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HOYT & 00., Proprietors. ANDERSON C. H., S. 0., THURSDAY MORNING, JUNE 18, 1874. VOLUME IX.?NO. 49. Acts and Joint Resolutions Passed by the General Assembly of South Carolina, at the Session of 1873-74? AN ACT to constitute the COUNTY com? missioners' of anderson county commis? sioners op health and drainage, and to define their powers and duties therein. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the State of South Carolina, now met and. sitting in General Assembly, and by the authority of the same: Section 1. That the County Commissioners of Anderson County be, and they are hereby, authorized, in addition to the duties now im? posed on them by law, to act as Commissioners of Health and Drainage, and they are hereby empowered, as such Commissioners of Health ana Drainage, to act as follows, to wit: 1. That in all cases where a land owner de? sires to drain his lands and is refused a neces? sary outlet upon or through adjoining lands, the County Commissioners are hereby empow? ered to hear the case on petition and personal service, and to decide and fix either compensa? tion on the one side or assessment upon the other; and their decision in such cases shall have the effect of a legal judgment. 2. That in cases where one-third of the land owners upon any water course, for a distance of not less than five miles up and down the stream in said County, shall desire to drain the lands upon such water course, the County Commissioners shall, upon petition, personal service and the testimony of one or more com? petent engineers, be empowered to make con? tracts for such drainage, and impose the proper assessment upon the various properties benefit? ed by the same, and the said assessments shall have the force of a legal judgment: Provided, That in both above mentioned cases, should any party feel aggrieved by the decision' or action of the County Commissioners in the premises, it shall be lawful for him to appeal to the Judge of the Circuit at the term of the Court next ensuing, whose decision in the mat? ter shall be final. 3. That in case where the general health of the County is seriously affected by the condi? tion of any water course, the County Commis? sioners shall, upon petition and proof of at least one-third of the land owners upon such water course, or of one-third of the land owners within two miles on either side of such water course, and not less than five miles up and down the stream?which proof shall contain the affidavits of two physicians, one of whom shall practice in the neighborhood?make an estimate of the cost and proceed to drain such water course as in the case heretofore provided for: Provided, however, That if, in the opinion of said County Commissioners, the cost of such drainage imposes too heavy an assessment upon the individual land owners upon such water course, they shall make a report, in writing, of their estimate and opinion to the Judge of the Circuit Court at the next ensuing term thereof, and if he approve of such report and estimate, which approval shall be in writing, the County Commissioners shall contract for such drainage, and, after levying a fair assessment upon all such property, they shall charge the surplus of the cost of such drainage to the County, to be carried into their estimate for the County ex? penses for the next ensuing year. 4. That in cases where the general health of the County or neighborhood be seriously affec? ted by the coudition of any mill dam, the County Commissioners of said County shall have the power to remove the cause of fneh nuisance, provided a fair compensation be paid to the owner thereof, the same to be assessed npon the property of those benefited by the removal of such nuisance; and shall further regulate the condition of all mill dams in said County by requiring the owners thereof to furnish such mill dams with a substantial flood gate, if, in their judgment, the health of the neighborhood or the drainage of the land above the dams require a flood gate to be placed in the dam, to be opened at and kept open for such times as the said County Commmissioners shall direct. Approved March 14, 1874. AN ACT to amend an act entitled "an act to charter the anderson, aiken, port royal and charleston railroad company." Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the State of South Carolina, by the authority or the same: SECfiON 1. That an act entitled "An Act to charter the Anderson, Aiken, Port Royal and Charleston Railroad Company," approved Feb juary 26, 1873, be, and the same is hereby, amended by adding the following, to wit : Among the list of incorporators insert the names "E. M. Sumter" and "B. W. Middle ton." Sec 2. That the said Anderson, Aiken, Port Royal and Charleston Railroad Company be, and they are hereby, authorized and empow? ered to construct the main line of said railroad to or from any place mentioned in its charter, by the most practicable route, through the Counties of fearnwell, Beaufort and other Counties therein mentioned, to Port Royal Harbor, and to construct such other branch roads, to points named in said charter, as may be deemed desirable. Sec 3. That it shall be lawful for the said company to connect and consolidate