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**S?OTr& CO., Proprietors; ' ANDERSON C. ?,? S. C, THURSDAY MORNING, DECEMBER 5, 1872. VOLUME Vm.?NO. 22. !Che History of Lincoln's Emancipation Proc? lamation. , TThe December number of the Galaxy con? tains a paper written by. Hon. Gideon Welles, a member of Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet!;?which gives the history of Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation. Mr. Welles was Secretory of the jNavy, and speaks from personal knowledge. The Bichmond Dispatch thus epitomizes the article of Mr. Welles: "The contrabands" were, from the beginning of the war,, a source of great trouble to the truly loyal. By the Constitution, property in slaves was fully guaranteed, and United States laws required the Federal authorities to restore to their' owners all fugitive negroes. As the war was waged bv the Washington functiona? ries with .the loud professions to maintain and preserve the Constitution, any interference with Che property in, or the status of, the negro would be a hat and patent contradiction of the avowed objects of the war. Many of the Fed? eral Generals deemed it their duty to respect the Constitution and laws, and they did so by sending back to their masters the slaves that fled to their camps. But this proceeding exci? ted violent protestations from the fanatics. "The orders (says Mr. Welles) of such officers as Generals McClellan, Halleck, Dix, and oth? ers, prohibiting the fugitives from coming with? in the army lines, caused great dissatisfaction at the North, without appeasing any at the) South." Stimulated by this fanatic feeling, Gen. Hunter took it upon himself to proclaim the freedom of the slaves in South Caroli? na, Georgia and Florida. President Lincoln promptly (19th May, 1862) issued a counter proclamation annulling that of Hunter, saying that the question of freeing the slaves "I re? serve to myself," and cannot feel justified in leaving to the decision of commanders in the field. Lincoln, who had scruples of conscience, appreciated the difficulties of his position. He -had taken no oath to defend the Union. The oath he had taken was simply "to protect, pre? serve and defend the Constitution of the Uni? ted States." To his plain, practical mind, it was rather an odd way of preserving the Con? stitution by disregarding its provisions, and .trampling it under foot. - He sought to get the border States, Maryland, Kentucky and Missouri, to decree emancipation of their slaves, for which the Government should pay them. For he again and again confessed that no authority but that of the States could touch the subject. A part of his scheme was the ex? portation of the negroes; for he was thorough? ly convinced that the two races, both free, "could not dwell together in unity and as equals in tlheir sociall relations. There was, he thought, a natural antagonism between the whites and blacks, which could not and ought Hot to he overcome He, therefore, aTSTearTy eeriod of his Administration, some time before is emancipation proclamation was projected, devised plana for the; deportation ana coloniz? ing of the colored population. In these vari? ous projects of deportation and colonization he was earnestly sustained by the Attorney Gen? eral, Bates, the Postmaster General, Mr. Blair, and- the Secretary of the Interior, Mr. Caleb Smith." Even when his emancipation procla? mation was issued, deportation continued to be a favorite idea with him, and he never aban? doned it. As to the motive which prompted his eman? cipation proclamation, we are told by Mr. Welles, "he was governed not by sympathy for the slave, but by a sense of duty, and the obli? gations which, as chief magistrate, he owed to his country." It was not until after McClellan's failure on the Peninsula that Mr. Lincoln recognized the necessity of abolition to save the Government He came to Harrison's Landing to visit Gener? al McClellan and see for himself the condition of the army. The next Sundav, after his re? turn, on hi* way to a funeral with Mr. Welles and Mr. St ward in the carriage, he, for the first time, indicated his purpose to proclaim eman? cipation. "He saw no escape." And, in the langnage of Mr. Welles, this humiliating con? fession wait extorted from his lips : "We must free the slaves or be ourselves sub? dued." . That is, the great Federal authority, backed by twenty-five millions, would be subdued by the six millions rebels, if they did not bring the negroes to their aid! We suppose, as Mr. Welles records it, this must be the verdict of history. - The quibble by which he got rid of bis oath, "to protect, preserve and defend the Constitu? tion" is th as given: "If there was no (institutional authority in the Government to emancipate the slaves, neither was there any authority, specified or reserved, for the slaveholders to resist the Gov? ernment or secede from it (?) They could net at the same time throw of the Constitution and invoke its aid. Having made war upon the Government, they were subject to the incidents and calamities of war, and it was our duty to avail ourselves of every necessary measure to maintain the Union. If the rebels did net cease their war, they must take the consequen? ces of war. He dw^jlt earnestly on the gravity, importance and delicacy of the movement, which he had approached with reluctance, but he saw no evidence of a cessation of