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Horace Crreelej's Speech at Louisville, Ky. We have had occasion heretofore to commend the good taste, propriety and common sense of Horace Greeley in making speeches during the pending campaign. It has been unusual, .we believe, for candidates for the Presidency to take the stump, but there can be no objection to the custom where the candidate demeans himself so well as Mr. Greeley. He is on a Western totir at the .present writing, and has been making speeches all along the route. We have selected the following from amongst his efforts while "swinging around the circle," and would especially ask its perusal by such colored men as may receive this number of our paper, viz: Citizens of Lotjisyllle : Standing on this soil of Kentucky, I ask you who are my asso? ciates in"the great Liberal movement of the day to bear testimony with me to certain truths, first, is it not true that we desire a Govern? ment of just and equal laws, which shall ex? tend equal favor and equal protection to every American citizen ? (Applause and cries of "That's so.") Is it not true that while we de? mand a repeal of all did franchise me nts, of all proscriptions of all Americans because of the part they bore in our late struggle, that we de? sire that no man shall be disfranchised.,1 that no man shall be proscribed; but that every man shall stand on an equal platform with ourselves? Is not.that the fact? (Cries of ""Yes, that's so.") Is it not true that we have no expectations, no purpose, no understanding that the rebel debt shall be paid, or the rebel j soldiers pensioned, or the slaves emancipated by the result of the war. paid for? Ib it not; true that we have no purpose, or expectation.' or understanding that any -of these things shall | be done. (Great applause and cries of 'Ton are right.") Now, fellow-citizens, I wish to call your attention to the aspect of this strug? gle which has not yet been presented. There is ho class of our citizens, no part of the American people, who have so real and great an, interest in the success of our Government as the colored people of this country. Though they know that we all admit their rights are perfectly secured by the Constitution, and that no one can go back of that, it is still their real interest that their rights shall not be only ac? corded, but that they should be fully accorded, that there shall be no opposition, no objection to their enjoying just the same political and civil rights that we do. It is their interests more than yours or mine, that all contention con? cerning black men and white men shall abso? lutely cease; that every individual shall be Judged and estimated according to his worth, with no respect whatever to color or condition. If our Government succeeds, there is no party, there is no considerable i?ction, there is really nobody left in the field opposing or objecting to their standing on a common platform of Ameri? can nationality. (Great applause.) I say, then it is their clear interest that our Government shall be welcomed* and ratified and approved by the entire American people, and yet it is'a very discouraging fact presented to us that there is no other class so generally and so bit? terly opposing us as they Are. There is no other class as a class who insist so thoroughly or misapprehendingly in misrepresenting us. I say not this to excite prejudice against them. They are ignorant, and their ignorance is not their own fault, though it is their and our mis? fortune. They are misled and we are calumi nated in their ears. Why, I have been repeat? edly asked to contradict assertions that I have been a negro-hater. Even on my way to this place one quadroon girl, on hearing me speak, said: "I would like to stick a knife into his heart. He sold my mother into Bichmond, Va." (Laughter.) I can imagine no reason why lies like that should be told. I can imagine no reason why good men and women should not everywhere discountenance and re? fute them. It is, I say, a misfortune of the. colored people, a misfortune of our people, that they as a class are steeled against us. They will not hear us. They do not believe us. They are told that this movement is a contrivance to St them enslaved again, virtually if not abso tely, and that all tue pretensions of the Cin? cinnati platform and Baltimore indorsement in favor of equal rights are frauds, are lies. If this party succeeds, says Mr. Wendell Phillips, you must conceal your property and take care of your arms. Now, fellow-citizens, I state these facts here, not that I would, have you think any worse of these misguided people: I state them because I want you Kentuckians to realize that igno? rance is a public peril; that yon cannot well afford to have a part of your people growing up in that dense unacquaintance with public men and public affairs that they can be de? ceived and misled as this people are. You must take care that they shall be educated, so that they shall be too wise, too well informed, to be thus misinformed and misguided. Fel? low-citizens, if our movement should prevail, as I trust it shall prevail, we will sweep away all this refuse of lies in three months, we will say to the-colored man, "We proffer you noth? ing except the protection of the laws: the same for you as for us; you have your living to earn as well as well as we; you will have to use all your abilities, all your energies, all your faculties, and .make the most of them you can. The laws do not favor you, but they will thoroughly protect you, and in three