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IM* ?n?tfm?mt |?m?g to gtftby, fitoto, ^frtalto? imfl Omni ptd%m HOYT & CO., Proprietors. ANDERSON C. H., S. C, THURSDAY MORNING, JUNE 4, 1874. Out. Greenville Correspondence. Gbeenville, S. C., May 25,1874. Mr. Editor: Nothing worth mentioning has transpired in the "Mountain City" since my last. As usual at this season, business is very doll. Farmers cannot spare time to come to town now, as they are several weeks behind on account of the rain. The crops are reported to be tolerably good, considering the late sea? son, but they begin to need rain. There is as much dust .here now as there was mud some time ago. Greenville seems always to be on the extreme in this particular. There is an unusual amount of hauling done here, greatly increased, no doubt, by the Air Line Railroad. Something over thirty drays ran continually, and all do a good business. Taking these things into consideration, and remembering that Greenville is situated on a red hill, it is not surprising that she has a great deal of dust in dry and mud in wet weather. Indeed, so great was this evil, that our ever-thoughtful council have considered it necessary to con? trive some means of counteracting it This they have done. In walking up Main street a few evenings since, we were surprised to meet a wagon mounted with a huge hogshead, filled with water, which laid the dust as effectually as if we had had a good shower. This is a ample, cheap contrivance,* and should be had 6y every place that does much business. The plan here is to procure a large hogshead that will hold water, place it upon a common wag? on, with two pieces of timber running length? wise to support it; insert into the side of the hogshead, next the rear part of the wagon, a tube, reaching back to a tin trough, something like the gutter of a house, suspended cross ways from the planks supporting the hogs? head ; pierce the tin trough with small holes, turn the water into it, start your wagon, and your machine is complete. Why not have one at Anderson ? . The new factory at this place will commence operations soon. The company bought the old mill just below the falls, belonging to Mr. McBee. They added another brick building to it,, raised a large dam, inserted in place of the old over-shot a large turbine wheel, filled the house with first-class machinery, and are now covering the hill with neat tenant-houses. It is a sad fact that our people take no more interest in manufactures than.they do. This water-power has been lying comparatively idle until recently, and would in all probability have remained so, had not enterprising North? erners came in and took charge of it We believe in fairs, and we believe in having grounds upon which to hold the fairs, but we do not believe in making the grounds a race track. For the last two years, the fair grounds at this place have been appropriated for this purpose. Greenville, until a few years back, could not boast a fair, and it had been much better for her young men, and her society in general, had she never had one, if this is the use to be made of its grounds. Did the honest farmers who contributed to this object know -that they would be indirectly encouraging such an evil as horse-racing. To-morrow these races begin, and there is no calculating the in? jury they may do this community before they end. They exercise a terrible influence for evil wherever indulged in. The commencement exercises of Furman University and the Female College will take place June 16th and 17th. The public are cordially invited to attend. The first publication of the Greenville Daily News was issued last Saturday. We wish it much success, but seriously doubt whether this city (?) can support such an institution. E. R, H. Candidates for Defeat! There are some men seeking the nomination of the republican convention for governor who, if nominated, we believe would be defeated. They presume upon the apparent thirty or forty thousand majority of the party and think that a nomination is equivalent to an election. * We .admit that whoever is nominated by the regular convention will have at the start, many chances in his favor, but we also feel confident that it would only need wisdom in the choice and a vigorous and united effort on the part of ?the conservatives and voting republicans to 4rive a bad man from the field before election or defeat him at the polls. We warn the schemers who are counting up? on the ignorance and venality of the delegates to the nominating convention to secure the same wicked cliques who have misgoverned the State and wasted its revenues in the past, that two years have weakened the hold of party managers upon the masses. The party leaders of Beaufort county see the change, and there are ample evidences of it in every county in the State. The conservatives, too, have learned a lesson. Their organs are declaring in many counties that the game of 1872 is not to be played again. Not again do they intend to be fooled into ac? tively or negatively aiding in the elevation of one whose integrity is not thoroughly known. There are thousands of republicans who in 1872 were deceived or indifferent The Tax? payer's Convention, the appeal to Congress, the universal attention drawn to the misrule and extravagance of republican government in^outh Carolina and the wide-spread