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HOYT & CO., Proprietors. VOLUME X.?NO. 32. PATBONS OP HUSBANDRY. Amended Const it ntion of the National Grange. The amended constitution of the National Orange, Patrons of Husbandry, as adopted at the recent session in Charleston, is. as follows: Preamble. Human happiness is the acme of earthly! -ambition. Individual happiness depends upon general prosperity. The prosperity of a nation is in proportion to the value of its productions. The soil is the source from whence we derive ?all that constitutes wealth; without it we would have no agriculture, no manufacturer, no commerce. Of all the material gifts of the Creator, the various productions of the vegeta? ble world are of the first importance. The art Of* agriculture is the parent and precursor of <all arts, and its products the foundation of all Wealth. The productions of the earth are subject to the influence of natural laws, invariable and indisputable; the amount produced will conse? quently be in proportion to the intelligence of the producer, and success will depend upon his knowledge of the action of these laws, and the proper application of their principles. Hence, knowledge is the foundation of hap? piness. The ultimate object of this organization is for mutual instruction and protection, to light? en labor by diffusing a knowledge of its aims and purposes, expand the mind by tracing the beautiful laws the Great Creator has established in the tfniverse, aqd to enlarge ottr views of j Creative wisdom and power. To those who read-aright, history proves that I in. all ages society is fragmentary, and success? ful results of general welfare can be secured I only by general effort. Unity of action cannot be acquired without discipline, and discipline! cannot be enforced without significant organi-1 sation ; hence, we have a ceremony of initia? tion which binds us in mutual fraternity as with a band of iron; bnt although its influence is so powerful, its application is as gentle as that of the silken thread that binds a wreath of flowers. j The Patrons of Husbandry consist of the I following: ' . ORGANIZATION. subordinate granges. First Degree?Maid, (woman,) Laborer (man.) Second Degree?-Shepherdess, (woman,) Cul? tivator (man.) 'third Degree?Gleaner, (woman,) Harvester (man.) Fourth Degree?Mairon, (woman,) Husband? man, (man.) ? state grange. ( Section 1. Fifth. Degree. Pomona. (Hope.) Composed of the Masters of Subordinate Granges and their wives who are Matrons, provided that when the number of Subordinate Granges in any State becomes so great as to render it necessary, the State Grange may, in such manner as it may determine, reduce its representatives, by providing for the election j of a certain proportion of those entitled to membership in the State Grange from each county; and the members so chosen shall con? stitute the State Grange. Sec. 2. There may be established District or County Granges in the fifth degree, not to ex? ceed one in each county, composed of Masters and Past-Masters of Subordinate Granges, and their wives, who are Matrons, and such fourth degree members (not to exceed three) as may be elected thereto by the Subordinate Granges, under such regulations as may be established J by State Granges. Such District or County J Granges shall nave charge of the education and business interests of the Order in their respective districts; and shall encourage, strengthen and aid the Subordinate Granges represented therein. Dispensations for such District or County Granges shall issue from the State Grange, and under such regulations as the State Orange may adopt. national grange. Sixth Degree. Flora. (Charity.) Composed of Masters of State Granges and their wives who have taken the degree of Po? mona, and the officers and members of the Ex? ecutive Committee .of the National Grange. Seventh Degree.- Geres. (Faith.) Members of the National Grange who have served one year therein may become members j of this degree upon application and election. It has charge of the secret work of the Order, and shall be a court of impeachment of all officers of the National Grange. Members of this degree are honorary mem? bers of the National Grange, and are eligible to offices therein, but not entitled to vote. Constitution. J article i?officers. Section 1. The officers of a Grange, either National* or.State, or Subordinate, consist of and rank as follows: Master, Overseer, Lec? turer, Steward, Assistant Steward, Chaplain, Treasurer, Secretary, Gatekeeper, Ceres, Pomo? na, Flora and Lady^Assistant Steward. It is their duty to see that the laws of the Order are carried out. Sec 2. How Chosen?In the Subordinate Granges they shall be chosen annually at the regular meeting in December, and installed at the regular meeting in January, or as soon thereafter as practicable; in the State Granges, once in two years, and in the National Grange, once in three years. All elections to be by ballot Vacancies by death or resignation to be filled at a special election at the next regular meeting thereof?officers so chosen to serve until the next annual meeting. Sec 8. The Master of the National Grange may appoint members of the Order as deputies to organize Granges where no State Grange exists. Sec 4. There shall be an Executive Com? mittee of the National Grange, consisting of five members, whose term of office shall be three years. Sec 5. The officers of the respective Granges shall be addressed as "Worthy." article ii?