months, if we succeed, the colored people will be so disabused that the same men can never deceive them again, never again." But suppose we fail, and we may fail ? (A voice, "We are not going to fail.") If the colored men did not clieve that the power was against us, that the money was against us; if they did not realize ihat the Treasury, the army, the 100,000 office? holders, were all banded against us in a force which they believe we canuot overcome, they certainly would not be so universally hostile to us. Why, they think we cannot succeed and they want to be upon the winning side; that is a part of it, but tfieY are also deluded in regard to our purposes. We say we are not your ene? mies. We will not be your oppressors. We will not, though you have done us injustice. We will try a* well as we can to have your children educated and enlightened, so that the mistakes you have made cannot be made over again. That is where we stand. Now, fellow citizens, why do we condemn proscription? They mistake who say that there are only two or three hundred left, now forbidden to exer? cise the common rights of American citizens. It is not so; there are thousands, there are 5,000 disfranchised in the State of Arkansas alone, and the men who hold them disfranchised expect to carry that State against us by virtue of that disfracchisement. But it is not the number of the proscribed; men who are not under this ban feel themselves proscribed bo cause ethers are for an offence which was their offence as well. So long as you have a pro? scribed class in the country, men all around them, honorable, generous men will feel I ought to be proscribed the same as that man ; the difference was only by accident; he hap? pened to take an oath or fill an office before the struggle that I did not, but his guilt was no more than mine. Accident only makes him proscribed and leaves me free, so that so long as there shall be a proscribed class in this coun? try proscription will rankle in the hearts of millions of Americans, who feel that they them? selves are condemned and banned in the act which doom? their leaders. It is not for the sake of the proscribed alone that I speak; eve? ry community has the right to the best services of all its citizens. Men say to me, "Why, you donst wahi to elect Toombs or somebody else, do you?" No, I don't want to elect any "pf those men; but suppose other people do, who are you or who am I to say whether they shall or not It is not a question for me, but whether American citizens, whom you say, have the I same rights to vote and hold office for you, shall be at liberty to vote for the men they prefer, or shall be compelled to vote for the men you prefer. The question reaches not several hundreds hut several millions of our I people. Well, they say, what do the people care about this 7 The banks are making money, the people are prospering, manufacturers are thrifty; who cares that a few hundred or thou? sand men are'disfranchised? I care. I say a war which ended eight years ago ought to have had nearly, all' its bloody traces wiped out be? fore this time. (Applause.)' I say that while 1 we have often been amused with promises of general amnesty, the Government of the coun? try has practically been controlled by men-like Senators Morton and Chandler and General ! Butler, one of which Senators is saving, "Well, ! they all may/orgive the rebels if they will, hut I never can." JSow, that spirit is not one | which should rule a republican country; a re? publican should be generous and faithful; gen? erous to errors whereof the very last evil con? sequences have long since faded away. Grant that it was wrong, lndefensively wrong,"the at? tempt has been nobly battled and defeated. Grant that the whole Confederate movement, was as heinous as you please, still it was utter? ly defeated; it became a lost cause and there is no more probability, and I may say ho more possibility, of another serious attempt to divide the American. Union than there is of.an at? tempt'to disrupt and destroy the solar system. Never l?efore .did the ?niou stand so 'strong as to-day; neyer was its future so assured as to-day; and never did any movement result in ? more complete and utter discomfiture than the Confederate movement. Then, 1 say, seven and a half years after the last; shot was fired in behalf of that movement, it is time for amnes? ty, complete and perfect It is time for ob? livion of offences that so long since passed away. Fellow-citizens, we stand on the prin? ciples embodied in our platform; those princi? ples our adversaries do not assault ; they con? fess judgment, but they insinuate that a purpose is therein declared which is not our real purpose, and that we mean something utterly different, and, therefore, they proceed to attribute to us purposes which we never cherished, which we positively disavow, and which they ought to know are utterly absurd. The most important | of them are utterly forbidden by the Constitu? tion, and they know it No man can go to Congress or be chosen President without taking a solemn oath to sustain the Constitution, which absolutely forbids the payment of rebel debts or payment for. emancipated slaves. I com mend my ease to the sober judgment of the American people. I ask them to judge us without prejudice, without passion, and with spirits uninnamed by wrath and vengeance. I ask them to judge us as citizens who are sin? cerely trying to do what we believe best for our country, ana I do trust that passion and preju will not prevail, that we shall be judged as we