their rail? road with the Port Poyal Railroad or any other road on the line of the said Anderson, Aiken, Port Royal and Charleston Railroad Company, or its branches, at such point as may be de? clared most practicable. Sec 4. That the said company be, and they are hereby, authorized and empowered to extend the'main line of said railroad through the Counties of Anderson and Pickens, by the most practicable rout to the Richmond and Atlanta Air Line Railroad, and have power to eonneet and consolidate with said Richmond and Atlanta Air Line Railroad Company; also to construct the main line of said Anderson, Aiken, Port Royal and Charleston Railroad to the North Carolina line, at or near Sassafras Gap, and to connect or consolidate with any other railroad company leading from the West. Sec 5. That it shall be lawful for any Coun? ty or town interested in the construction of of the said Anderson, Aiken, Port Royal and Charleston Railroad Company, by a majority of the voters of such County or town, to sub? scribe to the capital stock of said company or of any company with which it may consolidate or unite, such sum, not exceeding five per cent, of the assessed valuation of such County or town, payable in such manner as the proper authorities of such County or town shall deter? mine and authorize; and in all meetings of stockholders the County Commissioners oi the respective Counties, and the Town Councils of the respective towns, shall appoint some person to represent the stock of their respective Coun? ties and towns. Sec 6. That it shall be lawful for the cor? porators named in 6aid charter to vote by proxy I General Assembly, and or in person, and that it shall be the duty of the first persons named in the list of such cor? porators to call the first meeting, and advertise the same in such newspapers as may be pub? lished in the Counties through which the said road passes. Sec. 7. That the said company be, and they are hereby, authorized and empowered to con? struct either a broad or narrow gauge railroad, as they may deem desirable. Sec. 8. All Acts or parts of Acts conflicting with the provisions 01 this Act are hereby re? pealed. Approved March 14,1874. AN ACT to provide a fence law for anderson county. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the State of South Carolina, now met and sitting in General Assembly, and by the authority of the same: Section 1. That the County Commissioners of Anderson County be, and they are hereby, authorized and required, upon due and legal notice, to submit to the qualified voters of said County, at the next general election to be held in said County, the question of "fence" or "no fence," the same to be voted upon by a ballot written or printed, "yes" or "no." Sec. 2. Should a majority of the qualified voters of said County, casting their ballots on the said question, vote "yes," then it shall be the duty of said County Commissioners to forthwith proceed to have erected, and keep in repair, on the boundary line between said County of Anderson and the Counties of Ab? beville, Oconee and Pickens, a good and sub? stantial rail fence, of not less than twelve rails in height, properly staked and ridered; and at each and every place that a public road leading from either of said Counties above named crosses the boundary line between either of the above named Counties and Anderson County, to erect, or cause to be erected, a good and sufficient gate. Sec. 3. That for the purpose of the proper construction of the fence provided for in the foregoing Section of this Act, the said County Commissioners are hereby authorized and em? powered to enter upon the lands of any owner thereof, and to erect such fences thereon, without being guilty of any trespass whatever. Sec. 4. That it shall be the duty of each and every person owning or keeping any stock, such as cattle, horses, mules, sheep or hogs, or other stock, to confine the same by such a good and sufficient fence as shall prevent them from en? tering upon the lands of another. Sec. 5. It shall be the duty of any person or persons, driving stock, such as cattle, horses, mules, sheep or hogs, through the public roads, of said County, to so herd and drive the same that they shall not be allowed to enter upon or work iujury to the lands or crops of the citi? zens of said County. Sec. 6. It shall be the duty of each and every employer in tbe said County to furnish each and every employee hired by him good j pasturage for the stock owned by such em j ployee, Dot exceeding two head of cattle to every field hand as amount. Sec. 7. It shall be the duty of the County Commissioners of the said County of Anderson to keep duly placarded on said gate that each and every person opening the said gate shall be required to clo3e and securely fasten the same; and every person so opeuing such gate is hereby required to close and securely fasten the same. Sec. 8. That any person or persons failing to comply with the provisions of this Act, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and upon conviction therefor shall be fined in a sum not less than fifty dollars nor more than five hun? dred dollars, or imprisonment for a term not less than thirty days nor more than one year, in the discretion of the