hostilities; said he hod given the subject much thought and had about come to the conclusion that it was a military necessity, absolutely essential to the preservation of the Union. We mu3t free the slaves or be ourselves subdued." Having thus sat sued his conscience, that a wrong by the rebels justified him in violating Kis oath, he called a meeting of his Cabinet Mr. Welles gives the following account of the proceedings: "Early in August?it has been said on Sat? urday, and if so, it was, I think, the 2nd of that month?the President called a special meeting of the Cabinet The meeting was In the library of the Executive Mansion, and not in the Council Chamber, where the regular sessions were usually convened. All were present except Mr. Blair, who had gone to his country residence in Mountgomery County. If I am not mistaken, Mr. Chase was alro, from some cause, al?ent from the first meeting. The President stated that the object for which he had called us together was to submit the rcogh draft of a proclamation to emancipate, after a certain day, all slaves in the States which should then be in rebellion. There were, he remarked, differences in the Cabinet on the slavery question, and on emancipation, but he invited a free discussion on the impor? tant step he was about to take; and to relieve each one from embarrassment, he wished it understood that the question was settled in his own mind; that he had decreed emancipation in a certain contingency, and-the responsibility of the measure was his; but he desired to hear the views of his associates and receive auy sug festious, pro or con, which they might make, [e had, he said, dwelt much and long on the subject, and formed his own conclusions, and mentioned the matter iu confidence to one or two of the members. Little was said by any one but the President. Mr. Batw expressed his" very decided approval, bot wished deportation to be coupled with emancipation. He was; it was well known, .opposed to slavery. Though born in a slave .State and.always residing in a shave State and among slaves, he nevertheless wished them free, and that the colored race should leave the country. It-was impossible, he said, for the two races to assimilate but by amalgamation, .and they could not amalgamate without degra? dation and demoralization to the white race. The -whites might be brought down, but the negroes could not be lifted to a much higher .plane than they now occupied. He had been ?a close c bserver of the influence of slavery on the enterprise and welfare of the country through a long life, had deplored its effects, and himself'bad given freedom to his own slaves, and wished them and their fellows in Africa or elsewhere than in the United States. He .was fully convinced that the two races could not live and thrive in social proximity. The result ?f any attempt to place them on terms of equality would be strife, contention .and a vicious population, as in Mexico. The whites might be debased, bot the blacks could not be elevated, even by the disgusting process of mixed breeds, which was repugnant to na? ture and to our moral and better instincts. He therefore wished a system of deportation to accompany any scheme of emancipation. These were also the President's views. : Mr. Seward, without expressing an opinion I on the merits of the question, thought it would be well to postpone, the whole subject to a more auspicious period. ? If the proclamation were issued now, it would be received and con? sidered as a despairing cry?a shriek from and for the Administration, rather than for free? dom. -The President instantly felt and appre? ciated the force and propriety of the sugges? tion. We had experienced serious disasters. Important results were in the immediate future, high hopes were entertained from army opera? tions under Halleck and Pope, who had just taken the direction of military affairs. The President at once closed his portfolio and sus? pended his proclamation and all further pro? ceedings on the subject of emancipation. 1 do not recollect that it was again alluded to in Cabinet until after the battle of Antietam, which took place on the 7th of September?six weeks later." As the disasters of the army under McClel lan were not retrieved by Pope and Halleck, the subject was not reconsidered until after the battle of Sharpsburg, when the preliminary proclamation was issued. On that occasion "he expressed the sense of the responsibility he was taking, both to himself and the coun? try. It had oppressed him"?and well it might It was the subversion of the Consti? tution. Mr. Welles calls it: "A despotic act in the cause of the Union, and I may add, of freedom." We realize to-day the sort of free? dom the despotic act has inaugurated. But there was more in that act than any other in our history. It was the first act of confiscation of property?and the evils thereof will be seen and felt for a thousand years. After the proclamation was issued Mr. Lin? coln was earnest in his efforts to inaugurate a scheme for deporting the negroes. He consid? ered deportation an integral part of his eman? cipation scheme, and he adhered to it till his death. This,however, failed, and, it maybe, to the injury of both races. Says Mr. Welles : "Following the preliminary proclamation, and, as a part of the plan, was the question of deporting and colonizing the colored race. This was a part of the President's scheme, and had occupied