-meetings. section 1. Subordinate Granges shall meet at least once each month, and may hold inter? mediate meetings. SEC 2. State Granges shall meet annually at sUch time and place as the Grange ?hall from year to year determine. t Sec. Z. The National Grange shall meet an? nually on the third Wednesday in November, at such place as the Grange may from year to year determine. Should the National Grange adjourn without selecting the place of meeting, the Executive Com mitte shall appoint the place and notify the Secretary of the National Grange and the Masters of State Granges, at least thirty days before the day appointed. ARTICLE III?LAWS. The National Grange, at its annual session, may frame, amend or repeal such laws as the good of the Order may require. All laws of State and Subordinate Granges must conform to this Constitution and the laws adopted by the National Grange. article iv?ritual. The Ritual adopted by the National Grange shall be used in all Subordinate Granges, and any desired alteration in the same must be sub? mitted to, and receive the sanction of, the Na? tional Grange. article v?membership. Any person'engaged in agricultural pursuits, and having no interest in conflict with our pur? poses, of the age of sixteen years, duly proposed, elected, and complying with the rules and reg? ulations of the Order, is entitled to membership and the benefit of the degrees taken. Every application must be accompanied by the fee of membership. If rejected, the money will be refunded. Applications mast be certified by members, and ballotted #r at a subsequent meeting. It shall require three negative votes to reject an applicant. J article vi?fees for membership. The minimum fee for membership in a Sub-1 ordinate Grange shall be, for men, five dollars, j ! and for women two dollars, for the four degrees, except charter members, who shall pay, men, ! three dollars, and women fifty cents. article vii?dues. I Section 1. The minimum of regular monthly ' dues shall be ten cents from each member, and each Grange may otherwise regulate its own dues. Sec. 2. The Secretary of each Subordinate Grange shall report quarterly to the State Grange the names of all persons initiated du? ring the quarter, and pay to the Secretary of | the State Grange one dollar for each man, and i fifty cents for each woman, initiated during the | quarter ; also a quarterly due of six cents for each member ; said report to be approved and forwarded at the first session of the Grange in each quarter. Sec. 3. The Secretary of the State Grange shall pay to the Treasurer of the State Grange all moneys coming into his hands, at least once every ten days, taking his receipt therefor; and shall report quarterly, to the Secretary of the National Grange, the membership in the State. Sec. 4. The Treasurer of each State Grange shall deposit to the credit of the National Grange, Patrons of Husbandry, with some Banking or Trust company, (to be selected by Executive Committee,) in quarterly instal? ments, the annual due of five cents for each member in his State, and forward the receipts for the same to Treasurer of the National Grange. Sec. 5. All moneys deposited with said com? pany shall be paid out only on the drafts of the Treasurer, approved by the Master, and coun? tersigned by the Secretary. Sec. 6. No State Grange shall be entitled to representation in the National Grange whose dues are unpaid for more than one quarter. article viii?charters and dispensations. Section 1. All charters and dispensations issue directly from the National Grange. Sec. 2. Nine men and four women having received the four Subordinate Degrees, may receive a dispensation to organize a Subordi? nate Grange. Seo. 3. Application for dispensations or char? ters "hall be made to the Secretary of the Na? tional Grange, and be signed by the persons applying for the same, and be accompanied by a fee of fifteen dollars. Sec. 4. Charter members are those persons only whose names are upon the application, and whose fees were paid at the time of organi? zation. Their number shall not be less than nine men and four women, nor more than twenty men and twenty women. Sec. 5. Fifteen Subordinate Granges work? ing in a State can apply for authority to organ? ize a State Grange. Sec. 6. Where State Granges are organized, dispensations for the organization of the Sub? ordinate Granges, heretofore issued, shall be replaced by Charter from the National Grange without further fee; and thereafter all applica? tions for charters for Subordinate Granges shall pass through the office of the Master of the State Grange, and must be approved by him before they are issued by the National Grange. When so issued, the charter shall pass through the office of the Secretary of the State Grange and receive the signature and official seal of that office. Sec. 7. No Grange shall confer more than one degree on the same