Court. Sec. 9. That all Acts or parts of Acts incon? sistent with or in any way conflicting with the provisions of this Act, be, and the same are hereby, repealed. Approved March 14,1874. Collossal Benefactions. The past week has developed two characters that are an honor to our race and country. I One of them was flashed over the glad wires I from the distant shores of the Pacific. Mr. I James Lick, of San Francisco, is the noble giver in this case. He made no will to be the subject of scandal and of legal contests, for he still lives and we hope will live to witness and deeply enjoy the results of his shrewd, practi? cal benevolence. After reserving a homestead and $25,000 a year for himself, and after ma? king ample provision for his relatives, he pro? ceeds to deed the balance of his property? about two million of dollars?to the public. He provides for the erection of public baths, for the establishment of an old ladies' home, for the endowment of a medical school, remem? bers the orphans, and even gives $10,000 for the protection of animals. Such a man de? serves the gratitude and remembrance of all mankind. The other gift was expressed in the will of John Edgar Thompson, wnich was probated on Friday. His estate is valued at two million of dollars also ; and by the will it goes to trustees who are directed to provide for his wife and relatives, and to apply the remainder of the net income of the estate to the maintenance and education of female orphans whose fathers have been killed in the discharge of their du? ties as railroad employees, preference to be given?first, to the girls orphaned by the Penn? sylvania railroad; and, second, to those bereft of fathers by the Georgia railroad. Of Mr. Lick's personal history we are as yet uninformed. The next mail from California will tell us all. But Mr. Thompson's career is known to us all. In this connection we cannot forbear copying a paragraph from a discrimi? nating editorial notice in the Philadelphia Enquirer: "All his mental attributes, great as they were, would have been of little account had they not been supported by a noble, pure integrity. His wisdom inspired confidence, and his fine sense of truth and honor assured success. Men have buildcd kingdoms, and yet have not builded so well as he. In power, wealth and dependents many of the smaller kingdoms of Europe, existing a few years ago, were inferior to that institution, the Pennsyl? vania railroad, all of whose history he saw, and of most of which he was an inseparable part." Great and powerful as he was, and surpri? singly succ.essful as were all his plans, the legacy to the orphan girls of the men who peril their lives over the iron tracks, is a mon? ument that will outlast all else that he accom? plished. As personal recollections fail and the ears go on, that magnificent bequest will keep is memory perpetually green by its constant stream of charity to the helpless and deserv? ing.?Atlanta Constitution. ? A barber, having a very intemperate man to shave on Sabbath, begged him to keep his mouth shut, as it was a punishable offense to open a rum shop on the Sabbath. Let Us Hare Wisdom in the South. We took occasion, a few days since, to com? ment upon an article in the Ealeigh (N. C.) Orescent, opposing what the editor called "ne? groism," and to advise that journal and all who feel with it that "the contest in the South is not between races, but between honesty and dishonesty, between patriotism and crime." To this the Crescent answers that we misunder? stood its meaning; that it does not advise a war of races; that it recognizes the political power of the negro; that North Carolina is in fine condition, '"blessed" with a good gov? ernment, but that danger will come from the passage of the Civil Rights bill?the danger of "negroism," or "negroizing the South;" that the races will be contaminated, and the South? ern Atlantic and Gulf States become the resi? dence "of a mongrel population of about the stamina of the Mexican Peons." "Would the Herald" asks the Crescent, ''willingly see a race of American heroes and statesmen extinguished by amalgamation with the African ?" Certain? ly not, we answer, nor do we have any such fear. We regard "negroism" or "negroizing the South" as a purely sentimental, impossible is? sue like the celebrated question that used to haunt our earlier election canvasses as to whether republican candidates for Congress really rejoiced in the hope that their sisters would one day "marry a nigger." All such controversy belongs to the ribaldry and badin? age of the canvass, and has no place in serious, calm discussion of public affairs. We are profoundly convinced that if any? thing could make defeat of the Civil Rights bill impossible it would be the tone of many of the Southern journals in discussing it. The Shel byville Commercial assures us that "the passage of the Civil Rights bill means centralization or revolution. One or the other will follow." The Macon Telegraph inform us "that some men in the South, wearied of the fight for or? der and honest, intelligent government with the dominant black legions of radicalism, had rather take the chances of absolutism and one man power than continue the struggle." The Nashville Republican Banner utters a "warning cry," that "the enactment of this Civil Rights bill portends the gravest consequences in the way of engendering bad blood and inciting to a war of races." We have appeals to that "instinct which forbids whites to mingle with the blacks on terms of intimacy," for "those whom God has parted asuuder let no man join together." "The sooner," says the Charleston New8"ihe madness of party fanaticism drives the white race to the wall the sooner will the freed man find his natural level, above which the necessities and ambitiou of unscrupulous dema? gogues have temporarily raised him." This, as we have said, is unwise, and belongs to the ribaldry and passion of controversy. It can only result in arraying one race against the other in the South. Nothing is clearer than that no law can be made to compel whites and blacks to "amalgamate" unless they choose so to do, just as no law can prevent them if they are so disposed. The whole question is notoue of law, but of taste and custom. The men of both races have a common interest in honest government, and it should be the aim of white men in the South to appeal to the negro's pa? triotism and pride to assist in the work of re? form, and not to drive him, from an instinct of fear or self-preservation, to make an alliance with the "carpet-baggers" aud adventurers, who hold power over the whites only by the help of the blacks. For it is natural and not surprising that the blacks should prefer the thief who treats them with friendship to the honest white man who regards them as an inferior, degraded and usurping race. Above all, and here is the ground that should never be forgotten in this discussion, and especially by prudent men in the South who wish to defeat the Civil Rights bill and other attempts at extravagant aud impossible legis? lation?there are two races in these United States, North and South, though mainly in the South, and here they must remain. We can? not exterminate the African as we are extermi? nating the Indian. We must accept him as entitled to the earth, the air and the sunshine ; to freedom aud the right to pursue his hap? piness. What the South wants is peace between the races and not war. For that reason we wel? come any sign of regeneration in its politics", not only among republicans, but democrats. Here, for instance, is an appeal to the repub? licans of Alabama from the Daily Slate Journal, which, if only sincere, has a pleasant sound. The republicans of Alabama, this journal says, "seek to restore the credit of the State so se? riously beclouded under democratic rule," "to restore a balance to the Treasury," to lift the State "out of the slough of despond into which democracy has plunged it." If the republicans in Alabama are in earnest iu these assurances they can do a blessed work. It will be the first Southern State in which they have done any? thing but legislate upon recognized principles of highway robbery. South Carolina and Louisiana are sad trophies of this republican supremacy, and if that party iu Alabama will really reform itself and iusure good government it will be the beginning of reconstruction. More than this, what we want in the South is the awakeningofagenerous,manly,8elf asserting patriotism among the Southern people them? selves?a new manifestation of those qualities of endurance and fortitude which gave the Confederacy a renown that will last through ages. We cannot feel that all these noble qualities?the statesmanship, the self-denial, tne perseverance which marked the Confeder? ate course during tne war?were surrendered at Appomattox with the armies of General Lee. And yet we sometimes fear such was really the case, especially when we sec all that is left of the manhood of that puissant Confed? eracy is. some poor foolish gasconading Bob Toombs or Ben Hill; when we read in the columns of the journals these frenzies about another revolution ; when we hear statesmen and thinkers crying like children over some fancied "negroizing" of the South or in dread that they may become a mongrel population, like the "Peous of Mexico." This is unwor? thy and should altogether be avoided. Let political wisdom rule the South, and it will be answered by a spirit of fraternity in the North that will enable these sadly oppressed peoplo to regain their former spleudor and prosperity. But the way to gain this is by peace and not by war I?New York Herald. Idea of Death.?That death and sleep are very much alike, the sages all tell us; but see how attractively Leigh Hunt describes the lat? ter : "It is a delicious moment certainly, that of being well nestled iu bed, and feeling that you will drop gently to sleep. The good ie to come?not past; the limbs have been just tired enough to render the remaining in one position delightful; the labor of the day is done. A gentle failure of the preceptions comes creep? ing over one; the spirit of consciousness disen? gages itself more and more with slow and hush? ing degrees, like a mother detaching her hand from thutof hersleepingchild; the mind seems to have a balmv lid closing over it, like the eye ; tis' closing?'tis closed. The mysterious spirit has gone to take its roundB." The Administration Influence. There are some who are brave enough to de? clare that the "administration influence" is of no value nor importance in this State. They allege with the most heroic indifference that the Republican party here need give itself no concern as to the disposition of the Washing? ton authorities toward us. They point to the last election, in which it was well known that all the sympathies of Gen. Grant were with the bolting movement, although nothing was actively done to sustain it. They triumphant? ly ask, what did this Washington influence amount to then, and what will it amount to now? Well, it certainly was of very little avail at that time?first, because it was not exerted except in a passive, moral kind of a way; and, secondly, because the emergency did not arise for its active interference. There can be no doubt, however, that even the uncon? cerned shadow of the Federal authority kept the peace inviolate, and enabled the election to reach its conclusion. Nor can there be any doubt that the mere moral support of the Government, which was not pronounced suffi? ciently to be generally understood, had the effect of carrying enough votes in this State to have elected any opposition ticket, if the Con? servatives had cared to countenance or support it. Under ordinary circumstances, and in a peaceful election, we confess that this influence would amount to very little more thau the weight of the Federal patronage, which is only of any moment, in Charleston county. But in a campaign where the situation is mixed and the passions inflamed, and where that influence may be called upon to preserve the peace or to save the State from anarchy and bloodshed, it is paramount and all-powerful, It has been exerted iu many of our Southern States, and more than once in this State. It has always decided the issue upon which it acted instantly and without appeal. It has never needed a second blow, ana is stronger to-day than it was yesterday. It put the Democrats in power in 1865, and put the Republicans in power in 1868. It crushed the terrible Ku Klux in 1870, has commanded the peace, and enabled us to have here a free ballot and a free carni? val of mad legislation. In Georgia it stretched out its baud and dethroned a Legislature. In Louisiana it stamped out the Conservative side and established a Republican government. In Texas it refused to act, and Governor Davis had to surrender. In Arkansas it spoke but a single word, anarchy fled, and the government upon which it smiled now administers the af? fairs of that people. It is at this moment about to enter the fastnesses of Utah, and, through its judiciary, stamp out that "twin relic of barbarism." What we mean by the administration influence is the power of the party which rules the country, represented by Gen. Grant aud his administration, and we say that whenever it chooses to interfere it can set up or knock down a State Government. There? fore, we think that its favorable countenance or disposition is of the utmost interest and im? portance, particularly in South Carolina, aud especially on the eve of the impending election. This influence is nothing more than the force of public opinion, expressed through the power of the Federal Government. It is this influ? ence and nothing else that keeps the troops among us, and, perhaps, prevents some un? pleasant accidents. Now, the whole effort of the tax-payer.,, Democrats, or whatever else you please to call them, has beeu to conciliate and propitiate this influence. If they succeed in enlisting even its pity, our cake is all dough as sure as the ballot-box is open at the polls. Aud they have very nearly succeeded. The press aud people all over the country are hor? rified and disgusted at the condition of our affairs. Our bonds and securities are kicked out of the market, and there is no capitalist so reckless nor speculator so insane wno would lend a dollar on our "faith and credit," or in? vest even in any legitimate enterprise in the State. We have just about got to the end of our rope, and the administration influence at Washington has told us very plainly that if we do not elect a Governor that the Republican party and the Federal Administration can re? spect and sustain, and who, in his canvass, will see that the Legislature is of the right mate? rial, why, then, some means will be taken to turn us out upon the streets as sure as the au? tumn sun rises and sets.?Columbia Union Herald. Local Self-Government. "Truth crushed to earth will rise again," says the poet, and ail history proves it to be true. Dark as was the picture for several years after the surrender, and gloomy as it is yet, for that matter?there is now a "silver lining to the cloud." At one time, it appeared as if the doctrine of centralism was destined to destroy the last vestige of American liberty and establish a grinding despotism in its stead. Many of our wisest and best men regarded all as lost. It seemed that the Northern people were drunk with excitement, and in their zeal to "make treason odious," had lost sight of the funda? mental principle which underlie free govern? ment. A few of them, it is true?thoughtful men in private stations, still clung to the tra? ditions of the fathers?but none such could get office. We remember one with whom we met du? ring that darkest period?a