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HOYT & CO., Proprietors. ANDERSON 0. H., S. 0., THURSDAY MORNING, MARCH 20, 1873. VOLUME Vin.?NO. 37. ORIGINAL POETRY. For the Anderson Intelligenter* MARCH WINDS. Moan on, sigh again, oh, y e winds! Te March tviuds, so dianially walling; 1 Yes, bear on your pinions sWeet memories dead, Bring back for a moment the joys that ha ?e fled. Life's roses are withering, paling? The thorns, oh, the thorns! how they pierce thn>' tad thro* | Hope's grave do the dead leaves of faithlessness stroW: ? Then pause, breathe a dirge o'er the lost buried treasure, A bundle of trust ln'a coffin of pleasure. Howl on, shriek again, oh, ye winds! / . The- world is too paacafully sleeping; The corses and groans which you waft to and fro Aro the droppings of gall from the deepest of woe.. On, onward, continue your sweeping 1 Reveal to the world the despair of the dying, The soul's weary longij% the heart-** bitter crying; Bear onward the burden of bit^ernessT sw'ejp Through beings of stone till they listen* khfi weep! Blow gently, blow genUy, ye '.rinds 1 la musical harmonies bleifdlng; ? Tour wings ar*iow'lad?n'wlth prayers of the blest? Petitions of. faith toth0 Giver of rest -;? While songs of thanksgiving are wending Their glorious strains through the land that wo love. The melody rings through the mansions above..: Oh, March winds, the lesson is teamed, we must meet The bitterness even in tasting the ?weei? LOLA. For the Andert?n Intelligencer. The Free School System. Mb. Editob: I have been watching the pro-. | ceediDgs of the last session of our Legislature, hoping that some one would introduce an amendment to the present Free School System, bot I am disappointed; therefore, I will give a ] few thoughts in that direction, which you may place in the columns of your valuable weekly. Yon must not suppose that I have fallen out with the free school system, as a whole; but having had some experience, as ? Trustee, in its workings, I think it might be improved in the facilities of*its working?made more prac cal and convenient, and so amended.as to save j at least haif the trouble that it now takes to j secure the benefits of that law. I will set forth two prominent evils and their remedies. First. The School Districts are too large in territory, so that all the children in a. district cannot be educated at the same school; and if we should get a good school with a good Teach? er anywhere about the centre of the district, necessarily other schools around on the border will spring up, with small numbers and inferior Teachers, which has a tendency to break down the good school. Consequently, all the good Teachers in our County will have to abandon the business of teaching, leaving .the Seid to one-horse teachers with one-horse schools. Second. The present size of the School Dis? tricts, as above stated, necessitates the springing up of schools all around the border of the dis? tricts, making their school from different School Districts?sometimes from three?which subjects the Teachers, the Truste.es .andjQpuntx School Commissioner to just three, times the amount of- trouble that should be to secure the public funds. To illustrate: In a certain School District last year they had five schools for the whites. Only two were whole schools?the other three were fractional The Teachers were subjected to the trouble of making out (some of them) three different regular monthly reports, and present them to three different. Boards of Trus? tees, and the Trustee??ad?ohooi Commissioner I had just three times the trouble to secure the public funds that should be. , , Again. Two ladies were teaching in an ad? joining School District,'and had one family of j children from our District Well, the Teachers had to take the trouble to make ont a monthly report every month for just that family?send them to onr Board of Trustees?the 'Trustees had to approve eachTSport^pay orders had to be issued in duplicate, and, Mr. Editor, one of j their pay orders amounted to one dollar and eighty cents. Not worth the trouble it took to secure it. Well, to obviate the two evils above set forth, I propose to reduce the size of the School Dis? tricts to five miles square ,* place one school near the^ centre, which wouloTT^'in" TeacTTo? all the children in the District, and not allow any to send to school across the lines, for it would be nearer to his own; and if any one did send across the lines, he should be de? prived of the benefit of the public funds. Then we would always have a good school in each District, and .ronsequeotly have good Teachers. .; 5 <>J-1 I cannot see bnt one objection to the pro? posed change, and that is we would have to pay a surveyor to re^survey the County. Well, that would be a small tax in comparison to the benefits derived, and it would be only an in? crease of the County tax for one year. I thiDk it would be much better to pay such a tax than to let the whole school system-break down with its own working; and according to the present School Act the School Commissioner has the power to have the County re-snrveyed into School Districts of any size/ But, Mr. Editor, I think ti e Free School Act should be so amended as to entirely supersede the necessity of the office of County