person at the same meeting. article ix?duties of officers. The duties of the officers of the National, State and Subordinate Granges shall be pre? scribed by the laws of the same. article x?treasurers. Section 1. The Treasurers of the National, State and Subordinate Granges shall give bonds, to be approved by the officers of their respective Granges. Sec. 2. In all Granges bills must be approved by the Master, and countersigned by the Sec? retary, before the Treasurer can pay the same. article xi?restrictions. Religious or political questions will not be tolerated as subjects of discussion in the work of the Order, and no political or religious tests for membership shall be applied. article xii. The Master of the National Grange and the members of the Executive Committee shall be empowered to suspend from office any officer of the National Grange who may prore ineffi? cient or derelict in the discharge of his duty, subject to appeal to the next session thereafter of the National Grange. article xiii?amendments. This Constitution can be altered or amended by a two-thirds vote of the National Grange at any annual meeting, and when such altera? tions or amendment shall have been ratified by three-fourths of the State Granges, and the same reported to the Secretary of the National Grange, it shall be of full force. A Faithful Representative.?Mr. Laraar, of Mississippi, is winning for himself, says the New York World, the respect of botii sides of the House. His speeches hitherto during his terra have been distinguished by their pertinency. There is no more valuable reputation for a legislator to have, and none more sure to com maud "the ear of the House," than the reputation of never speaking except when he has something to say. This Mr. Lamar has fairly earned. His speeches on the new rule and on the Civil Rights bil! have been true, timely and pointed. His first appearance as a speaker in Congress was made upon the death of Charles Suraner. That speech concil? iated for him the good will of sincere Republi ! cans, while his votes and speeches since have j left no doubt of his opposition to what at pres ! ent goes under the name of Republicanism. : His opposition, however, is always candid and i always reasonable, always addressed to tb.e 1 House and never to Buncombe. In the hot I debates of the last few days he has done more to vindicate the Southern people from the im? putations recklessly put upon them than almost any other member of* Congress. The Southern people could do themselves no greater service than by sending more such men as Mr. Lamar I to represent them. The Southern Question. The Boston Advertiser, a leading Republican newspaper, makes the annexed comment upon Southern affairs: The House Committee on Louisiana affairs have returned to Washington, and may be ex? pected to make an early report of the results of their investigation. The special committees who have taken testimony in Alabama and Mississippi are also expected to report within a few days. The report of the Arkansas com? mittee is already published. These reports will bring up the whole Southern policy of the Administration for review and criticism. The time is short for debate if anything is to be I done. Serious and critical as the matters are j they must be disposed of summarily or left to | seethe and fester through another year. The j subject is not simply a party question of su? preme moment, but its relations to the peace and prosperity of the country are so immediate that it will be the height of unwisdom to at? tempt to wrest the circumstances to party ad? vantage. If since 1861 there has been a sub? ject before Congress requiring to be considered and settled as a pure question of constitutional right and patriotic duty, this is such a question. I The attempt to settle it upon any other basis I will be sure to entail incalculable mischief, 1 and must fail. I If through misinformation concerning the ! facts, or rash mistakes, or culpable neglect, the I Republican party has heretofore gone wrong, it has nothing to gain by persisting for the sake I of consistency or for the sake of saving any body's feelings. Its plain duty is to face about j without delay, confess its errors, and earnestly set about correcting them. Whether or not at this stage of the case such a course will save the party, it is at all events the only chance of salvation. The people are now so aroused to the ominous significance of the present condi? tion in the South, and so resolved to know the very truth, that it is vain to imagine they can be pacified by misrepresentations. At the grand assizes of the national election they will sit in judgment on the case, and the whole tes? timony from all sources will be heard. If the representatives of the Republican party are anxious to have their work stand in that trial it must be so reasonable and just that it will deserve to stand. It is idle to expect the pres? ent excitement to blow over. No compromise will put it out of sight. No settlement will avail to prevent a reopening of the issue unless it be so clearly right that it cannot be attacked without attacking the common rights and com? mon security of all the people