gallant gentleman of New Jersey, who had fought for the old flag, and bore numerous scars upon his person?an eminent lawyer in retirement-who seemed hopeful all the while. "Although State rights and local self-government is a doctrine now considered treasonable," he remarked, "I feel as Galileo did in prison, when forced to re? nounce his belief?I can still swing my arm backwards and forwards and in full confidence say, it still moves! and you will find," he continued, "that all the prophets arc not slain. Thousands will again spring up in all sections to re-assert the doctrine of local self-govern? ment. The liberty-loving people of this coun? try know that this is the corner-stone on which their free instintions are founded; and when the passious of the hour shall have cooled, they will return.to this ark of safety again." We admired his sublime faith?we hoped to see the picture he painted realized, but expected to waitlong years first. The skies are brigh? tening faster than we expected. Star after star appears in the firmament. They are in the East and the West?they are peeping out every where. Senators and Representatives? distinguished journalists?good men every where are returning to the. ancient landmarks, and we now feel confident that the man who hall be elected next President?wo don't know who he will be?will have inscribed on his banner, in unmistakable characters, the grand fundamental doctrine of local self-govern? ment.? Athens (Oa.) Watchman. ? A Macon negro who went into a trance at a meeting the other night, was accidentally overlooked. When he found the lights were all out he followed the congregation and suc? ceeded in walloping one of the deacons. He fives as an excuse that "dey lug udder niggers ome an' dey mout as well lugged me. De church ain't no place fur ter git up 'stiuctions in b'ciety." Hard Times and the Croakers. A correspondent of the Associate Reform Presbyterian suggests the thought that a people might be iu a tolerable, if not in a prosperous condition, and not be aware of it. Ke says: The cry of hard times may be heard almost everywhere, and in the lips of persons in al? most any community. We have heard planters complaining that they were on the down grade, that their ex? penses exceeded their income, that they were making poor crops, and that at this rate they would fail in a few years, when at the same time the facts would lead us to conclude they were in self-sustaining, if not really in a pros erous condition?being blessed in their bas et and in their store, in the fruit of the field, in the iucrease of their herds and flocks. A similar complaint exists with the mer? chant. He is not doing well, he thinks. He is sinking money as he imagines. He almost envies the planter. In his judgment no one does such poor business as himself. But ap? pearance would indicate that he lives as well as his neighbors, that he drives as fine horses, dresses himself and family as genteely, keeps as good a table and maintains as nice a domes? tic establishment as others. Professional gentlemen also complain of their condition. They are not well paid for their services they say. In some instances they arc not, but as a class they are, perhaps, on as fair footing in this respect as others. A community complains of the public burdens and of grievances. We remember very well how it was in this respect befor the war. The taxes were light. They were nominal in comparison with what they are now, but the people complained. They were dissatisfied with the Federal leg? islation. We heard, one day in the cars, a citizen of some political prominence, assert that this was the worst government under the sun. We wondered if he meant that our gov? ernment was more tyrannical than Austria, Turkey, Spain, or the despotisms of the East. If our people had grievances then, what have they now ? We were in a prosperous condition then, but we appeared not to know it. We are not able to predicate such prosperity of our country now, but at the same time we would say that if we would suffer ourselves to be car? ried away with the views and prophecies of some of our contemporaries, we would feel as though we were the most destitute of all peo? ple, as though there were not one single element of a desirable kind in our condition, as though there were absolutely nothing about us for which we should be thankful to God but our existence. We have, it is true, a baptism to be baptized with, but it is far from being such as more worthy persons have experienced. We have a cup to drink, but the ingredients are not all bitter. Next to the rebellion of the children of Israel, their murmurings were offensive to God. That we may form some adequate con? ception of the measure of guilt connected with such murmurings, we will refer to the state? ment of the Apostle in his Epistle to the Corinthians, where he comments upon the con? duct of the children of Israel in the Wilder? ness: "Neither murmur ye, as some of them also murmured and were destroyed of the destroyer." And we may appropriately sub? join the verse following the one we have already quoted : "Now all these things happened unto them for ensamples, and they arc written for our admonition upon whom the ends of the world are come." We are alllicted