his mind some time before the project of emancipation was adopted, although the historians, biographers and commentators have made slight, if any, ailusiou to iL The President, however, and a portion of his Cabi? net considered them inseparable, and that de? portation' should accompany and be a part of the emancipation movement." It will be a source of .eternal regret that the author of this great and revolutionary measure did not live to regulate its results. The Close of the Cotton Picking Season. The cotton picking season this year com? menced 1 earlier and continued lunger than usual, and may generally be regarded as one of the most favorable that has ever occurred. The earliness of the season is attributed to the increased'Use of fertilizers, which produce the effect of maturing the crop two weeks in ad? vance of the usual time. But the weather was superb from first to last throughout the entire cotton area, and there were few days when it was necessary to suspend picking. A slight frost in Georgia a month ago did more good than harm, as it helped to open the bolls with? out injuring* the staple. It was not until the middle of November that there was any dam? aging frost, and even then it was not general in all the Southern States. Even as it was it arrived too bite to do any harm. It may be safely affirmed that there were absolutely little or no losses this year from inability to gather the crop. Every pound of cotton that could be picked'was picked, and there can be no doubt that ;:the unusually favorable picking season went far toward compensating ior the losses occasioned by worms and weather during the last few weeks or months of summer. There was plenty of time'for the crop to mature, and plenty of time to pick it. The circumstances were also favorable for ginning, and the late rains increased the navigable capacity of the rivers, so that the vast Quantities piled along their banks could all be shipped. It also appears that planters, whether owing to political causes or not it is scarcely worth while to inquire, also manifested unusual ac? tivity in pushing the crops to a market. The news of the burning of a great many gin honses in South Carolina may also have con ! tributed as much as the unexceptionably high price at this season to induce planten; to avoid the risks pf housing their crops. These and other obvious causes will account for the very many receipts at all the Southern ports, amounting, on the 15th of November, to a total of 887,588 bales, being an increase of no less than 220,980 bales over the corresponding pe? riod last year, and 88,980 more than in 1870. Thus it will be seen that an unusually large proportion,of the crop has already come for ' ward, but exactly what proportion, of course, cannot be determined, as a knowledge of the precise quantity remaining in planters' hands is manifestly impossible, and is only a subject of speculation. It may be safely concluded, however, that the actual receipts of this crop are ch more satisfactory than was anticipa? ted i tho commencement of the picking sea* eon, though falling considerably below the expectations that were warranted until towards the close of the growing season. It is always a favorable sign when the Southern papers ab? stain from complaints about cotton, and it is remarkable that on this point we were wholly unable to discover any evidence of dissatisfac? tion during the entire picking season.?New York Bulletin. ? A person was onco rebuked by another for smoking; the smoker replied that he used the weed "in moderation." "What do you call moderation?" inquired the other. "Why,sir," replied the smoker, "one cigar at a time." General Amnesty. The Washington correspondent of the New York World, in referring to the anticipated re? moval of disabilities imposed by the Four? teenth Amendment, summarizes the entire sit? uation and gives a list of persons at'present disqualified, in the following interesting letter: .1. lie. Washington, Nov. 25. It is accepted as a fact in political circles that the President in his next annual message to Congress will make an emphatic recommen? dation for an act of general amnesty and relief from all political disabilities imposed by the fourteenth amendment, and. it is not doubted that Congress will ratify this recommendation. The Radicals have now no political or party object to gain by keeping up these disabilities, as fit is perfectly competent for the Southern J>eople to elect persons of their own opinions rom the number already qualified quite as ultra as the most ultra of those not yet reliev? ed. The President ean make some capital at the South by helping to throw overboard the remnant of a disfranchisemeu t that only serves to irritate, and does nothing to perpetuate Rad? ical ascendancy. It is asserted by Grant's friends that a general amnesty bill was within an ace of passing at the last session. It would have gone through but for the skillful opposi? tion of Messrs. Sumner and Morton in the Senate, neither of whom are now expected to sta id in the way of this measure of reconcilia? tion and peace. The number now under disabilities is small, and probably does not exceed 500, if indeed, there be so many. The act of last session re? lieves all persons "except Senators and Repre? sentatives of the Thirty-sixth and -Thirty seventh Congress and officers in the judicial, military and naval service of the United States, heeds