uuder the Con? stitution. By force of circumstances Louisiana occu? pies a representative position. The Republi? can policy will be judged by what it attempts for the rectification of the situation in that State. It matters little what may be done in other States; until Louisiana is righted there can be no peace. It is of little use to say the President has thrown the responsibility on Congress, and Congress has neglected its duty. We have a Republican Executive and a Re? publican Congress. Whether the one or the Other is responsible, or they share the respon? sibility, the Republican party is responsible and cannot escape, nor ought it to expect to escape, being called to account. One thing is certain?that either the President or Congress could at any time have corrected the mistakes committed in Louisiana, and neither has done it. Foisting the blame from one to the other does not in the least relieve the Republican party from its predicament. The past negli? gence is shameful. Continued negligence will be fatal. The American people are not yet so indifferent to their heritage of constitutional liberty that they will stand by unmoved if a State as independent in its self dominion as any other of the thirty-six is repeatedly forced by the army of the United States to submit to the fraudulently-imposed rule of the minority. No excuse or apology for such acts is of any account when it is not accompanied by a prompt correction of the wrong done. The Republican party and the couutry is now looking to the committee which has just left New Orleans for either ample and conclu? sive proof that Kellogg is by right Governor of Louisiana, and that the Conservatives returned to the Legislature were rightfully debarred by a legally-constituted authority from taking their seats, or the proposal of a direct and efficieut measure to disposses the usurpers and restore the offices, executive and legislative, to those whom they belong. What the persons so restored may do is nothing to the purpose. For their conduct in office they are responsible only to the people of Louisiana, not to the President nor to Congress. What measure the committe shall propose it is not for us to say, but for them. We know there are great per? plexities and embarrassments connected with this question. The difficulties are vastly great? er now that they were two years ago, but less now than they will ever be again. In our judgment the simplest way is the best, and the simplest way would appear to be an instruc? tion in some form to the President that in the judgment of Congress the use of the army to sustain in office men who were not elected, or to keep out of office men who were elected, is repugnant to the principles of republican gov? ernment and to the sentiment of the nation. If it is necessary to designate the particular cases, let it be done. The Republican majority in Congress is re? stricted to the alternative of showing that the grievances complained of by the people of Louisiana have no warrant in the facts, or of redressing these grievances so far as the Na? tional Government is responsible for them.? The politics of these people have nothing to do with the question. The Republicans of Lou? isiana acquire no rights on account of their Republicanism, and the Democrats lose no rights on account of their Democracy. It is not for Congress to consider what stripe of pol? iticians the people ought to have chosen for legislators, but who, in fact, were legally chosen. We should have been glad if the peo? ple of Louisiana had chosen a Republican Gov? ernor, and so we should have been glad if the people of Massachusetts had chosen a Republi? can Governor. But we believe that in both in? stances they failed to do it, and we no more approve the imposition of a Governor not chosen in the one case than in the other. If such a thing has been done the sooner the work is undone the better. If the Republican party has been guilty of doing it, and sustaining it, no matter by whose agency or under what provocation, every consideration of patriotism, and of party policy as well, requires it to take the back track. The President in his annual messages has invariably uttered just and conciliatory state? ments concerning the Southern situation. The difficulty is that when the occasion for putting them in practice has arisen he has been led we know not by what influeuces, to act in contra? vention of those sentiments. It rests with the Republicans in Congress to insist upon the policy sanctioned by his better judgment, and to point out the way of enforcing it. ? The best defense of lying that we ever read is the remark ofCharles Land), related by Leigh Hunt, that "truth is precious, and not to be wasted on everybody." One Cause of Southern Poverty. First, then, I assign as one of the reasons of our continued poverty and want of progress the fact, that we do not produce enough of what we eat or wear, and buy too much on a credit. To present an elaborate argument in defence of this position would require a volume. One or two practical facts will suffice to prove my as? sertion true, and the answer that every farmer will give when applying the idea to his own case will