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-tu: x^"^ el?riw od* baa ,bovd7otfrf?:i9" -''^gwl ANDERSON C. H.,' S> C? THU! MORNING, APRIL 30, 1874. VOLUME IX.?NO. 42. Art Investigation of- the ^hbjeet?-Lett?r Srum Colone! Richard Xaifaers? uh Seferrin* with much gr?nff&ti?r! to oar re ?sntintervieW ou the subject ; of the acknowl? edged frauds and -n^istule; taqw exis?hg in the State.goyernrnent of South Carolina, and which, in common with, every distinguished public manl nave met-wjth in Washington, you de torecate^and^e#rnestly desire to reform, yet I hnd from your, 'thoughtful remarks as to the difficultiesof providing practical redress fori these evilsHh?t you are doubtful of-'CbnffttJs ?rodat^wmedies, and] therefore, we-are likely . to lose much of the practical value of your sympathy, which your experience as a states? man and" influence as an editor:would other w^iaTori.us- .Zam, therefore, desirous of in? teresting youin a more careful investigation of this subject, because many of the friends of; good goverame?f^iere pave supposed that the \ people of our State propose no well-defined 1 remedy under" Congressional measures or Exe- J cotive'Administration save only that sympathy j ^iehVm;the'rotBrestofgood government and j against 6aud:and corruption, must necessarily follow so plain a case for their co-operation, i But while such sympathy is material, and if "wartily and judiciously extended through all the ramifications of Federal influences in the State by the enforcement of proper election laws and the maintenance of proper officials in the administration would measurably afford relief, still I would also ask your consideration of the more .complete relief which the fourth section of the fifth article of the Federal Con stitutionraffords us^ guaranteeing as it does to ^ch,,Stater^v^^cm form {? government, which, form in substance cannot be said to ex? ist in. a State whe'ce the rights of property are ignored, and where .the whole system* of gov? ernment is one Of fraud and corruption, be? yond the reach of reform by any means within the"power.*trfit&OSe whom the burdens of misrule ane made to rest Permit me, there? fore,* to;nsjfyour attention-to^ff; few- quotations from distinguished publicists and statesmen as a ..partial illustration-of my. own viewsr:more to interest you in the use of your own, fertile re? sources in the pursuit of. so important an in? vestigation thanlb assume for ray superficial remarks that degree1of impor^uice which so ^rave a constitationai question^ierits, and on tiam ,<tetew&ih?tiow; of which- hahg?/ perhaps, the peace and happiness of thousands of our fellow-citizens, whose fwwtw to resist faction J may depend on the" conclusion. >J\ VVe have a constitutional right to a republi? can form "of government, and now.it is admit? ted by every class and every party throughout oar^conimon m-rfd thdfe^e^TlgB? '*if ^>r&p~e?ty j are^tir^y ignot^d, ??d"- that there is-no^ma ciuoery jvfthm the State powerful :Jenough 'to resist the frauds and corruptions which impov? erish .and humiliate uskk It-would, therefore, absurd to. say .that weenjoy that?that form of a republican government contemplated by the Federal ^Constitution. Julius Caesar over? threw the liberties of the people of Rome in ancient times, and 'Louis Napoleon suppressed those of France in modern times, while con? forming in the most" explicit manner to the form of the republic; but no publicists, econo? mists, jurists, or historians have ever classified these nations as republics, after the overthrow of the rights of these people, because the/or?w were, maintained. We aye.guaranteed by the fourth article of our National Constitution a republican form of government. "This means the substance, not the form only. The form must be the emana? tion, from the substance, as the shadow follows the body. The earnest and astute body of statesmen who created a repub? lican form of government, and who designed that glorious j instrument for the security of themselves and their posterity, disregarded forms when they counseled a separation from the mother, country, on .the ground that to freemen taxation without representation was a form Witho^^bstance, however much doc? trinaires of'that age might show the beauty of trfejBritish.Constitution,'.,And when we con? template the taxation without representation was the sole cause of our separation from the crown of Great Britain, are we not irresistibly brought to the conclusion that that right of representa-1 tion as a condition precedent to taxation was the very-corner-stone of that republican edifice guaranteed to each State of the new confed? erate nation which Washington, Jefferson, Adams, and Rut ledge intended to secure to us? Suppose every State in the Union had such a form and practice of government as now ex? ists in South Carolina, and the same principle of action should extend itself (as it surely would) to the Federal Government: how long would the Constitution continue to guarantee a republican form to itself? But we have the testimony of the wise framers and commenta? tors on the Constitution itself on this subject. Mft Hamilton, in his No. 51 of the Federalist, while defending the Constitution, to insure its adoption by the States, writes as follows: "It is of great importance in a republic not Mh jMMg&jjjjgM or"';n"f the oppression of rulers, .but to