with some social and political evils, it is true, but this does not justify us in indulging a complaining spirit, as though we had no mercies to be thankful for, and as though our condition were absolutely desperate. Taking the Bull by the Horns. The Southern Methodists, in Conference as? sembled at Louisville, have taken a very bold position, on the temperance question, and oue which is much more radical than any Northern church has assumed. By a very large vote? 325 to 38, being more than the necessary two thirds?a minority report that any person making, buying, selling, or using as a beverage intoxicating liquors, shall be, upon conviction, debarred from membership in the church, was adopted. This action will be sent round to the local Conferences, and if the majority of three-fourths concur it will become a law. The vote was preceded by a long and excited discussion, iu which all the points which have so bewildered our local clergy were canvassed. As there was no apparent possibility that scrip? tural texts could he reconciled, or that the views of delegates would admit of any compro? mise, they decided to take the bull by the horns, and throw the animal out altogether. The whiskey manufacturer, the whiskey-seller, the whiskey-buyer, and the whiskey-drinker were all classed under the same head, and the ban was pronounced. As a test of the feeling in the Conference, one of the most prominent members declared himself in favor of this special legislation, even if it struck 50,000 members from the roll. This action does not admit of equivocation, and the Methodist Church South has done itself credit in taking an attitude which cannot be misunderstood. If the Church is to take any position at all, it should take a radical one. If all drinking is an evil, it is folly for the Church to compro? mise with it. The teachers of virtue have no right to meet vice half-way. By this bold ac? tion the Church South will no longer have to squabble over fermented and unfermentcd wine. It will no longer have to apologize for the conduct of Noah, Joseph, David, Solomon, and the rest of the drinking patriarchs. It will not have to adopt triturated currant jelly as a substitute for grape juice and the extracts of rye and corn. It will not have to explain that miracle at Cana of Galilee. It sets the seal of its disapproval upon all such practices. It pronounces these old and erratic patriarchs as unworthy of the membership of the Methodist Church South. Nevertheless, the Conference is to be credited with courage in throwing out alcohol altogether. Now, will the Methodist Church North have the courage to follow in the steps of their Southern brethren, and leave the products of the vine and distillations of cereals to the sinners, and forever clear their skirts of responsibility, and set an example to the children of darkness 1?Chieugo Tribune. ? One of the best stories comes to us from California. The jury was out for some time, when the Sheriff had been despatched by the court to see if they were likely to agree. He found them performing a sort of triumphal march round a big bottle of whiskey, from which they had all been copiously imbibing, to the music of a fife and drum, the latter in? strument being borne on the back of the fore? man and vigorously pounded by the next juror, while the rest of the happy band were singing. "We couldn't agree upon a verdict nohow," was the affable foreman's explanation to the court, "and we didn't think it was any hurt for to have a social time s'long's we was "a cou gen'l party." ? A Boston clcrgymau defiues hell as "a place of eternal uneasinesB." Aii Hour of Fearful Suspense. The Detroit Free Press relates a most thrill? ing story as follows: Ihere arrived in this city on Friday morn? ing, over the Grand Trunk Railway, a man named Patrick McArthur who met with a thrilling adventure about six miles east of the junction Thursday night. He is a laboring man, and having no money, and failing to get a chance to work his passage down from Port Huron, on a boat, he started to walk down on the railroad track, and had nearly completed his journey when the adventure befel him. He laid by during the heat of the day Thursday, and was walking in the evening to make it up. While crossing the track where a switch leads down alongside the main track, he got his foot fast in a "frog," and his efforts to extricate it were of no avail. He had on a stout boot, and it fitted so closely over the instep that he could not draw his foot out. In fact the boot was wedged in the "frog" so closely that the man's toes were severely pinched. He pulled this way and that, wrenched and twisted, but the "frog" held the foot like a vise. At length he could hardly move his leg for the pain, and found that he must either be run over by the next passing train or make some one understand his situation. He shouted him? self hoarse, but no one came. The nearest house was half a mile away, and if the farmer heard the wild calls for help he gave them no attention. After the man had been a prisoner for upward of an hour, he heard the whistle of a down freight train. It was yet a long way off, and he had a long time to think. He had a match box in his pocket, papers in his bun? dle, and the idea came