sympathy ex Sressed for the memorialists, with the vigorous enunciation of the rulers of the Prostrate State, have resulted in a settled conviction in the breasts of many of the most active party managers that the day of promises is over. They see that the nominee must be one who can unite every element of the party. One who, while satisfying the iust demands of the colored man for an assured friend of the recon? struction acts and their results, shall, at the same time, give such guaranties of character and ability as will satisfy the demands of the reformers. I Unless such a nomination is made, the party will enter the canvas discouraged, demoralized and disunited. It will have the great national party against it; it will have the administration at Washington against it; it will have the mor? al sense of the whole country against it. It will deserve defeat and will get it In view of these facts we advise the Union Herald to make two columns of its list of can? didates, and under the head of "candidates for defeat," put about three-fourths of those who have been called "candidates for governor."_ Fort Royal Standard and Commercial, Gen. J. B. Gordon on the Currency Question. | Gen. John B. Gordon, United States Senator from Georgia, has recently expressed his views at length upon the currency question in a let? ter to Gen. A. H. Colquitt, President of the State Agricultural Society. Only want of space prevents the publication of this interest? ing document in full. For the benefit of our readers, we give such extracts as it is believed will place his views fairly before his numerous admirers. After expressing his willingness that bis views shall be made public, he says: "If the positions I assume be correct, and if my apprehensions for the future of the indus? trial interests of the country be well founded, it is high time for the masses who produce the nation's wealth to organize for their own pro? tection. Let me have at the outset two obser? vations : "First. I bold that whenever a government based on the principle of equal rights and privileges assumes the sole right of furnishing a circulating medium, it is bound to furnish such a medium as will confer no special ad? vantages upon any, but general benefits upon all classes of its citizens. No higher duty at? taches to government; and it is no less bound, while exercising that function, to protect every class against a partial and discriminating finan? cial system than to enforce the laws for the rectification of disorder. If in arrogating to itself this sole and high prerogative, Govern? ment forces upon the people a system which taxes industry for the benefit of non-producers, it not only fails in the first essentials of good government, but is guilty of absolute tyranny. "My second observation is this: If any civ? ilized country where the use of the ballot was allowed has ever been cursed with a more un? just, partial and discriminating financial sys? tem, than our national bank system, or one more perfectly adapted to enrich the non-pro? ducer oy robbing the producer, I do not think history gives any account of it. The General Government assumes the sole right of fur? nishing for the people a circulating medium, and protects that medium against all competi? tion by a high protective tariff. No association of citizens, no corporation or State, is permit? ted to issue any bills, upon any security or basis whatever, except upon the payment of a prohibitory tax. If the State Grange of Geor? gia or Wisconsin should desire to sell, when subscribed by its members, 50,000 bales of cot? ton, in the one case, or 500,000 bushels of wheat, in the other, for gold, and issue bank bills thereon, thus establishing specie payments, and securing a local currency which would re? main in the State, it would not be permitted to do so, except upon conditions which amount to a prohibition." A little further on he pertinently asks: "What would be thought of a government that would confer upon a certain number of its citizens the sole privilege of producing wheat or manufacturing wool or cotton ? But more fatal, if possible, than either of these to the general prosperity is the monopoly of the cir? culating medium of the country; for circula? tion is to our productive industries what the vitalizing air around us is to animal life. "Banking ought to be free upon principle, and free banking would be better, doubtless, than the present monopoly for the general in? terest; but I wish to record my prediction now that even free banking under the national bank system will never give to the country the relief so generally expected. "Let not the South and West bo deluded with the hope of cheap interest as long as the present national bank system lasts, however free it may be made. As long as it costs $115 in greenbacks to buy a bond upon which only $90 is issued in national bank currency, it is self-evident that the sections which must pur? chase the bonds will only lessen their loaned capital by such investments. A large portion of these bonds are the property of European capitalists, and the bulk of those not so owned is held in New York, Boston and Philadelphia, not in States like Illinois, Indiana, Georgia and Mississippi, and therefore these capitalists in the moneyed-centres of the East would have the lion's share of such a system of free