guards one part of the society against the injustice of the other part. Justice is f^md^dj^go^ernmenS'; Tt is' the end of civil society; it ever has been and ever will be pur? sued until it be obtained, or until liberty be lost in the pursuit. -Jn a society/under the forms of Which the stronger factions can readi? ly unite and oppress the weaker anarchy may as truly be said to reign as in a state of nature when the weaker individual is not secured against the violence of the strong. Is not this the acknowledged condition of South Carolina by the evidence adduced from leading and official men who direct .its affairs at present ? Jefferson, in a letter to Madison, says: "The executive power in our Government is not the only, perhaps not even the principal, object of my solicitude. The tyranny Of the legislature is really the danger most to be feared." And, of course, a tyrannical legislature is one of the elements which the power of the Federal Government was intended to guard against under the guarantee of the fourth ar? ticle of the Constitution. Madison remarked in the convention: "An increase of population will, of necessity, increase the proportion of those who labor under all the hardships of life and secretly sigh for a more equal distribu? tion of its blessings. These may in time out? number those who are placed above feelings of indigence. According to the equal laws of snffrage, the power will slide into the hands of I the former; no agrarian attempts have yet J been, made in this country, but. symptoms of a leveling spirit, as we have understood, have sufficiently appeared in a certain quarter to Sive notice or the future danger. How is this anger to be guarded against on republican principles? How is the danger in all cases of interested coalitions to oppress the minority to be guarded against?" Ihe guarantee clause of the federal Constitution answers the ques? tion, and it has been reserved to the present time to justify1 the wisdom of that provision. Mr; Ge'rry, in his reply to this, said; "He did not deny the position of Mr. Madison, that the majority will generally "violate justice where they have an'interest in doing so; but did not think there was :any such temptation in this ?country.".. BflfMr. Gerry could not anticipate the T^psitjility .of a government iti the hands oJP^^set-of oisbonesi1 adventurers, supported by an: overwhelming' number of emancipated slaves, perfectly resistless in point of numbers, jgnprant of their own, interest, as they are | reckless of the rights of the property and per? sons they supersede. t J Montesque, and other distinguished public-1 ists, had suggested the importance of federative ! republics as a practical means of extending the sphere of popular governments with safety to ' the permanency of the republican principle in even great nations, ? because not only were these smaller" members of the Confederacy protected against foreign conquest and domes? tic violence, but should abuses crop out into one part they are reformed by those that*?-' main sound; and the section of the Constitution under discussion, which guarantees to every State a republican form of government, is the logical conclusion cf the above premises. The evils to be thus guarded against, then only "cropping'* out to the imagination of these writers, are now developed here in full into exaggerated maturity and fruitfulness, and hence we petition to the sound portion of our Confederacy to grant as the remedies referred to. Mr. Madison, the greatest authority on our form of government, again remarks: "Itwill be found, i ndeed, on a candid review of our sit? uation, that some of the distresses under which we labor have been erroneously charged on the operations of our Government, but it will be found, at the same time, that other causes will alone account for many of our heaviest mis? fortunes, and particularly for that prevailing and-iucreasing; distrust-of public engagements arid alarm forcprivate^ fightsrwhich are echoed from one ~end~of~ the- continent to the other. These jnusttejchie^j tff'rmt wholly, effects of the unsteadiness and injustice with which a factious spirit has tainted our public adminis? trations. By aHfaotibn, I understand a number of citizens; whether, amounting to a majority or a minority/' After discussing the dangers ta the. equality rof interests and the public weal arising from the predominance of powerful fac? tions, who become masters of the situation,,he further'remarks?: " "But'the most common and durable source of faction has bees the various and unequal distribution of property, those who hold, and those who are without property. * * .* The apporiioumefltof taxesipa the various den? ser iptions of-property is an.act which seems-to require ther most exact impartiality,, yet there is.perhaps no legislative act in which greater opportunity and temptation are given to ? predominant party to trample on the rules of justfcei' Every shilling with which they over ff?rden' toe^nferibr number is a shilling saved in their pockets. '*..*??