corroberate these facts. In 1859, tbeScuth produced over five million bales of -cotton, of four hundred pounds each, which sold at an average of eleven cents per pound, realizing less than $250,000,000. In 1869, the cotton crop of the South was less than three and a half millions of bales, four hundred pounds each, and sold for an average of twenty-two cents per pound, realizing $300, 000,000. The cotton crop of 1873 reached considerably beyond four millions of bales, and sold for less than $275,000,000. And this has been the his tory of our crops annually in the past; have we any reason to anticipate that similar effects will not follow the same course in future? Then if the all cotton policy, or a large cotton crop has actually tended to impoverish us as a people, who will assert that the same policy will not have similar effects upon individuals'? On paper it can be easily proven, that cotton, as a crop, will pay better then any or all other \ products. But these figures are far more unre? liable than the oft-abused labor of the country. There is no question but that individual far? mers, having lands peculiarly adapted to the growth of cotton, can net more money growing cotton and buying their breadstuffs and prov euder than by cultivating a diversity of crops. But it is an egregious error to think, that be? cause A, B, or C, can do so, therefore every Southern farmer can pursue the same course, anticipating the same result. Through a series of years, regardless of the price of cotton, (I reiterate here what I have often asserted before in these pages), on ninety nine out of every hundred Southern farms, it'is cheaper to grow oats for plough animals than to haul corn from the nearest depot, because oats will follow cotton with no cost but the seed and harvesting, both of which can be paid for every winter in the mutton that can be fatted on the growing crops; it is cheaper to raise all the pork the farmer's family can consume an? nually than to buy bacon at ten cents per pound; it is cheaper to grow a pound of wool, up to a certain number of pounds, than the same number of pounds of cotton; and it is cheaper to grow anything that can possibly be grown upon the farm than to buy it on a credit. Few farmers understand properly what is meant by "buying on a credit." They know they can get the article and pay more for it than if they paid the cash, but they never once calculate the premium or percentage the$yirte paying for this privilege of getting timP^r "credit." Let me illustrate. The average far? mer may raise meat enough to do him till the 1st of April. By that time he has to buy, but having no cash, though good credit, he "goes to the store" and buys bacon at 15 cents per pound, payable 1st November following. He learns the cash price is 12V cents per pound, but necessity compels him to buy on a credit. He thu-. pays 2h cents per pound for the priv? ilege of buying on a credit, or one-sixth the price to be paid, which is simply 165 per cent, per annum for the use of money. But he buys in April, and has to pay 1st November, only eight mouths' credit, and thus pays twenty-five per cent pei' annum for the use of money. What farmer can afford to do this and live? What is applicable to bacon is equally so to corn, hay, flour, implements, mules, and every article the farmer buys on a credit. It is estimated that the average increase of the agricultural wealth of the United States is about four per cent, per annum. The average increase of agricultural wealth in any South? ern State, annually, since the war has not been one per cent. Indeed, some of the States have travelled the other road, and are now lost in the wilderness of debt; and there is no more potent cause for this condition of things than that of buying on a credit the necessaries of life to en? able them to grow cotton, and this, too, very frequently at a cost that exceeds its market value. There is an infatuation about this cul? tivation of cottou that amounts to an hallucina? tion. Can there be nothing invented to so far dispel it as to induce the Southern farmer to live more within himself and less at the mercy of the Shylocks of the land ? Col. D. WYATT AIKEN, in Rural Cvrolinian for February. The True Value of Money. The usual rate of interest in the West is ten per cent., and it is generally believed that this is the correct measure of the value of money. If the measure of a commodity is what it will bring, this is true ; but if the true measure of value is what the article can be made to yield it is not true. Experienced capitalists and business men give it as their mature opinion that there is no kind of property as profitable as money loaned at ten per cent., which is tan? tamount to saying that the average yield of industries, enterprises and speculations is less than ten per cent, on the amount invested, or in other words that money is not really worth ten per cent. There arc several considerations that strengthen this conclusion. Money loaned at ten per cent, will double itself in seven and a half years; ten thousand dollars will grow into twenty thousand in that time, and twenty thousand will grow into forty thousand. That the average investments