School Commissioner, save to the School fuu4 the Commissioner's salary, ? by? having ^{Jttasu rer for each School District, elected by the citizens of tbe safte, with the power to collect the poll tax and 'the tat levied by. the School District meetings for school purposes;. and when the County T/easurer receives the p/o rota of the State appropriation for school pur? poses, he should make the division and pay over to the School District Treasurers, .accord? ing to the number of children in each district, and take a receipt for the same. The District Treasurer should give bond and security to the Trustees for his faithful performance of duty, and a per cent, should be allowed bim for col? lection of tax and paying out to Teachers, tbe same that is now allowed to the County Treas- j urer. The Trustees of each School District I could draw pay orders on their own Treasurer. . i.wpttUlnofeftci??4 $0 present Act in refer-, ence to the Board of Examiners, who would, as at present iwupcertificates of qualification to all the' Teachers: of .the 'County. The benefits to be derived from the proposed change' are, I tfaink, - to put the whole school system in better working ,order,as each School District would have the machinery and the money immediately, under, its own observation, making it more convenient to secure the public funds, dispensing one-half the trouble, and save annually one thousand dollars (the Com* misslOner's; salary) to help oat the school fund. I think it wo?jd.greatly encourage the people of each School District causing them to levy a much ? larger school -tax. They would know how much school funds they had?would know that:the'money .would jot go out of their School District; it would be in the hands of one 'of their neighbors of their own choicey which would mate the whole" thing more tan-' gible?," ,jNbt a man in the School District but could and would know how much money the Treasurer would have on hand, and available at aj^y time during the year. As it no* is, bow many know the amount of school funds are due .or will be available. But very few, which gives: rise to discouragement and want of a lively interest in all school matters, both with (Teachers^ Trustees and parents. And'if wej let school entcrprises go down, what will be the result? Why, as was written in a late number of your weekly, the world is progressing so rapidly in improvements of all kinds, those who neglect to read and cultivate their minds, wiU in a ? short time be left behind, and so completely lost, they will not know what world they live in,' ., A TRUSTEE. . ? . ?? >: ?-'^ * ? "t~. ? Cotton Factories, North and South.? The Wilmington Star contains the following article' upon-the -subject of cotton factories, which is entitled to the earnest attention of capitalists. No -State in the Union probably offers so. large natural inducements for the es? tablishment of cotton factories as South Caro? lina. The: objections that have been raised in the past are rapidly passing away, and there is no room for.-doubt but that one of the first things done by the next Legislature will be the offering .of such, encouragements, in the way of exemption from taxation, that uo State can <3xcell the opportunities offered by this. The <&or says: "The question as to whether it will pay to invest i in cotton factories is one which has so frequently been demonstrated in the affirmative that it will scarcely.admit of argument. Everv day we see or hear of instances in which large and remunerative profits have rewarded those who.have had the foresight to embark in such enterprises, While communities, have become prosperous.and idle hands found employment through their instrumentality. In our neigh? boring State of Georgia, we find that the Eagle and Phoenix Manufacturing Company, located in Columbus, report profits equal to twenty-four per cent, of the capital invested, by the Opera? tions of the past year, while the Columbus Manufacturing Company report 23 percent.; and the Roswe 11 Factory ?) per cent, for the last six months of 1872. The factories of Macon and Augusta have also be en steadily yielding handsome profits, which we have every assur? ance will compare favorably with those of the. factories at Columbus. In Virginia, where these factories are in operation, the results have been equally encouraging. In fact, we have reliable data to the effect that the cotton mill in Petersburg, which runs one hundred looms and three thousand .and twenty-two spindles, yielded a net. profit in .137? of 25 per cent, on its capital stock. 'The reports from Northern milkywhere :the facilities for running them are I no thi ngto compare with our own, the profit* are said to have been from eight to twelve per cent, for the year just closed. There is every inducement foi our people to invent in enter? prises of this character. There can; be no such word as fail, as what can be accomplished in Georgia, Virginia , and other States can most assuredly be accomplished: here. There can ;certainly be no- investment which will be so !certain, and satisfactory in its results, or one .'calculated to add more speedily, and effectually to this commercial importance of our city, than, one or more well conducted.cotton factories. Who will be the first to put the ball in mo? tion?" .... Hebeditaey Transmission of the Alco? holic ?PPEnTE.