*? To secure the pub? lic good and private rights against the danger of such a faction, and at the same time pre? serve the spirit and form of popular govern? ment, is then the great object to which our in? quiries are directed. Let me add that it is the great desideratum by which alone this form of Government can be rescued from the opprobri? um under which it has so long labored." Here, again, you perceive how pointedly his argu? ments tend to show the necessity of the Federal guarantee to each State. Hamilton on the samesubject says: "With? out a guarantee, the assistance to be derived from the Uniou, in repelling those domestic daugers which may sometimes threaten the existence of the State constitutions, must be renounced. Usurpation may rear its crest in each State, and trample upon the liberties of the people, while the National Government could legally do nothing more than behold its encroachments with indiguation and regret. * * * The inordinate. pride of State im? portance has suggested to some minds an ob? jection to the principle of a guaranty in the Federal Government, as involving an officious interference in the domestic concerns of the members. ; A scruple of this kind would de Erive us of one of the principal advantages to b expected from the Union, and can only flow from a misapprehension of the nature of the provision, itself. It could: be no impediment to reforms of the State constitution by a ma? jority of the people. In a legal and peaceable mode this right would, remain undiminished. j A guarantee by the national authority would ! be as much directed against the usurpation of rulers as against the ferments and outrages of faction and sedition in the community," Calhoun, too, the most advanced advocate of constitutional State rights, in his letter to Mr. William Smith, on the Rhode Island contro? versy, 1S43, held that the guarantee clause un? der discussion was intended to be more a cor rectionary measure against the usurpation or misrule of State governments than for protec? tion against domestic violence. And I would here remark that the conservative views of that great statesman, who valued the Union next to the Constitution, and regarded each as neces? sary to the existence of the other, have been too often misapprehended, and too often mis? represented, by opposite classes of politicians, by citing what they believed to be the logical consequences of his opinions rather than those of his expressed views and avowed principles. In discussing the fourth article of the Consti? tution, he writes as follows : [Letter to Mr. Simmons, of Rhode Island:] "I come now," he says; "to the last, in the order in which I am considering them; but the first as they stand in the section, and the one immediately involved in the question un? der consideration?I mean the guarantee of a republican;form of government to every State in the Union. "I hold that, according to its true construc? tion, its object is the reverse of that of protec? tion against domestic violence; and that in? stead of being intended to protect the govern? ments of the States it is intended to protect each State (I use tne term as defined, viz: that the State means the people) against its govern? ment, or, more strictly, against the ambition ? or usurpation of its rulers. The objects of the Constitution to which the guarantees refer? and liberty more especially?may be endan? gered or destroyed by rulers, will not be de? nied. But, if admitted, it follows as a conse? quence that it must be embraced in the guar? antees if not inconsistent with the language of the section. But if embraced, it must be in tbe guarantee under consideration, as it is not in the other two. If it be added that, without this construction, the guarantees would utterly fail to protect the States against the attempts of ambition and usurpation ou the part of the rulers, to change the forms of their govern? ments and destroy their liberty?the danger above all others to which free and popular governments are most exposed?it would seem to follow irresistably, i.ider the rule I have laid down, that the construction I have placed upon th 3 provisions as to tbe object of the guarant3es is the true one. But if doubts should still remain, the fact that it fully ex? plains why the provision requires the applica? tion of tbe State in case of the guarantee against domestic violence, is omitted, would place it beyond controversy ; for it would be a perfect absurdity to require that the party against which the guarantee is intended to pro? tect should make an application to be protec? ted against itself." In conclusion I would, remark that, apart from the-remedy nnder the 4th article of the Constitution. Congress can certainly correct evils arising from its own legislation. The proposition can hardly be controverted that the power to make a law can certainly modify or abolish it; and while it is conceded that the reconstruction measures of Congress were only intended to protect the freedmen's rights, yet the most earnest in their cause now admit that the rights of white men and their estates have been too much sacrificed in the theory, ?and that practically both the interests of the white and colored citizens have been made victims of the rapacity of corrupt adventurers. The remedy is fully within the power of Con? gress' without exercising extreme or revolu? tionary measures. An amendment of the State constitution to protect minorities and restrict tha power of majorities by the ^application of the cumulative system of voting, so "success? fully in force in England and in some parts of our own States, willgo far to protect the rights of property, and persons against fraud and