in busiuess ventures and industries will not do this is too well known to need a demonstration. While a hundred men who loan money at ten per cent, compounded, will, with prudent management, double their fortunes in seven and a half years, one hundred men who borrow money at that rate will fail, in spite of all the prudence and foresight they may exercise, to double theirs. So far from it, fifty of them, if not more, will break. There is nothing morerclearly estab? lished by the experience of business than the fact that a man who conducts his enterprise on borrowed capital?whose only resources, or chief resources, are the products of bills drawn on his shipments will, in four cases out of five, come to bankruptcy, and a farmer who mort- j gages his farm for half its value to secure money at ten per cent, in hope that its net yield, will pay the interest and principal, will, in four j cases out of five, be sold out. These plain and j well known facts appear to prove that the aver- j age annual product of money invested in com? merce, speculation, industry and agriculture is not ten per cent., and that, while it may bring that price, it is really not worth it. If all classes of borrowers in the West could be brought to appreciate this important fact, it would be worth millions to this region. There is a world of financial philosophy in it. Noth? ing is more absurd, and, in the long run, more disastrous than tho delusion that a man can get rich by borrowing money to speculate on ; it is the secret of four-fifths of the cases of bank? ruptcy that occur in business and of the shcr iIPs sales that take place iu the country.?St. Louis Republican. Small Farms. That small farms are more easily managed tban large ones, and for that reason are far more profitable, few will dispute. Yet the mania exhibits itself in the desire to own and plant largely. We have lately read some point? ed reflections on this subject from the Nashville Union and American, which confirm our views, and as they are particularly applicable at this period in the history of agriculture, we arecon | strained to call attention to them. As a proof j that small farms properly and intelligently cul j tivated and'managed do pay not only in profit, but in satisfaction, it is only necessary to cite the case of a farmer in Iowa, who writes to the Department of Agriculture that he is running a farm of forty acres, with twenty under culti? vation in fruit, vegetables and small grain, and his income, he is proud to acknowledge, is about $2,000 a rear. "The more industry and intellect one puts into an acre of soil, the more he is likely to take out of it. His judgment should tell him what crops will pay best in the markets within bis reach, with a small farm close in hand, small taxes, and small outgo for labor, feed and working stock. There is both art and good sense in keeping down expenses on the farm, and in other branches of business. "Success in tillage and husbandry depends on the capacity of the human brain, rather than on the size of one's plantation. One family, by skill, industry and economy, be? comes rich, by cultivating twenty acres only, I while another family grows poor by the bad i management of two thousand under the plow. It is not the pursuit, but the man, that is a failure. The farmer often grasps more acres than he can handle to the best advantage, and all are more or less slighted at certain times and seasons to the injury of his cash income. Labor is misdirected, or neglected till out of season, when vitality in seeds and cultivated plants does no good. On a small farm every blow may be struck at the proper moment. - "Every person has but a limited quantity of I force, physical and mental; and it is the most common of all mistakes to dilute and spread this force over too large a surface. It is not the diffusion of muscular strength, but its con? centration that bores artesian wells, and draws a fountain of living water from the strata of rocks hundreds of feet in thickness to the sur? face for the use of uneducated man. Diffused labor on a large farm is like the scattered rays of light in the interstellar spaces before the telescope collects them together, and thereby extends human vision and knowledge to mil? lions of suns and worlds before unknown. "The cultivator of the earth needs time and opportunity for profitable study. How shall he command such an advantage? Not, surely, by holding more land than lie uses with any benefit to his family, or to mankind at large. The democratic doctrine of seeking "the great? est good of the greatest number," forbids all laud monopoly. Seventy-five men are said to own one-half of the soil of Scotland. Such a state of society cannot last many centuries in the future. Live and let live is a principle good for all time." - Stay Where You Are. One of the greatest drawbacks to Southern prosperity is the restive, roving, and unsettled spirit of the people. Each one imagines that there is an El Dorado somewhere, or that some section is more prosperous tlian Iiis own, and that he must get to it before he accomplish anything. The idea unsettles him, and if he does not "pull up," and migrate at once, he is