-7-Sir W. A. F. Browne, the first Medical Lunacy Commissioner for Scot? land, thus wrote when himself, in charge of a large asylum: The drunkard not only injures and enfeebles his own nervous system, but entails mental disease upon his family. His daughters are nervous and hysterical; his sons are weak, wayward^ and eccentric, and sink nnder the pressure of excitement, of some unforeseen exi? gency, or 'jbe ordinary calls of duty. Dr. Howe remarks that the children of drunkards are.deficient in bodily, and vital energy, and are predisposed to have cravings for alcoholic stimule'nts. ' If they pursue the course of their fathers, which they have more temptation to follow, and less power to avoid, than the chil? dren of the temperate, they add to^their here? ditary weal new,' and increase Ihe tendency to idiocy or insanity in their constitution; and this they leave to their children after them. The experiences of those who, like Hartley Cofeffdge, "have inherited the craving for al? coholic excitement, together with the weak? ness of will which makes them powerless to resist it, Whilst all their better nature' prompts the struggle, must satisfy any one who careful? ly weighs;;them, 4iow closely Connected their physical state is with the physical constitution which *bey inherit; and how small is their own moral responsibility for the errors which are mainly attributable ? to Ihe vices of their pro? genitors. As I beard Robert Collyer (of Chi? cago) > (veil Any > in; an - admirable sermon on "The thorn in the flesh :" "In the far-reach? ing influences to go to every life, and away backward as certainly as forward, children are sometimes born with appetites fatally strong in their nature. As they grow up, the appetite grows with -?bern,, abd speedily, becomes a mas? ter, the ^master a tyrant, and by the time he arrives at his manhood I the man is a slave, i I heard a man sav that for eight-and-twenty years the soul within him had had to stand., like an unsleeping sentinel, guarding his appe tftrtbT RRng drink: Ttrbe^a^man at feast under such a disadvantage, not to mention a saint, is as fine a piece of grace as can well be seen. There is no doctrine that demands a larger vision, than this of the depravity of human nature. Old Dr. Mason used to say that as much graco as would make John a saint would barely keep Peter from knocking | a man down." <t Ex-Oov. Perry's Remnisccnccs of Public Men. Jolin ?. Calhoun. Jolin C. Calhoun g tood pre-eminently above all others in South Carolina of ray clay, and time. In early life 1 had a most exalted opin? ion of this distingui shed "Carolinian, his tal? ents, patriotism and ipority of character. This opinion was formed lirom his general course in public life, his speeches in Congress and his administration of tbe war, department, under President Monroe. Whilst going to school at Asheville, N. C, ic' 1822? fremember writing an article advocating his claims to the Presi? dency over those of-:fkdarns-,-Jackson, Clay and Crawford. In the summer of 1825, there was a public dinner given Mr. Calhoun at Green? ville, S. C. I was oiie of the committee who extended to him the Invitation, and prepared the toasts drunk, on ; of which pointed to the Presidency as the crowning reward of his pub? lic Jife. This, was tes first time I ever had the pleasure of seeing M r. Calhoun. and I was then ;a student of law in Judge Earle's office. The 'speech made on tha1^cas1b"n was a very brief one, and the company was not large. General Thompson, afierwar is Minister to Mexico, pre? sided at. the. dinnei1. Judge Earle, who was never an admirer of Mr. Calhoun, was not present, and left the village in order to avoid the dinner. ' He h id been a Crawford man, and belonged to th5 political school of Judge William Smith, of South Carolina. In the Presidential canvasfjaf I?2ji,.Judge Earle sup? ported1 John Quincy Adams. He had no very high opinion of General' Jackson as a states man, but was never very' decided in his poli? tics. The next time I saw Mr. Calhoun was at Pendleton Court, and it was the last time I spoke to him for many years. During our po? litical excitement in 1832,'in South Carolina, I became very strongly prejudiced against Mr. Calhoun, and it was not in my nature to seek > the company of tho;e I did not like. The total abandonment by Mr. Calhoun of his early na? tional principles, and his zealous espousal of what he had once repudiated as "the Virginia abstraction," shook: my confidence in his wis? dom and steadfastness of purpose in politics. I did not see how a great statesman could radi? cally change bis political principles, and be both wise and sincere. In 1845, I met M : Calhoun at .the anniver? sary of the Pendlet m Agricultural Society. I had been invited by..the. President of the So? ciety, Major George Seaborn, to deliver the an? niversary address On that occasion. After it was over,' Mr. 