publishers of newspapers everywhere will testify to the fact, that when farmers determine to economize on account of "hard times," they not unfre quently begin with the stoppage of their paper. We are glad to believe that this condition of things is rapidly changing for the better. The old order in the West is fast passing away. We rejoice in the belief that the time is not far distant when farmers, as a class, will compare favorably, in intelligence, with any other class. ?St. Louis Journal of Agriculture. ? The Columbus Enquirer is informed that the young ladies of Andrew Female College, at Cuthbert, have resolved to dress in calico at their approaching examinations and exhibition. As a manifestation of their willingness to econ? omize and avoid all unnecessary expenses in times as "hard" as the present, their resolution is praiseworthy.