forever thinking about it, and neglects to im? prove his present home and farm. The delu? sion has been wide-spread since the war, and much individual disaster has been the result. The curso of Reuben seems to rest upon the people. The terrible "Texas fever," which so raged a few years ago, caused uutold families misfortunes, and ruined many excelleut farms and good farmers. It is a great mistake. Contentment is the great secret of life. Old Horace struck the right key when he said : "Happpiness depends not upon place nor climate, but upon the state of one's mind." "Rolling stones gather no moss," and the experiment of selling out and moving, in the hope of bettering the condition, often ends in bitter disappointment and irre? trievable loss. Thousands in the South can testify, from experience, to the truth of this assertion. Better stay where you are. If you are in a good community, and yjiir lands have bottom, drive down your pegs and locate. Remember that "there's more iu the man than the land," as old Jones said on returning from Texas, after terrible failures, to the old worn-out homestead he had sold, and found it blooming like a gar-, den. Right-up the old dwelling, renew the out-buildings, pailings, fences, and barns; spend a few dollars in white paint, and give the premises an air of cheerfulness. Cultivate less ground, and make it richer every year. Make plenty to eat and some to sell, and let your cot? ton be clear profit. Flaut fruit trees, have your rye, oats, barley, wheat and clover patches, fine horses, fat cows, and rich butter. Give your wives and daughters flower gardens, and assist them in collecting a good assortment of roots and cuttings. Do these simple things, and, our word for it, yonr homes will take a hold upon your affections, and, instead of the rickety, dilapidated establishments and solemn, hungry-looking countenances so common in our country, we will find comfortable and in? viting homes, where all is love, coutcntment, and happiness. I Low Prices for Cotton.?Many of our farmers who planted cotton last year did so with the expectation of getting fifteen and eighteen cents per pound for it. How badly they calculated their own pockets can tell. We believe a majority of them, however, en? deavored to make corn and meat sufficient to do them, and some of them may be able to squeeze through without buying anything, i For several days cotton has been selling in this market thirteen to fourteen and a quarter cents, and there is not much prospect of an advance beyond fifteen cents, at the very best. Still, we hear farmers say they "have heard others say cotton will be twenty cents next i Fall." Our earnest advice to them is not to ! entertain the least hope of receiving over I twelve or thirteen cents for their cotton next I Fall. Any calculations made beyond four? teen, will, in our opinion, turn out badly. Two or three years ago, when corn was retail? ing in Hawkinsville at one dollar and ten cents a bushel, and bacon could be bought for 1 eight and ten cents a pound, wo believed in raising cotton, for it was then selling at sixteen '?. to eighteen cents. We thought then, and we ' think now, that at thoso prices all. round, it i would be most profitable to raise cotton, but I the figures have changed?wonderfully changed !?cotton has gone down and corn and bacon have gone up. Let our farmers make their calculations to sell cotton next Fall at present prices, if not lower, and let them look at the cost of bread and meat. Take our word for it ?the best thing you can do is to make your , home supplies, and what cotton you can bc 1 sidus.? JJaickinsvUle Dispatch. The Connecticnt Democracy. The Democratic State Convention of Connec? ticut was held in Hartford last week. Hon. David A. Wells presided, and in his opining, address said that the Republican party had failed to properly administer the Government, and restore peace and harmony since the war. He therefore urged a return to Democratic prin? ciples, which is stated as opposition to Federal interference in affairs of the States, that gov? ernment being the best which governs least; the equality of all men before the law; a better currency, based on hard money ; and taxation for revenue only. He thought it important that these principles should be carried out, far? ther than in expressions and platforms. He denounced Federal interference in Louisiana as dictated by a vagabond political adventurer. ' The Convention uuammonsly nominated the old ticket. The following are the resolutions adopted: The Democratic and Liberal Republican electors of Connecticut, in delegated convention assembled, declare: 1. That free government derives its just pow? ers from the consent of the governed; that the Federal Government is vested with those pow? ers ouly which are granted to it by the people, and enumerated in the Constitution of the* Uni? ted States. 2. That the public welfare requires the su? premacy of the civil over the military authori? ty, and freedom of person under the protection of the habeas corpus, and consistent with public order for the State ; self-government; and for the nation a return to the methods of peace and to constitutional limitations of power. 