'Calhoun came up and compli? mented the effort I had made in the cause of agriculture. He w is then starting to Alabama to look after his planting interests in that State, and expressed his regret at not being able to have me at ?iis house, near the Tillage of Pendleton. Mr. Calhoun was, at that-time, very much interested in farming, and he always made good crops. He paid great attention to the preservation and improvement of his lands! Hill-side ditching" was^introduced by him in this section of the State; and after.completing this labor on his farm, he then turned his at? tention to manuring his fields. He wisely re? marked that it w's of little value to manure till the land was prepared to retain it Nullification had passed over in South Caro? lina, and was an absolete idea with all thinking and reflecting men. Tbe asperities of party had subsided, anc. I ceased to think of Mr. Calhoun's inconsistencies and tergiversations ill politics. I begrn once more to admire his brilliant genius and appreciate his public ser? vices in many respects. In the summer of 1846,1 met Mr. C: lhour. in Washington, and had the pleasure of hearing him address the Senate on several occasions. I was very much struck with his earnest and ardent manner in debate. He spoke with great ease and flueucy; his sentenced were terse and his conclusions rapid. He seemed to regard more the idea ex? pressed than the language in which it was Ut? tered. His style of speaking pleased me more than the grand sol emn manner of Mr. Webster. He had all the feeling and fire of the orator, which I thought Mr. Webster wanted in some measure. I had the pleasure of /dining with Mr. Cal? houn during my stay in Washington, with Gov. McDufiie, Judge Butler and Mr. Burt, of South Carolina. At' the table there was an amusing discussion between him and Judge Butler on the location of national capitals. Mr. Galhoun remarked that the capital of a nation was al? ways on one side, *nd never in the centre of a kingdom or empire}. Judge Butler controverted this assertion, and instanced Spain and Jerusa? lem. Mr. Calhoun explained by stating that Madrid was a Moorish city, and not originally the capital of Spain. What he said in regard to Jerusalem I do not now remember with suf? ficient accuracy to state, but Mr. Calhoun .was always well posted in reference to any ...theory which he advanced. If facts failed him, he would, nevertheless, support his theory with the most cogent argument and reasoning. I remember hcarln/; Hon. Warren R. Davis give . an account of a (Uscussiou at a dinner table between Mr. Calhoun and an English Captain, in reference to th i trade'winds. The Captain listened very attentively to th? theory, but said he had often crossed the equator, and his obser? vation did not sustain Mr. Calhoun's theory ; nevertheless, Mr. Calhoun's argument satisfied: the party that he was correct, in''opposition to the positive experience and observation of the English Captain. ItffcttiePwurds, the Captain's facts were of less weight than Mr." Calhoun's argument. After the adjournment of Congress, I trav? eled to the Virginia Springs, in company with Mr. Calhoun, Governor McDuffie and Mr. Burt. We were all in the same stage coach. Mr. Calhoun spoke of Clay's and Webster's manner of debate. He said when Webster was worsted in argument he felt it, and you saw that he did feel ft and know it. But Clay would never five any such manifestations. He never ac nowledged that he was worsted in debate,and would never let you see that he thought so.?. Mr. Calhoun said Colonel lien ton was the greatest of humbugs, and could make more out of nothing than any other man in the world. "He ought," said Mr. Calhoun, "to have gone about all his life with quack doctors, and writ? ten puffs for thei r medicines. Had. he done so he might have made a fortune." There was no kind feeling between Mr. Calhoun and Colonel Bcnton. 1 Throughout life they were bitter per? sonal enemies. Mr. Calhoun bad a bad opin? ion of the Colonel, and he reciprocated it most cordially. When I left the Springs, to return home by the way of Abington ana Greenville, Tennes? see, Mr. Calhoun requested me,to write him as to the conditiot- of the roads, and staging through' the mountains. He and Mrs. Calhoun rntended returni'ig to South Carolina over thnt route. He was r,nxious to vi*it Wythe county, where his ancestors had lived some time after their removal from Pennsylvania, and before they finally seftlod in Abbeville District, South Carolina! The roads and staging I found1 bad enough, and so reported to Mr. Calhoun. On their arrival in Greenville, S. C, Mrs. Calhoun said to me, as soon as I saw her: "Did you ever, expect to see me alive, after passing over those roads in Virginia, and Tennessee?" Whilst I was a candidate for Congress, in op position to Governor Orr, I visited Mr. Calhoun twice i a my electioneering tours through Pick ens District. I never found a kinder man, or one more plain and unassuming in his man? ners, than Mr. Calhoun, anywhere ; but I was particularly struck with his kindness and win? ning manners at his own house. How true it is that greatness is never pretending or as? suming. It is only the "would be great man" ! who has to assume and pretend to what he has not." The first visit I paid Mr. Calhoun we were alone the whole day, and from ten o'clock till dinner was announced, I do not think either of us left our seats for a moment, nor was there scarcely a pause in conversation. He j was in fine spirits, and his covereation was truly fascinating. It was not that of a