bank? ing. The policy proposed will be to some de? gree incidentally beneficial to other sectious; but the East will still control the nation's cur? rency under that system and any general effort to purchase the bonds by other sections would only advance their price, and, of course, the cost of the circulation issued thereon. " 'Free banking' will be the captivating title of the system; but its essential features will remain that of a monopoly hostile to the genius of Republican institutions and the full and fair play of the varied interests of a free peo? ple. "Let me be clearly understood. Free bank? ing, even under our false and, to the producer, fatal system, is more liberal, and therefore an improvement upon our present exclusive and cruel monopoly; but as a measure of relief to the producer from ruinous rates of interest it is a fraudulent deception and contrivance. "Mark the process. When the East and money centres had bought the bonds at a low price, the Government made these bonds the I only basis of bank circulation, and if the pres? ent bond owners can now retire the greenbacks from competition, they will still hold the bonds and control the country's circulation, and thereby the producer's profits. "If there is any answer to these positions and this conclusion, no apologist for this na? tional bank system has yet given it, and I should be glad to have the answer made. It is to my mind clear that the Government ought to do one of two things or both. "First. It ought to remove the tax on State bank notes, and cease to attempt to furnish currency to the people; or "Second. It ought to make its own issues, and not national bank notes, the money of the realm. "As to State banks. If these banks were allowed to issue three for one upon gold, it is plain that interest would be lower; for a bank, with ?100,000 gold, and a circulation of three for one, can better afford to lend its $300,000 at six per cent., than a national bank with $100,000 in bonds, and $90,000 circulation thereon, can afford to lend at twelve per cent. The difficulty is to confine these banks to the amount of issue allowed by the law. Scotland, for example, thought it safe to allow an issue of four for one, and greatly prospered under the system, but the history of Massachusetts banks demonstrates the danger to which I re? fer. Between 1825 and 1838, their issues varied from four to eight and three-quarters for one in gold. I fully recognize the dangers of thiB system, but safeguards can be thrown aronnd it. With all its evils it is better, far better, for the producer than the national bank system, under which we shall never see money uniform in the agricultural districts at a reasonable rate of interest, nor ever prevent its concentrating at certain seasons in the moneyed centres. "But if the State banks are still to be taxed out of existence, and if the Government is to continue to exercise the sole right of issuing a circulating medium to the people, then, I re? peat, the first esseifials of just government sternly demand t hat we shall provide a system free from special benefits to special classes?a currency which at least will not tax the masses, and press down labor and production with a rate of interest so ruinous, so cruelly and wickedly disproportionate to the profits upon production. What political economist has the temerity, in this age and country of boasted equality of rights to stand before the people and defend a system which puts twelve to twen? ty-five per cent, per annum in the pockets of non-producers, who add not a farthing to the nation's wealth, while the whole aggregate in? crease from the labor, and the toil of mind and body, and the enterprise of the masses does not exceed three per cent? What governmental science, or social ethics or "bill of rights," can justify such tyranuy over the mind and muscle of a producing people? "What Christianity is there in that political economy which forces upon the people a sys? tem which is fast producing the extremes of wealth and poverty, and gives to rings who gambol upon the sweat of labor, and to bond? holders, who monopolize the currency, the profits of the country's industry ?" Letter of Senator Patterson, of South Caro? lina. Washington, May 22,1874. Hon. W. W. Bell-nap, Secretary of War : Sir?On the eve of decoration day, one year ago, an order issued by the Secretary of War gave the grounds of Arlington into the custody of the Graud Army of the Republic for that day. and limited the ceremonial on that occa? sion to the decoration of the graves of soldiers who fell in defense of the Union. I desire to ask if that order is still in force, and applicable to the day now approaching. If in force, I ear? nestly hope it may bo abrogated; if not in force, I desire most respectfully, yet earnestly, to protest against its renewal. I the more earnestly deprecate the perpetuation of conven? tional distinctions, touching the dead who per? ished in the attitude of foes, and who fought as foes, yet each and all as meu who believed that their cause was just, because the nation has granted amnesty to the living, and forgiveness for the many offenses born of that bloody feud. The nation, with a magnanimity not to be made subject of boast, but still in striking con? trast to national actions elsewhere in past time, has made its forgiveness of record, and