of departments, and foreign ministers of the United States." This act is of doubtful interpretation. It cannot be denied that the intention of those who framed the law was to except from amnesty those officers of the Uni? ted States Army and Navy who were in service at the time the war broke out and who resign? ed their positions, and subsequently gave aid and comfort to the rebellion; and that this is the true construction of the law is maintained by Judge Thurman and other Bound jurists. It waii argued, however, at the time of the pass? age of the bill by the South that whatever the intention the language of the statute only ap? plies to those who, having held such positions in 1860-1, are now in the "judicial, military and naval service" of the United States. Such an interpretation was maintained by Senators Conk ling and Frei icghuy sen, and, if true, would reduce the number under disabilties to those who served in the Thirty-sixth and Thir? ty-seventh Congresses?a very small number, indeed. It is safer, perhaps, to adopt the broader interpretation, inasmuch as the hold? ing of an office contrary to the provisions of the Fourteenth Amendment is punished very severely by a Federal statute. The list of secessionists in the Thirty-sixth Congress now living and not yet relieved of their disabilities includes the following Sena a tors: Benjamin Fitzpatrick and Clement C. Clay, Jr., of Alabama; RobertM. Johnson and Wil? liam K. Sebastian, of Arkansas; David L. Yulee and Stepben R. Mallory, of Florida; Alfred Johnson and Robert Toombs, of Geor? gia ; Judah P. Benjamin, of Louisiana; Jef? ferson Davis and Albert G. Brown, of Missis? sippi ; Trustiu Polk, of Missouri; General James Chesnut, Jr., of South Carolina; A. 0. P. Nicholson, of Tennessee; Lewis T. Wigfall, of Texas; and R. M. T. Hunter, of Virginia. None of these gentlemen are in public life. Messrs. Johnson, Mallory, and Wigfall are at the Bar; Mr. Benjamin is following a brilliant career at the English Bar; General Chesnut, Mr. Hunter, and others are farming, and Mr. Davis is president of a well-known insurance company of Memphis, Tenn. The list of Representatives of the Thirty sixth Congress still disqualified includes James L. Pugh, David Clopton, George S. Houston, andJabezL. M. Curry, of Alabama; Albert Rust, of Arkansas'; Charles L. Scott, formerly of California, now residing in Alabama; George S. Hawkins, of Florida; Martin J. Crawford, L. J. Gartrell, and James Jackson, of Georgia; L. Q. C. Lamar. and 0. R. Single? ton, of Mississippi; Wm. N. H. Smith and Ben ton Craige, of North Carolina; John McQueen, Wm. Porcher Miles, andM. L. Bon ham, of South Carolina; John Hi Reagan, of Texas; D. C. DeJarnette, Roger A. Pryor, Thomas S. Babcock, Shelton F. Leak, ex-Gov. Wm. Smith, A. S. Edmundson, of Virginia, and others. The exception of the Thirty-seventh Con? gress was made expressly to include the case of General John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, who left his seat as United States Senator, and subsequently became a major-general of the Confederate Army, and towards the close of the struggle Secretory of War at Richmond. The list of judicial officers disqualified in? cludes Jno. A. Campbell, former Justice United States Supreme Court, now engaged in a lucra? tive law practice at. New Orleans; James D. Halyburton, former United States Judge for the Eastern District of Virginia; J. W. Brock enbrough, and others less conspicuous. Wheth? er former United States marshals and district attorneys come under this exception or not may be a matter of doubt. It would seem not, but what Judge Bond or Judge Underwood would decide in the cose of a political opponent, the Lord only knows. The chances are he would go to Albany. Of the officers of the array and navy who resigned and went South, some two hundred and fifty in number, there are probably not one-hali left alive. Lee is dead, and so are Albert Sidney Johnson, Garnett, Lay, D. R. Jones, Whiting, W. H. Stephens, Pegram, Stuart, Van Dorn, O'Hara, Magruder, Forrest, Tatnal, and many more. Or the survivors under disabilities we have General Samuel Cooper, the Confederate Adjutant General at Richmond; Generals Joseph E. Johnston, Bcauregard, Braxton, Bragg, Sam. Jones, Har dec, Pemberton, Hood, Stephen D. Lee, D. H. Hill, B. S. Ewell, G. W. Custis Lee, son of the freat General Robert. Lee; Fitz Lee, Dabney T. Haury, and Colonels L. B. Northrop, Com? missary General at Richmond; R. B. Lee, Larkih Smith, S. C. Myers, Confederate States Quartermaster General, <nd others. Of the naval men there are Com :odore M. F. Maury, distinguished by his sei? ititle researches and for mapping out the lines for ocean sailing vessels; Captain Brooke, inventor of the favor? ite gun of the Confederacy called after his own name, and prior to 1860 of the system of deep sea soundings; Captain Semmes, of the Ala? bama, and a few others. None of these are in political life or aro desirous of office, and all probably are in private pursuits. Jacob Thompson, of Mississippi, now in Eu? rope, is the only head of a department left i alive who aided the Confederacy. General j Henry R. Jackson, of Georgia, and General Wm. Preston, both eminent in the military | service of the Confederacy, are most prominent on the list of those who left diplomatic posi? tions abroad in order to enter the Southern service. . .1 The absurdity of retaining these