studied speech or lecture . in which llr. Calhoun too often indulged with his admiring listeners. It was naturaland simple, cordial and cheerful, amusing and instructive, giving and taking; calling in the whole range of his life's expert encet thought and learning. He spoke of his. coarse in Congress, described his contempora? ries; told anecdotes of Randolph, Lowndes. Jackson, Polk, Benton, and others. He did not. admire President Polk, and spoke of the Mexican war as most unfortunate. He did not believe that our armies could capture the city of Mexico, or hold the country, if we con? quered it He spoke in high terms of the offi? cers of the United States Army, and said he knew thirty of those officers who were capable of commanding the largest armies of Europe. When the Missouri question was on the tapis in Congress, Mr. Calhoun said he suggested to Mr. Lowndes, that Congress having authorized the formation of a Slate Constitution, the peo? ple of Missouri, if not admitted into the Union, would be a legal -independent State of the Union, and beyond the control of the United States. In'speaking of the Federal Union, he said the love of it with the American people was stronger than their love of liberty. I was greatly shocked, as a Union man, with this idea, and did not assent to it. I contended that the love of the Union with the American people was only for the purpose of maintain? ing their liberty and independence, fiat it wpuld seem from our present ? political condi? tion, that Mr. Calhoun was right, and I was wrong. A large portion of the Northern peb- J i pie seem willing to establish a military despo? tism to preserve the Union; and 1 was ex? tremely mortified to see that a portion of the Southern people are willing to acquiesce in this despotism to get back into the Union. t have always said that all great men were egotists, Cicero and Demosthenes were eminent? ly 30. Mr. Calhoun was not without this foible of greatness any more than he was of another infirmity, which, it is said, belongs to all great men?ambition. He liked very much to talk of himself, and he always had the good fortune to make the subject exceedingly interesting and captivating to his hearers. Mr. Calhoun was a man of the very highest mental energy and activity. In this respect no one surpassed him. But he was unfortunate in always having the great powers of his mind concentrated on one subject at a time. He thought and reasoned so rapidly and directly, and was so absorbed by the one subject for the time being, that he pur? sued the argument without considering how the qnestion would affect something else. This was too much his character to be a wise states? man or a safe counsellor. Whilst the advocate of a great system of internal improvements, he thought of nothing but the great social and commercial blessings which it would bestow upon the country. He did not stop to consider, or turn to the right or left, to see how such a system would strengthen the powers of the na? tional government and crush those of the States. When be became the advocate of a tariff for protection, be thought only of build? ing up our national independence and encour? aging American labor. He did not reflect on its sectional bearing, or stop to consider that one portion of the United States would not find it profitable to engage in manufacturing. When he became the champion of nullification, if not its author, he saw in it nothing more than a remedy for getting rid of the onerous exactions of the tariff-system for protection, which he himself had formerly advocated through the highest and most patriotic motives. He did not consider whether or not nullification would make our national Union a rope of sand. This did not appertain to the one idea which had possessed his great mind, and which was to break down the system of protection. In pur? suing one question he lost sight of all others. How many thousands of such men of smaller minds do we meet in ordinary li:e. They are forever wrong, and always changing their opin? ions, because they are always ou the extreme and never right. Phylosophy teaches us that extremes are always dangerous, and that the path of wisdom and safety is ever a middle course. ?Unfortunately, Mr. Calhoun throughout bis brilliant career as an American statesman was jumping from one extreme to another in poli? tics. From the extreme of national powers under the constitution, bordering on consolida? tion, to the cxtreme-of State's rights, bordering on the destruction of all national power. From the extreme of protection to no protection, not even incidental, in laying duties for revenue. From the extreme of internal improvements, to the denial of any such power on the part of the general government! From the advocacy of a national bank, to the denial of the power to es? tablish such an institution I At one time Gen. Jackson was, in the opinion of Mr.