practi? cally complete. Yet we know that, as between the living and the dead of those so lately in arms against the integrity of the republic, en? mity can attach to the survivor only. It is to the everlasting honor of human nature that enmity makes no pursuit beyond the bounds of time. Hatred and malice may pursue to the verge of the grave, but only to retire baffled from that barrier to the tides of human passion. That forgiveness which the nation has extended to the living and emphasized by legal and statu? tory forms cannot he withheld from the dead, who, as offenders, expiated their offenses in the last sacrifice of life, and whose ashes canuot be construed as an offense to any who survive. I submit these suggestions in the interest of that fraternity whose 'fruitage is lasting peace. Statesmen should deal with living issues which address themselves to living men, and by every means in their power assuage strife aud sorrow, instead of keeping open the wounds of war and perpetuating animosity and discord. If there is one desire among the Southern people more pronounced than any other it is for enduring peace. The strife is ended, and they have no desire to renew it. More, they do not desire to revive and renew distinctions leveled down by death. Men and women, fathers and mothers, widows and children, these do not as? semble at the graves of their dead to speak of the ofiendiiigs and short-comings of those whose forms are dust. The simple ofhees of affection are above criticism, and, consequently, void of offense. We who reflect know that the time must come when, under the softening influences of time and better acquaintance, the great dis? cord of our time will have passed into a sorrow? ful recollection. It has como to other nations, and it must come to us. L&we would not delay that day beyond the natural order, we cannot too soon begin to re? move every obstacle to a complete reconcilia? tion. The people of the South have their part to perform in the establishment and mainten? ance of civil rights. Without citfl rights that order which enables the highest and the hum? blest citizen each to enjoy the fruits of his enterprise, with none to make afraid, cannot he established: and in the absence of that order no people can prosper. Artificial distinctions, of uaturc soever they may be, are obstacles to growth; some because they keep alive the ran? cor born of strife; others because they work injustice and inequality, and so bege't a feeling of insecurity discouraging to enterprise. For these, among other reasons, a clear and author? itative interpretation of civil rights is needed to put the people of the South on the path of progress, and to this end all efforts sbould con? tribute, and no obstacle interposed to prevent its consummation. With civil rights estab? lished the pacification of the country will be assured, ana we shall be a really free people. Our national cemeteries will be free to the en? trance of all who have an interest in the ashes therein deposited. And not only should en? trance be free to all, but there should be no questioning of motive, and ne criticism of the offices of affection. We have forgiven the sur? vivors, some of whom sit in the balls of Con? gress; others have been received into the civil service, and all of whom are, with a few excep? tions, eligible to places of trust and honor. Our dead in many States lie in the vicinity of battle-grounds iu what was once regarded as an enemy's country. The dead of that enemy are in our custody. Let there be no distinc? tion there or here, and when each knows that the other is respecting the manes of their loved ones, it will vastly promote harmo? ny between the sections. I therefore renew my request that the order for decoration day of last year, ifin force, be rescinded, if not in force, be not renewed. Respectfully, yours, &c, John J. Patterson. Church Conduct.?There is nothing which so betrays the want of proper feeling and man? ners as unbecoming conduct in church during divine services. It is presumed that every one who goes to a church on Sunday, or any other time when public wornhip is held in tho city, does so for the purpose of worshipping God ; of paying that adoratiou to the Great Ruler of all things which is the one object of religion. If by our actions we show that this presump? tion is a wrong one and that we have other motives in view when we visit tho sacred temple, we not only defy the Author of our being, but distract the attention of others and make reflecting people wish that we would either reform our conduct or stay at home. A prominent feature of this ill conduct is the haoit of turning the back, virtually if not lite? rally, upon the pulpit, and staring iu the faces of persons occupying pews in the rear. What is gained by so disagreeable a practice is not known ; that it is contrary to religion iB moral? ly certain. Many parties, perhaps, who follow the habit do so heedlessly, out there are others who are undoubtedly aware of what they are doing and imagine that it adds to their impor? tance. That this is a grave error we need not tell thinking people. The Civil Rights Bill a Party Measnre. The Washington correspondent of the New York Herald thus describes the scene in the United States Senate on the passage of the Civil Eights bill, and comments upon the probable effect of this