exceptions is evident by a glance at those who have been relieved by laws now in force, or who, if living, would be relieved. In the last category we find William L. Yancey, who laid the basis for the secession movement by the secession from the Charleston Convention in April, 1860; R. Barnwell Rhett, of Sooth Carolina, who for many years before the war favored disunion; and in the list of those relieved such entreniists as Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia; Robert W. Barnwell, of South Carolina; General Ju bal A. Early, Lewis E. Warne and Henry A. Wise, of Virginia. The following members of Mr. Da vis's cabinet are no longer under disa? bilities : L. Pope Walker, of Alabama; James A. Seddon of Virginia; George Davis, of North Carolina; G. A. Trenholm and C. 5. Memrainger, of Sooth Carolina; and T. H. Watts, of Alabama, making a majority of those who served in such capacities. Among the military men already relieved are General Gordon, of Georgia; General Forrest, of Ten? nessee ; and Wade Hampton, of South Caro? lina. . It is a noteworthy fact that among the num? ber relieved and therefore able to hold office are some of the most inveterate^ Bourbons; while on the list of the disfranchised are a number of gentlemen of the most moderate and temperate opinions. In a word, there is no principle whatever upon which the existing disfranchisements can be maintained, and no public good whatever to be promoted. That one in fifty of this small number would ever be an aspirant for a Federal position is regard? ed by well-informed persons as exceedingly improbable; and if any are still obnoxious it must be remembered that in a very few years probably not one in ten of those heretofore prominent will be left alive. A younger class of men are already shaping the sentiment and action of the South in all matters affecting its relations to the Union. A Mere in the Bight Direction?The Dan? gers Ahead. We were so much gratified at the action of the General Assembly yesterday in the limita? tion of the number of attaches, that we are in? clined to administer to the members a modicum of what the Union is pleased to term "insidious Democratic flattery." As will be seen in our report of the proceed? ings of the Legislature, the attaches of the Senate have been fixed at fifteen, and those of the House at twenty-four. This is a large number compared to former times, but it is a great reduction from last year. It was author? itatively stated during the canvass of the last State election, that there were 567 attaches during the session of 1871-72. At any rate, pay certificates were issued to that number.? The difierence between 39 and 567 is quite ap? parent. If the expenses in all departments of the Government are reduced in the same ratio, or in anything like the same ratio, the work of reformation will have been no less satisfactory than surprisingly accomplished. There is evi? dently an excellent temper in the Legislature, to begin with. The Conservative element is not only greatly improved, but the Republican members also seem of better disposition than in any of onr preceding Assemblies. The ma? jority of the colored members are new men. They are illiterate in a great measure, it is true, but not more so than those whose places they fill. Moreover, they have not yet felt the tempting power of greenbacks. They are fresh from their constituency and are impressed with the importance of retrenchment and economy in the management of the affairs of State. If the corrupting influence of the lobby can be kept down, we are encouraged to believe that the new Assembly will do honor to itself, please good men of all parties and render valuable service to the State. There is not a great deal left to steal now, and the integrity of the new j members will probably not be put to such se? vere tests as was that of our two preceding ' Legislatures. The bonds of the State being I worthless, there is no reason to apprehend any corrupt schemes in reference to them, the credit of the State being so low, too, there will proba? bly be no more fraudulent attempt to secure State aid for railroads or other apparently laud? able enterprises. The Senatorial election and the tax bill are the only two trying ordeals so far as now ap? pears, through which the Assembly will be called upon to pass. Two of the candidates for the United States Senate professed to base their hopes of election upon the use, or per? haps we might more correctly say, the promise of moneys Such men in any well ordered community would be damned at once. They ought to be damned here, and we shall do all in our power to effect that desirable end. The candidates we refer to are J. J. Patterson and Robert K. Scott. The one is the tool of Cam? eron, of Pennsylvania, and could not in any sense represent South Carolina in the Senate; the other, though perhaps not the tool of any particular person or clique, would be if he could, and is not one whit better, that we cau sec, than his illustrious competitor. But it is not against the character or capacity of the men that we care to inveigle. Neither one of them would effect any good certainly, nor could they do much harm perhaps to South Carolina as members of the Senate of the United States. It is the corrupt means they propose to employ in their endeavor to secure their seats which causes us to cry aloud against them. If the pernicious effects of that bribery