3. That we view with apprehension and alarm, and solemnly condemn as subversive of free government, the recent action of Federal Executive interference in the States of Louisi? ana and Arkansas, and the avowed determina? tion of the Administration to disregard the will of the people of those States in reference to the organization of their governments and manage? ment of their local affairs. 4. That the use of bad money imposes an unequal and dishonest tax which bears most heavily on those who work for wages; that ir? redeemable paper currency, bj^whatever name known, is bad money, and that it is fraud in time of peace for the Government to make any? thing legal tender except gold and silver coin of affixed standard. 5. That the Rebublican party has proved it? self unfit to rule; because, with unlimited op? portunity, it has failed to make the bad money, which it has forced upon the people, equal to the good money with which it pays its bond? holders. 6. That it is no time when industry is de? pressed and honest labor everywhere is deprived of opportunity for regular and remunerative employment to increase the burdens of Federal taxation, and that the present acknowledged bankruptcy of the National Treasury, is con? clusive proof of the incompetency of the Re? publican party to properly administer the fiscal a;7.?.irs of the country. A Stupid Witness. There is a point beyond which human for? bearance cannot go, and the most even of tem? pers will become ruffled at times. At the as? sizes held during the past year at Lincoln, England, both judge and counsel had had much trouble to make the timid witnesses upon a trial speak sufficiently loud to be heard by the jury, and it is possible that the temper of the counsel may thereby have been turned aside from the even tenor of its way. After this gentleman had gone through the various stages of the bar pleading, and bad coaxed, threaten? ed and even bullied witnesses, there was called into the box a young ostler, who appeared sim? plicity personified. "Now, sir," said the counsel, in a tone he would at any other time have denounced as vulgarly loud, "I hope we shall have no diffi? culty in making you speak up." "1 hope not, sir I" was shouted or rather bellowed, out by the witness, in tones, which almost shook the building, and would have certainly alarmed any timid or nervous lady. "How dare you speak in that way, sir I" said the counsel. "Please zur, I can't speak any louder, zur," said the astonished witness, attempting to shout louder than before, evidently thinking the fault to be his speaking too softly. "Pray, have you been drinking this morn? ing?" snouted the counsel, who had now thoroughly lost the last remnant of his tem? per. "Yes, zur," was the reply. "And what have you been drinking?" "Corfee, zur." "And what did you have in your coffee, sir ?" shouted the exasperated counsel. "A spoon, zur," was the answer, innocently spoken, amid the roars of the whole court? excepting only the now thoroughly wild coun? sel, who flung down his brief and rushed out of the court. A Prophecy by George Mcduffie.?In re? flecting upon the political events of the last few years, their character and tendency, we are reminded of a remark made by George McDuffie, in hi3 celebrated speech ?n the re/ moval of the deposits, delivered in. the House of Representatives, in the Congress of the United States, on the 4th of April, 1834. During that time of high political excite? ment, publication had been made in the offi? cial journal of certain anonymous letters pur? porting to contain threats of assassinating the President, General Jackson. Mr. McDuffie spoke of the probability of those letters being a contrivance of the partisan adherents of the President for political effect, or that they may have proceeded from some misguided man un? der the influence of passion, who hoped to alarm the President for his personal safety, and thereby induce him to change his political course. And after expressing his "utter ab? horrence to every proceeding that may have the remotest tendency to suggest the idea of assassinating the chief magistrate," be said: "I will make one concluding remark on the subject?God forbid that it should be prophetic ?and it is that, if in the midst of a violent political excitement, it ever should occur that a President of the United States should be as? sassinated, he will be the last constitutional President, and his blood will cement the de? spotic throne of his successor."? Griffin Mes? senger. ? When Richard Rush was minister at Lon? don, Jeremy Bentham, whose sound doctrine was summed up in the words, "the greatest good of the greatest number," said to him : I "The secret of your Government is to keep j your salaries low." j ? An exchange asks: "If there's a place for everything where is the place for a boil." It has been said that the best place for such an ornament is on some other fellow, and we don't think a better location can be discovered. ' ? Benjamin Franklin occasionally stumbled upon the truth. He said : "The eyes of other people are the eyes that ruin us. If all but myself were blind, I should neither want a fiuo 1 house nor fine furniture."