measure upon the future interests of political parties: From eleven a. m. on Friday, till night, and then through all the night till seven o'clock yesterday morning, the Senate had what may be called a wake on the Civil Rights bill?the republicans having resolved in the morning to continue in session till they passed the bill. They have no previous question in the Senate, whereby they can bring the chamber at once to the main question, and so, to push a bill through, the majority have to agree to sit it out. By this process of exhausting the minor? ity the record of the Seuate will show that a large proportion of the acts of Congress which serve a3 historical landmarks were passed? such as the Oregon Territorial bill, the Texas Annexation bill., and some of the compromise measures of 1850. And so the Civil Rights bill, Charles Suraner's legacy to the Senate, has been passed, and passed as a party meas? ure. The colored balance of power in the popular vote of the South and of the Union demanded I this Civil Rights bill, aud the Rpublicau party in Congress were compelled to meet the requi \ sition. The bill passed 29 to 18?a partisan division, excepting three republicans in the negative, Boreman, of West Virginia, Lewis, of Virginia, and Carpenter, of Wisconsin, who, on this Civil Rights question, as on the Lou? isiana controversy, has taken his own course, regardless of party caucuses or party necessi? ties ; for a Senatorial republican party caucus some two weeks ago bad put this bill upon their programme of measures which must bo passed. As an indignant democrat remarked yesterday morning: "Now, the only thing that remains to be done lor our enfranchised fellow citizeus of African descent by Congress, is to provide by law for securing to every freedmau among them that long promised forty acres of land with that aforesaid mule." The bill now goes to the House, and, as a party measure, will doubtless pass that body, though as a political make-weight, there is some talk of tacking on to the bill in the House, Horace Greeley's grand idea of a uni? versal amnesty to the parties concerned in the late rebellion. Here, liowever, the implacable Jefferson Davis, who does not recognize the new order of things, who asks no favors and who still) adheres to the "lost cause," is a stumbling block to many republicans, who still believe that justice called for the hanging of Davis "on a sour apple tree." In fact, if a universal amnesty be not passed this session it will be mainly on account of the unreconstruc? ted and intractable Jeff Davis. And so we apprehend that this Civil Rights bill will be finally passed without the equivalent to the Southern whites of a universal amnesty, the wisest measure in behalf of the reconciliation of the South to the Union as it is that could be adopted. But, as this Civil Rights bill may be consid? ered henceforward a law of the laud, what will j be the consequences of the enforcement of its provisions? It will not be long before the hotel keepers, theatrical and operatic manag? ers, and other parties concerned in the city of New York, will be put to the test of the equal? ity of all races and colors as citizens and cus? tomers; for we understand that certain colored men have promised to lake the conceit out of certain would-be exclusive establishments in New York on the first opportunity. In the Southern States this bill, from all that we have heard aud seen on this subject, will close the public schools, not only in Georgia, where retaliation has been threatened by the Legislature, but in every Southern State where the blacks are supreme, as in South Carolina, Mississippi and Louisiana, the whites will withdraw their children from the public schools rather than submit to their mingling with the blacks under this Congressional law of equali? ty. Mr. Sargent, of California, tried an amend? ment authorizing separate schools for whites and black; but the proposition was declared as destructive of the great leading principle of the bill, and so it was promptly voted down. There will unquestionably be a great com? motion throughout the South, close upon the heels of the passage of this bill, and the polit? ical consequences may be far more serious and extensive than any of the republican leaders of this Congress anticipate. The following is the full text of the bill as it passed in the Senate, and in this form the majority of the House of Representatives will likely sanction the measure: Section 1. All citizeus and other persons within the jurisdiction of the United States shall be entitled to the full aud equal enjoy? ment of the accommodations, advantages, fa? cilities and privileges of inns, public convey? ances on land or water, theatres and other places of public amusement, and also of com? mon schools and public institutions of learning or benevolence supported in whole 6r in part by general taxation, and of cemeteries so sup? ported, and also the institutions known as Agricultural Colleges, endowed by the United States, subject only to the conditions and limi? tations established by law and applicable alike to citizens of every race aud color, regardless of any previous condition of servitude. Sec. 2. That any person who shall violate the foregoing section by denying to any person entitled to its benefits, except for reasons by law applicable to citizens