mis? rule, and yet preserve manhood or individual sufTrage to every class of citizens; or, an amendment by which members of the Senata of the State should be elected by tax-payers only would protect the people against extrava? gant appropriations or the fraudulent applica? tion of the public money, and conserve the public interest generally, especially if sus? tained by an effective registry law and other measures for the protection of the purity of the ballot-box, now utterly degraded to serve the purposes of those in power. The citizen owes allegiance to the Govern? ment ;? the Government owes protection to the people. Any form or practice which falls in these mutual conditions cannot be considered as a government of the people, and, therefore, hot a republican form of government. Do yo? suppose that the white people of the Uni? ted States intended to fix a perpetual Govern? ment of fraud on their race as a condition of safety to colored freemen ? The duties and rights that grow out of Gov? ernments and people are reciprocal. If the citizen makes war on the Government it is treason. If the Government violates the trust it abdicates its power. And I can hardly be? lieve that Congress will aid in fixing an evil on the people of a State, by any refinement of State rights or abstract construction of the or? ganic law, to aid a government in which it is acknowledged that invention seems to be ex? hausted in contriving abuses. Precedents can? not be relied upon to guide us, because history does not furnish a parallel to the power and effrontery.of. the present rule existing without restraint in South Carolina. . Very respectfully, Richard Lathers. Farming .to. Advantage.?I have known two kinds;of,industrious farmers. I do not in? clude the sluggish and negligent. But of the real hard workers there are'tw^o distinct classes. They both rise with dawn and work after dark, and are worthy of success; but one class fails for want of proper thought and management. Those will put their energies into one piece of work, and neglect other things which need them more. I knew one man who was so intent on finish? ing a board fence, that he worked hard at it at the very time that the weeds in his root crop grew from one to ten inches high, increasing labor of clearing out at least ten fold, and re? ducing his crop about one-half. Another buys costly tools and lets them rust and rot in the fields because he is busy with something else, although the labor of bousing would be mere nothing.' Auother builds a costly barn, and uses up his manuring,cultivatingand draining, when cheaper buildiugs would have 'answered. Another works a wet field year after year at a great loss and inconvience, and with small re? sults, because he is too busy to underdrain it. He does everything at a disadvantage. Very different is the course of the good man? ager.' He looks at all his work?has it mapped out before him?estimates accurately the labor to accomplish eatb job, and the time when it should be done to prevent loss, and then goes on systematically. It does not require a great genius to do this, but common sense, and for the farmer to keep his wits about him. This is what makes a man practical and successful ?Cor. Country Gciit. Average Consumption of Food in a Life-Time.?Let no boy be disheartened by the following calculation, but remember that untiring industry will enable him to come out victor in the end. Say that the boy is^ten years old and is taken up into a high mountain, or a respectable hill, perhaps, will do as well, and shown the various articles he will have to consume should he live an average life-time. Surrounded with these objects, he first sees 30 oxen, then 200 sheep, 100 calves, 200 lambs, 50 pigj, 1,200 chickens, 3000 turkeys, 268 pigeons, 140 pounds salmon, 120 pounds other fish, 30, 000 oysters, 5,443 pounds vegetables, 243| pounds butter, 24,000 eggs, 4i tons bread, 3,000 gallons tea and coffee, besides tons of fruit, barrels of sweet-meats, and hogsheads of wine. These are the figures given by Mr. Soyer, the cook of the London Reform Club, in his book, "The Modern Housewife," as the amount con? sumed by each individual in a life-time, and they are said to be below, rather than above, the real quantity. Of course the food may be varied, but what is taken off from one kind must be added to some other. The boy may seriously apprehend that his jaws and stomach will give out before he has disposed of this vast quantity of food, but he v. ill take courage when he casts his eye over the sleek form of one iu middle life who has well nigh accom? plished his task without showing the least sign of weariness. Many a man has disposed of his allotment, and is apparently ready for another job of equal magnitude, and thus will it be with the race until the end of time. The Turn of the Tide.?The New York World gives facts and figures to show that the immense majurity given to Presidenl Grant in 1872, the champion of the Republican party, has been steadily declining. We quote:. Inside of two years in every State that has held legislative elections (except two States in which the Democratic majorities are over? whelming) there has been an opposition gain of from one to sixty-six votes on joint ballot. Six States which had Republican Legislatures in 1872-'3 now have opposition Legislatures, and the eight States in the list in which the