-Calhoun, a great patriot and incorruptible man; then he was a great tyrant and utterly corrupt. At one time, in a letter to Governor Noble, he urged the election of President and Vice President by the people, then he thought, in the latter part of his life, nothing more ruinous and suicidal in South Carolina. In 1812, be wan the cham? pion of the war, but on the Oregon question ins speech is a most masterly vindication of the peace policy. War was first the greatest bless? ing, and then the greatest curse. Mr. Calhoun was, the advocate of the election of General Taylor, but very soon saw that he was not the right man in the right place. In order to break down General Jackson's administration, Mr. Calhoun became a Whig aud the ally of Clav and Webster. He then abandoned the Whig party, and because Colonel Preston and General Thompson would not do so likewise, he drove one from the Senate and took the stump to crush the other. It is, however, the fate of genius to be erratic. "For many years Mr. Calhoun was absolute in South Carolina, and all who sought promotion in the State bad t?'f?llbwiiim ana swear by him. He thought for the State and crushed out all independence of thought in those below bim. It is said by the historian that on the death of Henry the Eighth, of England, that kingdom breathed more freely. I thought, after the death of Mr. Calhoun,' the people of South Carolina could think more independent? ly. Mr. Calhoun seldom made quotations in his speeches or writings. He relied on no au? thority save the resources of his own great mind. His style was very much that 0? the greatest and most original thinker of ancient times, the great Stagrite. In style there is a striking similarity between the writings of Mr. Calhouu and' Aristotle's "Ethics" and "Poli? tics." Id Mr. Calboun's last moments, he said nothing about religion, and I mentioned the fact to Governor Orr, who was with him when he died in Washington. The Governor said that Mr. Calhoun had no idea of dying, and had not even given up at the time the hope of being President of the United States. The Governor told me that Mr. Calhoun was a Unitarian in religion. But Major Samuel A. Townes, who was very intimate with Mr. Wil? liam Calhoun, the brother of John C. Calhoun, once informed me that in conversation with this brdtherj who was a great heretic in religion himself, he inquired what the religious opin? ions of Mr. Jolin C. Calhoun were. Mr. Wil? liam Calhoun replied: "John has the reputa? tion of being a great man, and he is too pru? dent to.bffend the religious world, by the avowal of infidel notions, but I know that he thinks with me in regard to religion." General Thompson has told me that he was at Mr. -Cal? boun's house with an ignorant and rude Bap? tist clergyman, to whom Mr. Calhoun was ex? plaining the doctrine of nullification. The clergyman stopped him and said: "I would much rather bear your views, Mr. Calhoun, on the subject of the Christian religion." Mr. Calhoun evaded the question, and the direct [ inquiry was made of him if he believed in the Christian religion. The question was not an? swered. Mr. Calhoun was greatly admired and loved by all of his neighbors about Pendleton. They knew him best in private life, and their good opinion is worth a great deal. His truth, sin? cerity and sterling integrity were never doubt*, ed by those who knew nim best and loved him most. In public life, no matter what may have been his errors and inconsistencies, no one ever charged him with corruption or intrigue, or dishonor in the discharge of his duties. Perhaps there is no American statesman whose private life and moral character are more un? exceptionable than that of John C. Calhoun'?. He was a statesman of whom South Carolina may well be proud, and whose genius would have placed him in the front rank of great men in any age or country. Mr. Brooks on the Credit Mobilier Scandal. Hon. James Brooks, of New York, has issued the following address to his constituents, in which he attacks the Poland Committee rather savagely, and defends himself with considera? ble' vigor: Enemies have taken advantage of my physi? cal prostration from malaria, contracted in India and too long neglected, to offer up Oakes Ames and myself as sacrifices to a public clamor in which two Vice Presidents of the United States, several members of the Senate, I and eight other members of the House were j more involved than myself. The sacrifice of a I Democrat was deemed indispensable to offset, j if not to protect them, and hence, early in I December a committee was organized, seeming? ly on purpose to bring in my name with theirs so as to make me responsible for 150 shares of the stock of the Credit Mobilier owned by C. H. Neilson. The certificates of this stock were notoriously in the full possession of Neilson as long ago as December 12, 1867 (see evidence, page 59,) but of these certificates the Commit? tee in January, 1873, chose to make me the owner upon tue pretence that he, being my son-in-law, was only the apparent owner. The Committee was thus organized, I say, for there were put upon it such men as General Banks, a chevalier d'industrie, for years living in Cha? teau d'Espagne, because of his known hostility to Ames, who, when asked, refused to subscribe with certain rich Boston ian* to free his Walth am house from a heavy mortgage; and Merrick, of Maryland, an ex-rebel judge of this district at the opening of the civil war, whose court Congress bad to extripate to be rid of him, and who, therefore, sore and sour now more than ever, hates the whole human race be? cause of the defeat of his aspirations tore-elec? tion