of every race and color, and regardless" of any previous condition of servitude, the full enjoymeut of any of the accommodations, advantages, facilities or priv? ileges in said section enumerated, or inciting such denial shall for every such offense forfeit and pay the sum of $500 to the person ag? grieved thereby, to be recovered in an action on the case, with full costs, and shall, also, for every such offense be deemed guilty of a mis? demeanor, and upon conviction thereof shall be fined not more than $1,000, or shall be im? prisoned not more than one year, provided, that the party aggrieved shall not recover more than one penalty, and when the offense is a refusal of burial, the penalty may be recovered by the heirs-at-law of the person whose body has beeu refused burial. And provided further, that all persous may elect to sue for the penal? ty aforesaid or to proceed under their rights at common law and State statutes, and having so elected to proceed in the one mode or the other, thoir right to proceed in the other jurisdiction shall be barred. But the proviso shall.not apply to criminal proceedings either under thi3 act or the criminal law of any State. Sec. 3. That the District and Circuit Courts of the United States shall have, exclusive of the courts of the several States, cognizance of all crimes and offenses against any violations of the provisions of this act, and actions for the penalty given by the preceding section may be prosecuted in the Territorial, District or Circuit Courts of the United States, wherever the de? fendant may be found, without regard to the other party; and the district attorneys, mar? shals and deputy marshals of the United States and commissioners appointed by the I Circuit and Territorial Courts of the United j States, v/ith power of arresting and imprison? ing and bailing offenders of the laws of the United States, are hereby especially authorized and required to institute proceedings against every person who shall violate the provisions of this act, and cause him to be arrested and imprisoned, or bailed, as the case may be, for trial before such court of the United States or ; Territorial courts ~s by law has cognizance of I the offense, except in the right of action accru? ing to the person aggrieved; and such district attorneys shall cause such proceedings to be prosecuted to their termination as in other cases : provided, that nothing contained in this section shall be construed to deny or defeat any right of civil action accruing to any per? son, whether by reason of the act or other? wise. Sec. 4. That no citizen possessing all other qualifications which are or may be prescribed by law, shall be disqualified for service as grand or petit jurors in any court of the United : States, or of any State, on account of race, color or previous condition of servitude ; and ! any officer or other persons charged with any duty in the selection or summoning of jurors, ; who shall exclude or fail to summon any citi? zen for the cause aforesaid, shall be deemed guiltv of a misdemeanor and be fined not less than "?1,000. Sec. 5. That all cases arising under the pro? visions of this act in the courts of the United States shall be reviewable by the Supreme Court of the United States without regard to the sum in controversy, under the same pro? visions and regulations as are now provided by law for the review of other causes in said court. South Carolina Takes Auother Turn. We hope, for the sake of human nature, there is no man whose heart is so callous that he can wish the lately rebellious people of the Southern States to be punished or humiliated beyond the treatment which they have received at the hands'of their "carget-bag" rulers. The steady and demoralizing torture to which they have been subjected would seem to be sufficient to melt the stoutest heart and reduce to humility the most impenitent rebel. The administrations of most of the Southern. States have beeu absolutely tireless in usurping ex? traordinary powers and in robbing the treasu? ries. One after another these States have furnished history with some of the most dis fraceful incidents that ever characterized any ind of government, and no sooner has the list been apparently exhausted than the iuci ; dents are repeated as regularly as cogs in a wheel approach a given point iu their revolu? tion. Arkansas having retired from view, South Carolina is called upon to take her turn again iu the pillory of public opinion. The star actor in this latest affair is the Governor of that State, Mr. F. J. Moses. He is not un? known to fame for the leading parts he has played before. He has risen rapidly from a nobody, through various offices, to the Govern? orship. He was very conspicuous under Gov? ernor Scott as Speaker of one House of the Legislature, in which capacity he exercised his peculiar "talent" .for legislation. It was in great part through his influence that the debt of the State was increased by many millions of dollars for no conceivable public object. At the same time it was remarkable that this able financial manager, upon a salary of two or three thousand dollars, in five or six years ac? cumulated a large fortune. But, rapacious as he was, he also indulged in dreams of empire; he loved money much for its own sake, but not so much as for promoting his personal power iu politics. What