to him to signal the train. Tearing the paper off his bundle and getting at a number of letters, he rolled them into a heap, and for fear that the flame would die out too suddenly he added two flannel shirts from the bundle. The bundle was then made fast to the end of his walking stick, matches produced, and he waited until the head light of the locomotive should appear up the track. It finally greeted his vision, looking like a bright white star, as it glistened afar up the track. The rumble of the train grew louder, the star grew larger and brighter. He struck his match. The flame blazed up brightly, but as he moved it toward the bundle a little gust of wind blew it out. Was there time yet? Up the track he could hear the thunder of a hundred heavy wheels, and the great light of the locomotive glared at him like the fiery eye of some wild beast. Another match, an instaut of fear and doubt, and then the paper blazed up and curled over and around the bun? dle and swayed right and left with the night wind. He waved the signal of fire back and forth, and just when he was ready to believe that death under the wheels was certain he heard the whistle for brakes. He could hear the wheels grinding and groaning, the hiss of the steam as the engineer threw back his lever, and then the heavy train came to a stop with the great light shining down upon him, paling bis dying signal. He was saved, but the engineer had only thirty feet more to go to crush him. The fireman came forward, got a crowbar and released him, and he was taken back to the caboose. The train men were very kind to him, and yester? day he found acquaintances here who arranged for his board until he will be able to work. His foot is badly swelled and very tender, and it will be several days before he will be able to walk. Prophecy of Mr. Calhouu. Below will be found an extract from Mr. Cal houn's address to the people of the South, on the part of the Southern members of Congress, published in 1849. This siugular prophecy has beeu fulfilled to the very letter: If emancipation ever should be effected, it will be through the agency of the Federal Gov? ernment, controlled by the dominant power of the Northern States of the Confederacy, against the resistance and struggle of the Southern. It can then ouly be effected by the prostration of tne white race; ana that would necessarily engender the bitterest feelings of hostility be? tween them and the North. Owing their emancipation to them, they could regard them as friends, guardians and patrons, and centre, accordingly, all their sympathy in them. The people of the North would not fail to recipro? cate and favor them instead of the whites. Un? der the influence of such feelings, and impelled by fanaticism and love of power, they would not stop at emancipation. Another step would be taken to raise them to a political and social equality with their former owners by giving them the right of voting and holding public offices under the Federal Government. We see the first step towards it in the bill already alluded to?to vest the few blacks and slaves with the right to vote on the question of emancipation in this district. But when once raised to an equality they become the fast po? litical associates of the North, acting and voting with them on all questions, and by this politi? cal uuion between them, holding the white race at the South in complete subjection. The blacks and the profligate whites that mightunite with them could become the principal recip? ients of Federal offices and patronage, and would in consequence be raised above the whites iu the South in the political and social scale. We would in a word change conditions with them?-a degradation greater than has ever yet fallen to the lot of a free and enlightened peo? ple, and one from which we could not escape should emancipation take place (which it cer? tainly will if not prevented), but by fleeing the homes of ourselves and ancestors, and by abandoning our country to our former slaves, to become the permaucnt abode of disorder, an? archy and wretchedness. "A Damn* Solicitor."?A corespondent of the Augusta Constitutionalist, writing from Barn well, gives the following incident of the recent term of Court at that place: Among many others arraigned for burglary and larceny, there was a mulatto man, of about five and twenty years of age, with an exceed? ingly carc-for-nothing and fiendish physiog nomv, who, it if alleged, amused the court with his sharp repartee, and originated the following "hit" on State solicitors : Solicitor?Do you know why you arc brought before the court? Prisoner?Yes. Sol.?Well, let us hear. P.?I reckon' you knows as well as me. S.?I believe I do; but I wish you to tell the court and jury for what you are arraigned. Is it for robbing a store, eh ? P.?(grutify) Yes; it is. S.?I' .i't that quite a low means of making a livelihood? P.?Reckon' 'tis. S.?Then why did you engage in it? p.?'Cause 'twas much more henester than my rebel boss' busiuess. *S.?Well, what was your owner's business? P.?He was a damn Slate Solicitor, dat's what! The "Colonel" had nothing more to say, and went to his seat completely "nullified," amid the roar of the spectators. The prisoner was sent to the penitentiary for four years.