opposition now controls the Legislature are at present represented in Washington by ten Ad? ministration Senators. These figures demon? strate more than words can do it that President Grant and the Republican party have lost the confidence of the country, and State after State will culminate in the Autumn of 187G in the res? toration of the Democratic pnrty to power in the General Government. ? The greatest magicians of the age are the paper-makers; they transform the beggar's rags into sheets for editors to lie on. The True Policy for the South. No nation ever grows wealthy by the -pro? duction of raw materials alone. Individuals may,-nations never. There must be added value,whicb.Tnanufacturing gives to make the created wealth a permanent investment. The Southern States, as a section of our "country, have fully demonstrated the truth of the propo? sition stated. With: natural endowments and advantages far surpassing those of other por? tions of the United States, the South before the late war, although continuously overrun by a flood of paper currency, for which the superabundant exuberance of its agricultural products under its former system of labor gave ample equivalent, never had that fixed capital in skilled labor which finds expression in fac? tories, and mills, and foundries, and machine shops. The war, with all its sad experiences and tender memories, did stimulate the South to a remarkable development in the right di? rection for its future success. Cut off oy the vigilant blockade from more than an extreme? ly uncertain and dangerous intercourse with outside nations, the South was compelled to use its own resources to supply its population with food and clothing and implements,of in? dustry, and its army with arms and ammuni? tion. Hence was created that remarkable Bu? reau of the Confederate States Government known as the Nitre and Mining Bureau, the history of which is yet to be written ; hence arose those immense fouudries and machine shops at Richmond, Va., and Selma, Ala., and hence also was also stimulated to more skill? ful production the cotton factories at Colum? bus, Ga., and the woolen mills of North Caro? lina. But the reaction which followed the close of the war, the prostration of its labor system, the want of adaptation of its older citizens to the new conditions surrounding them, the ab? sence of permanent investments, the greed and rapacity of cadaverous carpet-baggers and, satanical scalawags, all united to impede the progress of the South in the true direction given by the unavoidable necessities of war. And it may well be questioned whether that section is as well off to-day as it was on the first day of April, 1865. From extended ob? servation over every section of the South, and close inquiry amongst its intelligent citizens, as well as from the logic of palpable facts and figures, we do not believe there has been one cent of profit accrued to the South in the ag? gregate from the result of its productions since the close of the war. On the contrary, while there are exceptional localities, while even some entire States are in better condition than others, the almost universal cry comes up of no money, mortgaged farms, bankruptcies, ex? tended credits, merchants aski?g extensions, high price for corn and bacon, and noj further advances on crops. That there .are) compara? tively, so few failures amongst Southern mer? chants is due jather to the high, sense of honor which leads them to. make any sacrifices rather than forfeit their newly acquired credit. But it('must be evident that this, state of, affairs cannot last long. Men cannot be constantly going to the bad and uever get there. There must be, and we speak with becoming modesty but with the earnestness of deep conviction, a total revolution of the old ideas of what con? stitute prosperity as applicable to the present, and a well settled policy as to the true direc? tion in which to look and work for it in the future. That policy we believe to be contained in the fact enunciated in the opening sentence of this article. Diversified industry and nian facturing will, in a few years, enable the South to regain all its lost ground, and enter upon an unprecedented career of prosperity. It must no longer be all cotton. Planters must raise thair own provisions first?then all the cotton they can afterwards. More and more of this cotton must have value added to it at home by spinning it into yarn and weaving it into cloth. Iron and marble must be mined and quarried, and cast and forged into vessels and implements of utility, or fashioned into images of beauty. The forests of the South are filled with all kinds of rare and beautiful trees, which should furnish materials for all manner of wood work, from an axe-handle to an artillery wagon, from a button to a bureau, from a churn to a carriage. To do this will require skilled labor. Skilled labor is a higher manifestation of brain power. Education, therefore, in the direction of technical knwolcdge, must accompany this new departure. It may be objected that the South has no money, no capital with which to make such a radical change. This objection is good and valid, andjthe change in this respect must be gradual. There is no use disguising the fact, the Southern people know it, there must come ?nay, it is now upon them?a baptism of suf? fering, through which alone will come