were riches to him without honors? When the power of Gov. Scott began to wane, the people who had heard of his lieutenant were somewhat startled to learn that Moses had come out a Hedged re? former. He deplored the extravagance and corruption of past years, and promised re? trenchment. With these promises, and with a liberal sowing of his money, he obtained the Kepublicau nomination and the election of himself for Governor. The emphatic commen? tary in his reformatory profession is that the cost of the State government is much greater than ever before; and the fact that he has lately been adjudged a bankrupt, speaks loudly of the means he used to obtain political pro? motion. The latest act in his career is not worse than many others; but onco upon the downward grade and every act tells against a fellow like Moses. His money procured him friends; and his money gone, his friends aban? don him. He is charged with conspiring to rob one of the county treasuries to pay his debts. The county treasurer, who was his co conspirator, became a defaulter for $25,000, of which Moses is said to have received $6,000. It may be urged as a comparatively favorable circumstance, that Moses manifested the least desire to pay his debts, and also that he took the smallest share of the plunder. The law, however, is merciless, and the officers threat? ened to prosecute him for larceny. They went to arrest him, and he called out the colored militia, who stood guard over this sample Southern Executive, defyiug the sheriff with "fixed bayonets," while they were regaled with champagne and cold chicken in the Executive apartments. Finally, however, the attorney of Moses advised him to submit, and he so far condescended as to surreuder himself to the coroner instead of to the sheriff. This was a suggestive compromise, for the people of South Carolina have had more than one good reason before to wish that the coroner might perform his graceful offices on Moses. Poor South Carolina 1 we may well exclaim. Where this will eud no oue can tell. Ruined with taxa? tion ; oppressed by foreign speculators: dis? graced by the loss of credit?her cup seemed full before the Governor was arrested tor larce? ny. If there is a lower depth to be reached by any people, it is possible that South Caro li'an may find it.?New York Evening Post. Anecdote of Gov. Vance.?A friend in Marble Hill, Mo., sends us an anecdote of Ex Governor Vance, of North Carolina. Way back before the war the Governor had a case in one of the mountain counties, where the old law and decisions favored his client, but a late act of the legislature had changed the law, and set it dead against hjm. The counsel on the other side simply stated the law as it then stood, and sat down, expecting to gain the case as a matter of course. Vance rose, made an impas? sioned spee^ 'n favor of his client, adjured the court to "stit- .cf former decisions," and con? cluded somewhat thus: "It is true that the counsel on the opposite side has acquired some reputation for ability and integrity in the prac? tice of the law, but I am utterly astounded that a man of his learning and candor should get | up here and try to impose ou the intelligence of this court by reading a little act of the Leg? islature passed last winter, when here is a de? cision of the Supreme Court thirty years old, settling the law in favor of my client!" Our correspondent adds, "those who have had much practice before inferior courts will not be sur? prised to learn that Vance gained his case.? Law Docket. ? Toccoa City is to have a newspaper to be established about the first of Jane next. The Tax-Payers' Leagues. The tax-payers in Alabama have acted npon the suggestion thrown out by the South Caro? lina Tax-Payers' Convention, and have formed associations called Tax-Payers' Leagues, by means of which they have, in several instan? ces, brought the thieving officials to justice. In oiie county, a defaulting tax-collector has been prosecuted and convicted, and indict? ments have been found against the county treasurer, county superintendent of education and the probate judge. The objects and modes of proceeding are best explained in the consti? tution of the League, which is in substance as follows: "To secure honesty and efficiency in the ad? ministration of local affaire, and to bring to proper legal punishment county officials guilty of high crimes and misdemeanors of office, we hereby unite ourselves in an association which shall be known as the-County Tax Payers' League, agreeing, and binding our? selves to each other, as hereinafter provided. "The officers of the League shall be a Presi? dent, two Vice Presidents, a Secretary, a Treasurer and an Executive Committee often. "Each member of tile League is to promptly communicate to some member of the Execu? tive Committee any fact that shall come to his knowledge implicating any officer of the coun? ty in violations of law. "It shall be the duty of the Executive Com? mittee to hold meetings for consultation or bus? iness as often as may be proper; to keep a record of all facts communicated to it in accordance with section three of this agreement;.to insti? tute civil or criminal proceedings, as may be proper, against any officer of the county against whom it may have sufficient evidence of any unlawful act; to employ the necessary counsel for