which it is currently reported they are ready to resort to would extend no further than the mere Sena? torial election, though no less immoral, it would not be a matter of such grave concern as it is. Once the fingers of the now innocent colored legislator has felt the tingling touch of gold; once he is beguiled from the path of rec? titude; once be allows his desire for private gain to blunt his sense of public duty, he is lost. The present Assembly, which now does really seem to promise much of good, will in that event become but a counterpart of those of the last four years, and there will be no hope left for the extrication of our State from the toils which now surround her. As it was last winter, so it will be this, that no measure, however praiseworthv, can pas? the General Assembly unless it be paid for, nor will any fail, however noxious, if there be money to back it. The corruptionists ought to be frowned down at the beginning.?South Carolinian. A Dieect Vote fob President.?A direct vote for President and Vice President of the nation is favored by the Cincinnati Commercial. That journal remarks: "One of the inconven? iences of the electoral system is, that it is im? possible for the voter to distinguish between the candidates for the Presidency and the Vice Presidency. For example, there were thou? sands of voters who, had: the vote been direct, would have voted for Horace Greeley for Pres? ident, and Henry Wilson for Vice President; and possibly there were some Democrats who votea for Grant who would have preferred to vote for Grats Brown for Vice President. Un? der the electoral system there is no option.? The national convention names the candidates, and the electors who stand for those candidates, ! and are chosen by the people of a State, have I no alternative but to cast their votes for them whea they meet at the State Capitol." The Abbeville and Anderson Markets. But for its length, nnd our limited space this week, we would publish in our columns an editorial of the Anderson Intelligencer in reply to ours on the above subject. We are pleased to see that our friend at least has not lost his temper. We can assure him too that onr equanimity has not been in the least dis? turbed, and that even if such had been the case, we could scarcely have avoided following the example of good temper and good taste which our friend has so fully manifested in his reply. If a want of temper be evidence of the weakness of one's cause, he at least is not ob? noxious to such a charge. But our friend expresses surprise that the article of the 3fedium awakened no response from us until it appeared in the columns of the Intelligencer, and seems to intimate that we might have some covert reason for selecting the latter paper rather than the former as an antagonist in the controversy. The explana? tion is so simple and intelligible that we need not go very far to find it. That article emana? ted from an unknown writer, and appeared in a corner of the paper, without note or com? ment from the editors, and hence, perhaps would not have elicited a remark from us, if the Intelligencer had not republished it, and by its endorsement given it a currency and impor? tance which did not at first belong to it. As the production of a nameless correspondent, we were disposed to ignore it; but, as the ex? pressed, and carefully weighed opinion of an enlightened and influential journal, it deman? ded an answer, if answer could be made. This statement in itself would seem to be a sufficient reply to the answer of the Intelligen? cer to our charge that editorial and communi? cation did equal injustice to the merchants of Abbeville. The Intelligencer contends that its editorial made no charge, direct or indirect, against the Abbeville merchants. But the communication charged that it was "a shame and a scandal" that Abbeville farmers had to sell their produce and buy their groceries in Anderson, and the Intelligencer would seem to justify the charge by claiming for Anderson that it is "the best cotton market in the up country, and furnishes every desirable article at the lowest prices." Admit that the charge is not made directly, is it not implied in re publishing such an article with such comments ? If a town forty miles further from the seaboard, and with no greater natural or artificial resour? ces can pay one half cent more for cotton, and sell goods cheaper than the other, is not the latter justly amenable to the charge of a want of enterprise and business tact? The Intelli? gencer would justify the charge by vouching for the facts upon which it is based. But next, as to the proof of the facts them? selves?the high price of cotton and the cheap? ness of goods in the Anderson market?the Intelligencer relies very much on the fact that Anderson does attract the Abbeville farmer, and thinks it very irrational to explain this on the ground of a lack of information on his Eart, or upon any other supposition than that e promotes his interests by selling and buying in the Anderson market. Intelligent farmers I in the upper part of our District nave sugges? ted to us other reasons than the superiority of the Anderson market that it has succeeded in attracting a number of Abbeville farmers from that section. In the first place, many of the Anderson firms have business connections with Abbeville, and have made no small effort to secure its trade, by giving employment to