their salvatiou. While some capital will go to them from the North aud from Europe, they must rely on themselves to supply the greater portion. How can they do this while so much in debt? They cannot; they must got out of debt. How ? By repudiating their obligations to their merchants, as, we are informed, Gen? eral Law, of Alabama, advised the farmers to do at Opelika a short time ago ? No; but by paying as far as they can their honest debts; by resolutely and, it may be, heroically living within present means, raising corn, aud hogs (where possible,) and wheat, and oats, and po? tatoes, and vegetables and fruits and poultry ; by paying cash, as far as possible, for every? thing, and doing without everything that they have not the money to nay for; then, by making all the cotton besides that can be pro? duced. This is the only way we say for them to get on their feet again, and this, in many sections in the South, they are having to do whether they wish it or not. For the mer? chants have nearly ruined themselves extend? ing credits and making advances, and capnot in justice to themselves or their creditors do any more. They must perforce, if not of choice, adopt the cash system to a greater ex? tent than at any time since the close of the war. If out of this terrible ordeal the South can emerge free from debt, with such a modi? fied system of agriculture, it will be possible to make cotton raising profitable, the surplus from which may be invested in manufacturing, and the future success of that section assured. That such will be the ultimate result we confi? dently believe, and none will rejoice at it more than ourselves.? American Grocer. ? No more truthful sentence was ever penned by man than the following, written by Chancel? lor Kent: "The parent who sends his son into the world uneducated defrauds the community of a lawful citizen and bequeaths to it a nui? sance." These words should be written in letters of gold over the entrance of every school in the land. ? A German, who was asked if lager beer was intoxicating, replied: "Veil, I trinks from seventy to eighty glasses a day und I feel all straight in mine upper story for any kind of beesness, but I can't tell votitvoud do mit men vat makes a swill-tub of himself." ? There is a man in Colusa, Cal., who took nn oath during the late civil war never to wash I his face or comb his hair until the cause of the South had triumphed. An exchange says that his face reminds one of a half acre lot skirted by a growth of tangled brush. ' ' Stock Baising. It has always been a matter of astonishment 'to cs that more attention has not been paid to the raising of stock by the people in this sec? tion of the country. We believe it would prove quite as profitable, if not more so, in the end, tnan devoting one's "time, attention and labor, as many of our farmers have been in the habit of doing, to the cultivation of cot? ton. It is argued by a great many that the climate is not'suitable, the range is not good, and a great many altogether mistaken and er? roneous ideas are advanced as a reason why stock raising, will not pay. Some say since, freedom there is no protection against thieves. Of course there is not unless the proper atten? tion is paid to them. We know farmers who, in the past, hired men to do nothing else but look after their 3tock, and they invariably suc? ceeded in deriving a handsome profit from it. The great trouble is this. In this age of pro? gress some men have, by a lucky turn in the wheel of fortune, amassed large sums of money by speculation, etc. This has induced others to abandon what they considered a slow, plod? ding and uncertain method, and caused them to rush too into the same giddy and exciting scenes. We append the following, which we find in an exchange, and which may prove interesting as relating to this subject: "The best sheep man we ever heard of was a soldier, who saw somewhere how valuable sheep were for renovating worn out land, and after the cruel war was over, he went-home to his poor farm, and bought thirteen ewes, all that, fortunately, he was able to buy. He put them in a small field of briers and weeds, which they soon destroyed, then he fed them on bran and meal. In the winter he sheltereu them well, feeding oats and swamp hay, and in the spring he had thirteen fine lambs. Saving the manure, he planted the old brier-patch with corn, and harvested a fine crop. All his spare time was devoted to caring for the sheep. The next spring he had more lambs; he was able to plant more corn; then came more Iambs, when he sowed clover and grew turnips, and now, to-day, as the result of"such small begin? nings, he has several hundred fine young sheep, free from disease, bringing him $2,000 a year, while his farm has become extremely fertile, , and he is a rich man. We know that thou? sands and thousands of poor young men have a free course before them to become wealthy by beginning in the same way. But the trou? ble is, the way is too humble and slow; they want to get along faster; they have no pa? tience, no faith, no pluck. Truly it does seem small business to watch a dozen sheep, as if it were beneath the attention of-a bright Ameri? can youth ; but if said youth will look the subject all over, he will see it worthy of all his powers." ... How to Make Mischief.?Keep your eye on your neighbors. Take care of them. Do not