the prosecution of proceedings be? gun by it; aud, through the President of the League, to call upou the Treasurer for the means required in the discharge of its duties. "Each member binds himself to pay to the Treasurer of the League the sum of five dollars when called upon by him at the instance of the Executive Committee ; provided, that one dollar of this sum shall be paid at the time of subscribing this agreement, and that not more tban one dollar shall thereafter be called for at one time, aud that no call shall be made uutil sixty days shall have elapsed from the date of the preceding call." This is the kind of organization which ex? ists ,in South Carolina?on paper. A few counties have formed the Tax Union ; but the large majority are still thinking about it, and will, very likely, continue to think about it until it is too late to effect a thorough and general organization, powerful in uumbers and strong in purse. Surely this is a queer peo? ple. It is conceded that, with a full vote and a fair count, the Conservative minority, taking advantage of their possession of the property, intelligence and experience of the State, can elect whom they please. But thev arc sheep without a shepherd; segregated political atoms, imponderable and impalpable. Acting a? one man, bound into one body, aggregated in a solid mass, they can accomplish anything and everything. Without organization noth? ing will be done, till thieves grow tired of stealing or find nothing more to steal; and yet, Alabama is ahead of South Carolina in ibrniiug the very Tax Unions, the idea of which was first conceived in this State. South Carolina plans, and other States do the work and reap the benefit. It is a good thing, evi? dently, to have brains; but brains without arms and hands count for little in this life.? Charleston Xews and Courier. Senator Pattersons' Letter.?The Col? umbia Phoenix makes this comment upon the letter of Senator Patterson, which we publish elsewhere: "lloncst" John has a gush of sentiment, somethiug like that of Joseph Surface. He lets it flow with a rush like Mill River, at the Sec? retary of War, and lo! it passes on, and bubbles up in the culumns of the newspapers every? where. But honesty and sentimentality are not the sole merits of "honest" John. Like Joey Bogstock, he's "dcvelish sly." He adroitly in? serts in his pathetic effusion lots of compliments to the "nation," its grant of amnesty, its mag? nanimity, its forgiveness, &e, and thus guards himself against all imputation of disaffection and disloyalty. Blessed, blessed, blessed na? tion ! Honest John is all right on that point. He next injects a little stump speech into his tender appeal, by which he sets forth civil rights so splendidly that all must bow down and worship. You won't catch "honest" John neglecting business, even though he become, in concern for the poor buried Confederates, "like Niobe, all tears." Really, now, "honest" John, this is too much. We shfti! have to protest, ungracious as it may seem, if you go on in this way. Sparc us the embarrassment of tryiug to return compliments. Excuse us for saying that the theme is not appropriate to your meditations. Those Penn? sylvania accomplishments which you brought into South Carolina, wherewith to develop her resources, and to crawl into places of power, are not in harmony with it. Think of your feat in whispering slander into the President's ear and poisoning his unsophisticated mind agaiust the tax-payers ; think of how you dis? tilled the poison of calumny in his ears; think of all thi$, dear, honest John, and let the Confederate dead rest in peace Equinoctial Storms.?There is a popular delusiou that a three days' storm is inevitable when the sun crosses the line in the latter part of March aud September, aud the unsettled state of the. weather at this period, which usu? ally culminates in showers of some duration, is always spoken of as the "equinoctial storm." According to Professor Loomis, of Yale Col? lege, however, the equinox has very little to do with the storms, and excepting that the weath? er is generally unsettled by the changes which are taking place in the atmosphere, there is no more likelihood of a storm upon the day that the sun crosses the line than upon any other day of the year. So much for one of our pop? ular theories, which, like our popular supersti? tions, obtain a stronger hold upon the public mind than the strongest facts. In the light of this truth it is not difficult to account for the leugth of time?centuries, perhaps?which it takes to discover a popular error or establish a scientific truth ; nor cau we measure our in? debtedness to the men who devote their lives to discovering facts in nature and art, and es? tablishing them upon a scientific?that is, a real and knowable?basis. For it must be remembered that these men are always in a minority ; the mass of mankind are content to take the world as they find it, with all its eirors, superstitions and prejudices, and feel no gratitude to those who disturb their fond and foolish belief in them. ? An exchange says: "To advertise in any guise, is very wise ; and he who buys discreet? ly hies wherever lies the surest prize. He who defies this rule relies on empty guys; bis busi? ness dies, nor can it rise to any size until he plies his skill, and viee with others wise who advertise."