to Congress. With Niblack, a very, very small man in the plastic fingers of such a sly, sleek and crafty Chairman as Poland, of Ver- j mont, whose antecedents in railroads at home are worse than anything alleged against the Credit Mobilier. This Committee, after sitting two months and a half, purposely neglecting the exploita? tion of many rich mines of testimony, fiercely j fell upon me in eleven different sittings when j my physical prostration was such that the news- j papers daily reported me dying, and at last, I after refusing me a hearing, which I earnestly demanded, a fact which they suppressed in the first report of 523 pages?which no member of Congress could find time to read so late in the session?when it was made coupled me, a Dem? ocrat, with Mr. Ames, a Republican, for expul? sion, while they let off thirteen other Republi? cans who, all but one, had handled Credit Mobilier when not a share had even come into my bands. The House and the country from the start scouted such an absurd report the moment they could get at it by refusing to. vote on expulsion at all. They did not censure Mr. Ames or myself* only condemned an act as old as 1,867, in order thus to carry off as on a light? ning rod the electricity that had been genera? ted oy the batteries of the press upon Congress and the country. But even in this the Honse did me injustice, because I was not in Congress when it was alleged my interest began in the Credit Mo? bilier, or if, as alleged, I had any interest, it was fully disposed of before I went into the directory. Some Democratic members of Con? gress assented to this injustice in the belief that they could then condemn such leading Republicans as Dawcs, Garfield, Bingham, Kelley, Scofield, and Hooper; but in this they were justly fooled, because the great intel? ligence, high character, and well-known ante? cedents of these men are such as to make ridiculous the charge that Oakes Ames had bribed them or that they were his dupes, as the Poland Committee reasons, and did not know what they were about. To you my old constituents, who have stood by me for twenty-five years and over, both as an old line Whig and Democrat, who have seen me whether as a member of the Legisla? ture in Maine and m your own representative in Albany, both in the Legislature and in the Constitutional Convention, and who now see me in my eighth Congressional term, hitherto unspotted and unsuspected in "every public sta? tion, I shall appeal in person, if the good God restores me to health and life, as I think he will. I shall demonstrate to you that neither myself nor Mr. Neilson, from a New York City family of over 100 years of stainless antece? dents, was guilty of perjury, as Poland charges, and that both of us told the truth when testi? fying that I had no hand in the Credit Mobilier dividends, allotments, or profits in any form. I shall satisfy you that the James Brooks whom you adopted m 1836, and to whom the old Whig and Democratic parties have often given the highest honors of the city, and whom [Con? gress has honored on its most important com? mittees?Lands, Post-offices, Pacific Railroad, Reconstruction, and more especially the Ways and Means, and twelve years there?at times appropriating millions and millions of dollars, j and at other times levying with others of the j Committee the vast revenues of the couhtry? j is the same James Brooks, now in his ripening old age, that he was when you first adopted bim and ever since you thus honored aim. - Yours truly, James Brooks. The Dissolution of the Republican Party. With the expiration of this debauched and degraded ?Congress, passes"away the Republican party. No continued professions of virtue and reform can save the political organization whose leading member*, with a large majority in both Houses of Congress, have shielded cor ruptionists and perjurers, and thus made them? selves responsible as a party for the offenses they were too cowardly or too base to condemn. 'During the debate ou the Poland whitewashing report, when a fierco attack was made by a Democratic Congressman on one of the Credit Mobilier corruption ist*, it was met by an open threat from a Republican Representative, that the-corrvietlonofthe inculpated members might be the signal for a general exposure of matters, in which the Democratic side of the House might find themselves involved. Yesterday, in the closing hours bf the session, a Democratic Representative >n the floor of the House in de? bate boldly den ouneed the Senate as * disre? putable body, and when taken to task for the remark, justified it, and declared that the Houm of Representatives was a more honest body at that moment than the Senate of the United (3tatea. The party which thin stands branded as disreputable and self-couf icted of corruption cannot hope to escape public condemnation. No professions of honesty and virtue will save the politicians who will clasp Col fax to their hearts, and make common cause with Patterson aqd Harbin, with Pomeroy and Caldwell, and with Kelley, Garfield and Bingham. The full of Republicani*m may, however, prove a blessing to the newly inaugurated ad? ministration. President Grant must now see, more clearly than ever, the wisdom of making himself the President of the