let them stir without watching. They may do something wrong if you do. To be sure, you never knew them to do anything very bad, but it may be on your Recount they have not. Perhaps if it had not been for your kind care, they might have disgraced themselves a long time ago. Therefore do not relax any effort to keep them where they ought to be. Never mind your own business?that will take care of itself. There is a mau passing along?he is looking over the fence?be suspicious of him; perhaps he contemplates stealing some of these dark nights; there is no knowing what queer fancies he may have got into his head. If you find any symptoms of any one passing out of the path of duty, tell every one else what you see, and be particular to see a great ma;iy. It is a good way to circulate such things, though it may not benefit yourself or any one else particularly. Do keep something going? silence is a dreadful thing; though it was said there was silence in heaven for the space of half an hour, do not let any such thing oocur on earth, it would be too much for this mun? dane sphere. If after all your watchful care, you can not see anything out of the way in any one, you be sure it is not because they have not done anything bad; perhaps in an unguarded mo? ment you lost sight of them?throw out hints that they are no better than they should be. that you should not wonder if the people founa out what they were after a little while, then they may not hold their heads so high. Keep it going, and some one else may take the hint, and begin to help you along after a while, then there will be music and everything will work with a charm. t About a Newspaper.?The Louisville Courier-Journal has the following remarks regarding the mangement of a newspaper: "Some people estimate the ability of a news? paper and the talent of its editor by the quan? tity of original matter. It is comparatively an easy task Ibra frothy writer to pour out daily a column of words?words upon any and all subjects. His ideas may flow in one weak, washy, everlasting flood, and the command of his language may enable him to string them together like bunches of onions, and yet his paper may be a meagre and poor concern. Indeed the mere writing part of editing a paper is but a small portion of the work. The care, the time employed *in selecting, is far more important, and the tact of a good editor is better shown by his selections than anything else; and that, we know, is half the battle. But, as we have said, an editor ought to be estimated and his labor understood and appreciated by the general conduct of his paper?its tone, its uniform, consistent course, its aims, its man? liness, its dignity and its propriety. To preserve these as they should be preserved is enough to oc? cupy fully the time and attention of any mau. If to this be added the general supervision of the newspaper establishment, which most editors have to encounter, the wonder is how they find time to write at all." Did Preston Brooks Die From his At? tack on Sumner ??It is believed by many that Charles Sumner died from that attack made on him, some twenty years ago, by Preston Brooks. Is it not more likely that Brooks died from that affair? We knew him well. He was about the age of Sumner, and quite as tall, perhaps, but slender, almost fragile looking, probably weighing one-fourth less. We also have seen and had in our hauds the famous and historical cane of the occasion?a slight, Iudia rubber, dandy affair. But the exertion necessary thus to "beat down on the floor of the Senate" a great ox of a fellow like Sumner must have caused an immense strain on the vital forces of so delicated organized a man as Preston Brooks, and as he died only a few months afterward, we submit is it not probable that he, instead of Sumner, who lived I eighteen years, died from that affair??N. Y. Day Book. ? The Western papers claim Nebuchadnez? zar as the father of the Grangers. This is hardly so. Adam cultivated Eden, and Eve early went into the apple business as a patron j I of husbandry. ' A Famous Apple Tree.?There is an apple tree standing in a lot adjoining the house of Rev. J. W. Canter, atHuntersvifie, Pocahontas county, West Virginia, which Jus. become his? torical, marking the spot where Gen. ?. E. Leo pitched his first tent in the-tete-warv "Earlrin the summer of 1861 Gen. Lg.e was ordered to the^ command of the forces in Western Vir glnia. Leaving Iticfimond he'eame'to Warm prings the first-day, awl :0Hthe day-following reached Huntersville, where, for the first time in the war, he bivnuacked^on-the tented field, selecting the aforementioned, apple tree, which stands^ou a hill, overlooking the town, as the place where his tent should be pitched. It is a singular coincidence that General Lee should have commenced his military career under an apple tree among the mountains of West Vir? ginia, and have closed'that brilliant career by capitulating to General Grant under an apple tree at Apporaatox. And what is more singular, as an incident connected with the war, John Brown, who commenced this war, was "hung on a sour ap? ple tree," and it is said that the forbidden fruit which mother Eve partook , of was taken from an apple tree; and now, to cap the climax, agents for the sale of apple trees are becoming as numerous as lightning-rod men and sewing machine agents.?Qreenbrier Independent. An