the elite of its young men. Again, Anderson is equally near the Abbeville line, and more ac? cessible than Abbeville, because the roads are better. The deep mud of some of the Abbe? ville roads would be sufficient to turn the scale against her, where other considerations are equally balanced. Admitting that Anderson nominally pays more for cotton than Abbeville, we gave the experience of a siugle farmer, in explanation, without vouching for its general application. The Intelligencer regards that experience as very inconclusive, unless the accuracy of the Abbeville and Anderson scales had been com? pared and tested. We merely cited the fact for what it was worth, and suggested how an increase of price might be more than counter? balanced by a loss of weight. We certainly did not intend to impugn the integrity or skill of the sworn weigher, Mr. Fant. A defect in the scales would furnish a simple explanation. To remove all ground of complaint in .Abbe? ville, it has been deemed proper to discard the common platform scales, and procure the im? proved New York beam scales. Perhaps An? derson would do well to follow her example. In what we said in this connection as not cred? itable to the Anderson buyer, we cheerfully make the amende?our remark was unguarded, and founded on a misapprehension. As to the comparative cheapness of goods in the two markets, we would advert to the facts set forth in our article, and we have the au? thority of the Intelligencer itself for holding that "facts arc stubborn things." The bill which we hold establishes the fact that on the 19th of September, 12 pounds of bacon were sold to an Abbeville farmer at 16J cents per pound, when Abbeville was selling bacon at 13$ cents. The Intelligencer suggests that it was likely country bacon, which brings a better price; but a friend tells us that this is too early in the season for country bacon. Again he suggests that the extra charge may have arisen from its being on an account of a year or two's standing. The bill itself precludes any such supposition. The Intelligencer states that it has examined a number of accounts, where the Srice charged was 15 cents per pound at the ate mentioned. But this is higher than the Abbeville rates. In conclusion, we would briefly say that if Anderson pays more for cotton than Abbeville, the natural presumption is, that as Abbeville often pays more than foreign prices warrant, the Anderson buyer is at least compensated in an increased price of goods. And this, we learn, is substantiated by the admission of an Anderson merchant himself.?Abbeville Press and Banner. Ax Old Church.?The Old South Church, at Boston, which has stood for one hundred and forty-three years, and which was saved by the exertions of the firemen, during the recent ex? tensive conflagration, has undergone a varied experience of vicissitudes of life. During the occupation of Boston by the British army, it was used successively as barracks, as stables, and as a theatre, by the English officers. Du? ring the late civil war, it was used as a recruit? ing station, and after the recent fire it was again occupied as barracks, by the troops en? gaged in patroling the streets of the burned district. The Old South Church has, however, at last yielded to the march of improvement, and will probably never more be used for re? ligious purposes. It has just been leased to the United States, for a Tost Office, and the work of reconstructing the interior for the ac? commodation nud distribution of tho mails will soon be commenced. ? Adam Smith, the great political econo? mist, makes the following curious definition : "Man is an animal that makes bargains. No other animal does this; uo dog exchanges bones with another." A Curious Murder Trial. Probably the most novel and original termi? nation of proceedings against a man for mur? der that is on record occurred in California last month, and was briefly mentioned in our tele? graphic news at the time. In 1870 a man by the name of McLaughlin, usually called Tim McLaughlin for shortness, read in a San Fran? cisco publication of ill repute, a paragraph re? flecting upon his wife. McLaughlin lived in Sacramento, and for some reason or other he took upon himself to suppose that one Lund holm, also of Sacramento, had written the objectionable article. It does not appear that he had any reasonable grounds for his suspi? cions, as Lundholm is described as a peaceable, well-conducted German, who pursued the avo? cation of a barkeeper in a lager beer saloon, dispensing the mild beverage which formed the staple of trade in the establishment where he gained his livelihood, with quietness and a careful attention to the wants of his customers. Such a person would hardly be supposed to be likely to seek reputation in the field Mc? Laughlin ascribed to him. But at any rate the latter chose to consider that Lundholm wrote the paragraph, and he visited the place where the man was employed and charged him with the authorship. The imputation was at once denied. Here the accounts of the affair that have reached us become foggy; but the result of the interview was that Luudholrawas shot dead by his visitor. It is not clear wheth? er he was shot because McLaughlin thought he wrote the scurilous paragraph, or because he had been guilty of discourtesy in denying Mc? Laughlin's assertion that he had written it. But he was shot, and it probably made little difference