people, and not of a disgraced decaying party. His policy will be the more likely to be shaped ou independent views, Bince he has seen and known the selfish ness and dishonesty of those whose advice he has heretofore felt disposed to follow. Recent developm ents must have removed all doubt as to the unworthy purposes of the Congressional majority who have shaped the treatment of the South ami controlled the general course of the administration. It was very well for Presi? dent, Grant to declare on bis first inauguration that lie bad no policy of bis own, while he felt his inexperience in State affairs and', his. in? debtedness to the party which had elevated him to the Presidency. But such an intimation now would sadly disappoint popular expecta? tion. Congress and the party it represents have forfeited public confidence, but the peo? ple still trust and honor tbe soldier President and look to him to redeem the national char? acter from the stain left upon it by their dis? honored representatives. There is every rea? son, therefore, why-the President should, with 'his new term of office, cast off the "no policy" be bas heretofore professed and take upon him? self the responsibility of a new departure. The nation will stand by bim now, as it stood by him in the days of the rebellion, if he will on? ly fight the battle out on his own line. A change in the Cabinet, such as will meet popular com? mendation ; a liberal, generous and constitu? tional treatment of the South ; an honest effort to reform the civil service; a bold, dignified at? titude towards foreign nations, and a firm effort to secure full justice for the Cubans from the Spanish Republic, will mark President Grant's second term of office as the equal in usefulness, honor and patriotism to those filled by Wash? ington and Lincoln. Can the President hesi? tate in his choice between such a career and a mere political association with a degraded or? ganization? He has the opportunity before him to become in truth the President of the American people. Wilt he sacrifice that for the sake of remaining the President of the Credit Mobilier Republican party 1?New Yorft Herald. Meeting of Cotton Dealers. A meeting, composed of cotton producers, cotton holders and cotton buyers, was held in Rome, Ga., on the 7th instant, at which the following preamble and resolutions were intro? duced and unanimously adopted, and the South? ern press asked to give them circulation : Whereas, in our opinion there exists in the the city of New York a combination of men and capital, whose prime object is to depress and beair down the price of cotton iu the future; and whereas, in our opinion, based on facts which have come under our observation, a very large amount of cotton has been bought by the citizens of this State for future delivery, an amount in excess of the remainder of tbe crop now unsold; and whereas, in our opinion, the cotton buyers have it in their power by a uni? ted and determined effort to advance prices very materially in the next sixty days, there? fore Resolved, That we earnestly appeal to cotton buyers throughout the country to hold meetings at once in their respective cities, towns and villages, and take such action in the premises as will overthrow and thwart the monied men in the city of New York, whose ostensible ob | ject is to depress the price of the same. Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meet? ing, that tbe best way to defeat said combina? tion of capital is a united aud combined effort upon the part of the cotton buyers throughout the entire country, with a fixed and unaltera? ble determination in every contract of purchase during the present cotton season, to demand the actual delivery of the cotton on said con? tracts. Resolved, That if it is possible to secure such unanimity of action as is desired upon tbe part of all the cotton buyers of futures throughout the United States, and absolute and unconsti? tutional demand of the cotton bought, it will effectually defeat said combination and advance the price of the staple. Resolved, That we earnestly appeal to cotton buyers of futures throughout tbe entire coun? try, to take immediate action in the premises ana adopt such resolutions as in their judgment will defeat said combination, and publish the samu for the benefit of all parties interested. Resolved, That our city papers, and all news Sapors friendly to the advancement of tbe pro ucing interest of the country, and the protec? tion of the same from the corrupt monied monopolies of New York, be requested to copy the proceedings of this meeting. " The Type Metal Statue to Horace Greeley.?The proposed erection of a type metal statue in New York in honor of Horace Greeley, through contributions from the typo? graphical and newspaper fraternity throughout the United States, promises to be a complete success. This design to perpetuate the memory of a man who shed such a halo of honor upon the "art preservative," in the just distinction which ho earned as the great printer-editor of America, is as appropriate as it is deserved, and commends itself as well to the appreciation of the craft in South Carolina, as to their breth? ren of New York, or elsewhere. ? When docs a man sneeze three times? Wheu he can't help it.