Explosion.?A gentleman from the couutry came in to town a few days ago and bought, among other articles, a fine large cook5? ing stove. On packing his purchases into his wagon our friend slipped several of the smaller packages, including a bundle of gunpowder, in? side the stove. Reaching his domicil the stovb was put in its proper place in the kitchen, a fire lighted, coffee boiled, and every thing went "merry as a marriage bell." On the fol? lowing morning, however, the good wife, pat her biscuits in to bake and drew out the baking damper, which had not been touched the night previous; and she and her husband had just left the kitchen, when they heard a terrific explosion. They thought that the eruption of Bald Mountain had commenced, and as soon as they could collect their scattered senses went back into the kitchen to see what was the mat? ter; here they found a scattered stove which was not*so easily collected as their scattered senses. In fact there were several more pieces of it than the manufacturer had originally put together. After some difficulty, however, these were all gathered up and the gentleman came back to town and wanted to make a contract with a dealer in stoves to rebuild it; but the latter had to decline the job, as nearly every piece had a hole stove in it, and he could not, therefore, make a whole stove out of. them. Fortunately nobody was hurt. Good Manners.?Manners are more impor? tant than money. A boy who is polite and pleasant in his manners, will always have friends, and will not often make enemies. Good behavior is essential to prosperity. A boy feels well when.he does well. If you wish to make every body pleasant about you, arid gain friends wherever^you go, cultivate good manners. Many boys have pleasant manners for home. ;., . We visited a small railroad town not long since, and were met at the depot, by a little boy of about eleven or twelve years, who enter? tained and cared for us, in the absence of his father, with as much polite attention and thoughtful care as the most cultivated gentle? man could have done. We said to his mother before we left her home, "You are greatly blessed in your son, he is attentive and obli? ging." "Yes," she said: "I can always depend on Charley when his father is absent. He is a great help and comfort to me." She said this as if it did her heart good to acknowledge the cleverness of her son. The best manners cost so little, and are worth so much, that every boy can afford to have them. How to Select Flour.?1. Look at its color; if it is white, with a slightly: yellowish or straw-colored tint,"it.is a good sign. If it. is very white, with a bluish cast with white specks in it, the flour is not good.'' 2. Examine its adhesiveness?wet'aftd'fcnead a little of it ??'be1 tween the fingers?if it works dry and elastic it is good; if it works soft and sticky it is poor; Flour made from spring wheat is likely to be sticky. 3. Throw a little lump of dry flour against a dry, smooth perpendicular surface? if it adheres in a lump the flour has life in it? if it falls like powder it is bad. 4. Squeeze some of the flour in your hand?if it retain the shape given by the pressure, that too is a gooa sign. Flour that will stand all these tests it is safe to buy. These modes were given by old flour dealers, and we make no apology for printing theip, as they pertain to a matter that concerns everybody, namely, the quality of that which is "the staff of life." ? Why is the elephant the most sagacions of travelers ? Because he never takes his eye off his trunk. ? A good-natured spinster used to boast that she always had two good beaux?they were elbows. ? When a man is put in solitary confine? ment, no matter how bad he behaves, hie is uever "found out." ? According to a Kansas decision, a husband and wife can enter a show on a ticket reading "admit one." Most righteous Judge! ? Without money, without friends, and without impudence, is about as low down in this world as a man can get, and keep virtu? ous. ? When a boy passes through a grave yard at night, does he whistle to keep his own spir? its up, or to keep the spirits of other people down ? ? "Murder is a very serious thing, sir," said an Arkansas Judge to a convicted prisoner; "it is next to stealing a horse or mule, sir; and I shall send you to State prison for six years, sir." ? The Chicago Tribune says that first-class carpenters in that city, who were employed a year ago at $3 per day, are now glad to get $1.50 per day, and that this decline in the cost of labor runs through the whole scale of em? ployment. ? Hon. Jefferson Davis is said to be very ill, in London, with dropsy of the heart. His condition gives rise to serious apprehension for his ultimate recovery. His wife and children are now in New Orleans, but will doubtless immediately re-join him. ? Two New Orleans darkeys arranged to fight a duel, the other day, but were promptly arrested by the police. Only white men are permitted to disfranchise each other in Lousi ana. The negro element is too politically pre? cious for such deadly amusement. ? Senator Sprague, of Rhode Island, is the only New England Senator who has voted with the'West and South on the financial question, and it is announced that the attempt of a lead? ing New York bank to force him into bank? ruptcy is intended as a punishment for his dis? obedience of the money power.