to the unfortunate Lundholm, which was the precise reason for his untimely taking off. McLaughlin was arrested for murder, and after innumerable legal proceedings, including the non-agreement of a jury in his case, was admitted to bail. In October be was tried again, and convicted of murder in the first degree, which everybody thought a righteous termination of his case. Just here, however, an embarrassment sprang up. This verdict set aside the proceedings admitting him to bail, and the Judge, feeliqg a ' delicacy about one who had been admitted to bail by the Supreme Court, adjourned the court without making any order as to the disposition of the prisoner. The consequence was that McLaughlin was permitted to walk out of court with bis counsel, his conviction of mur? der practically serving as a release for his Upl. His counsel made a motion for a new trial, ^ut as the convicted man at once left the city it is hardly expected that the motion will be very urgently pressed. Patbons of Husbajstdey.?The ultimate object of this Order is to promote mutual in? struction and protection, to lighten labor by diffusing a proper knowledge of its aims ana Enrposes, expand the mind by tracing the eautiful laws the great Husbandman has es? tablished in the Universe, and to enlarge our views of creative wisdom and power. It is evident to the most superficial observer, that succesjful efforts for the promotion of general welfare can only be secured by unity of action ; that unity of action cannot be se? cured without discipline, and that discipline cannot be enforced without organization, hence, the patrons, by a symbolized ritual, pleasing, beautiful aud appropriate, are bound together in mutual fraternity as with a baud of iron, yet in its application it is as gentle as that of a silken thread that binds a wreath of flowers. The ritual of the Order is designed not only to charm the fancy, but to cultivate and enlarge the mind and purify the heart, being at the same time strictly adapted to rural pursuits. Ladies are admitted to full membership as they work side by side with us in carrying on the work of the farm, and every father, brother or husband well knows that where he can be accompanied by his daughter, sister or wife, that no lessons will be inculcated but those of purity and truth. By means of this Order, the farmers and horticulturists of the United States, hitherto, as a class isolated, and as individuals, like a ship at sea without rudder, chart or compass, may secure combined co-operation for individ? ual improvement and common benefit. By establishing Granges throughout the country,' farmers may secure systematic arrangements for procuring and disseminating reliable infor? mation relative to crops, demand and supply, prices, market and transportation ; also for the purchase and exchange of stock, seeds, plants, trees, farming implements, &c. There has been an increase of over 1,000 Granges in the last two years. The popularity of the order among farmers?the bone and sinew of the land?has far exceeded the most sanguine expectations of the founders of the Order. It is fast becoming a mighty power in the land. Esto perpetua. A Romance of the Rothschilds.?The London correspondent of the New York World says that the very uppermost circles of society are agitated by a report of the imminence of an extremely unusual and startling event. A daughter of one of the Rothschilds is about to be married to a poor man, and this poor n.an is a Christian ! The young lady who is thus about to break with the traditions of her fami? ly and disregard the teachings of her religion is the daughter of Sir Anthony Rothschild, and the man upon whom she is resolved to be? stow her fortune and her heart is the Hon. Mr. Yorke, a son of the Earl of Hardwicke. I hasten to nip in the bud the sympathy with which this news may be received by members of the Society for the Propagation of the Gos? pel among the Jews by adding that Miss Roths? child is not "converted," aud that she is not going to embrace Christianity, nor to renounce her own religion. She will remain a Jewess, and her husband will continue to be at least nominally a Christian. The disapproval with which the aged and excellent Baronet, her father, regards the match is said to be increased by his failure to discover in his prospective beanfils any qualities either of head or heart which could justify or even excuse what he re? gards as his daughter's infatuation, but then it must be remembered that he is not in love with Mr. Yorke, and that his daughter is, and this makes all the difference in the world. The Rothschilds have long formed a sort of royal family of their own?intermarrying only with their "cousins?and it is said that every possible means of persuasion have been brought to bear in vain upon this young lady to induce her to abandon her resolve. The reluctant consent of her father, or rather the withholding of his positive prohibition of the marriage, has at last been obtained, and the marriage, it is said, will soon be celebrated. ? A young nobleman, in a frightful railway accident, missed his valet. One of the guards came up to him and said, "My lord, we have found your servant, but he is cut in two." "Aw, is he?" said the young man, with a Dundreary drawl, but still with sonic anxiety depicted in his countenance. "Will you bo good enough j to see in which half he has got the key of my 1 carpet-bag?"