are and not as we are represented, and that the beneficent triumph which will increase the value of every acre of land in the Southern States, which will increase the product of these States, make their people harmonious, black and white, and make them live in a more truth? ful, peaceful and fraternal relation than they have hitherto held towards each other will be secured. I trust that this result will be attained, and that generations to come shall rejoice over the inception, the progress and the triumph of j the Liberal movement (Applause.) Friends, I bid you good-night. At the close of his speech, Mr. Greeley re? tired amid cheers. The Neoeo's Future Home.?The New York Herald has two columns on "our negro population?its' political influence and labor movements." It argues that the negro being adapted by nature to a tropical climate, and being adverse to unnecessary labor, will ulti? mately go from Delaware, Maryland, Virginia. Missouri, North Carolina and Kentucky,! and from the upper, .and middle sections of Tennes? see, South Carolina and Georgia, to the more extreme portions of the South,,where produc? tion is more spontaneous, clothing lighter and cheaper, fuel less needed and costly habitationb unnecessary. We subjoin the concluding par? agraphs of the Herald's article: Two leading deductions may at this day be made: 1. There is and will be a steady exodus of) the negro population southward and into the tropics. 2. It will cluster in districts where the arable land is friable and easily worked, where vege? tation is most spontaneous, and where agricul? ture will return the largest products or wages with '.he least labor. These people have little individuality, and are very gregariouB; the current of migration will be swelled by their proclivity to follow their "crowd." Tnis disposition draws them to villages, towns and cities. A false pride since emancipation and an appreciation of the "greatness thrust upon them" have produced an aversion to menial service; they confound it with slavery, which it resembles. But they will endure it, if they can obtain with it asso? ciation, "finery, music and splurge," in which they delight In those districts where their population once becomes sensibly diminished a rapid disappearance will ensue. Personal f>roclivities govern them much more in their ocal, changes than do policy or politics. A wild fire for white immigrant labor is steadily opening in the Northern and Middle States' of the South; and on the movement of | the colored race largely depends its own ulti? mate fate in America. It may result in their colonization.?Bichmond W?g. ? It is a small debt, to be sure, and appa? rently not worth a serious thought. Why not j then pay it? Why be compelled to suffer the mortification of a dun? Why not take that little thorn out of your finger at once ? It will fester if allowed to remain, and cause ten times the trouble. Why not relieve the conscience of that little load ? You will feel better for it by so doing. Yon contracted the debt know? ingly and willingly. Did you mean to pay it ? Certainly you aid. Then why not do it at once ? Every day's delay increases, morally, the amount of your obligation. Remember, too, that your little debt, and a thousand other men's little debts, make a fortune for your creditor?tho poor printer, for instance. ? The following notice is posted conspicu? ously in a newspaper office out West: "Shut the door; and as Boon as you have done talking business, serve your mouth the same way." Joined to Their Idols?Let Them Alone. We despise, and the world with us despises, the creatures who, through the weakness or corruption of the black voters and the bayonets of the central power, complacently fill the of? fices of power and trust in South Carolina. It is our duty to leave no stone unturned to oust them from their positions. We should gather up and husband every influence, should hoard every resource, which may be used against them, and when the right moment arrives, de? liver them such telling blows as. In their satis faction with themselves, and with the fat livings and stealings they enjoy, they do Dot expect, and will not be prepared for. They taint the very air by their presence. It is lamentable, too. that their'B^efurTniluence ij? extending, And involving in its foJ ds the weak and thought? less. The comforts which their villainy brings them and the rotten -splendor in which they shine, are captivating to the unwary and the unsteady. The moral standard is manifestly lowered amongst us. A vile expediency, a. readiness to wink at successful profligacy, are becoming the order of the day; and men how embrace as an excuse for their participation in or connivance at wrong, i that it is the fashion, that when in Rome, one must do as Borne does. Itis the old corrupt plea .of the age, the usage of the time, which was,stigmatized by the in? dignant pen of Tacitus as .marking the worst corruptions of the times of the later Roman emperors. There is a downward tendency, a manifest inclination to swim with the tide, to catch the favoring breezes which will waft us smoothly along, albeit moral shipwreck may ensue, or we only gain a port where pestilence rages, and death holds carnival. Is it not a significant fact, that with its .corruption thor? oughly developed and .matured, its profligacy so rank, its conduct and tone so low and offen? sive, that every fool may know it, and even the blind see it, accessions are made to the ranks of the dominant party in South .Cardlina from among, the intelligent and cultivated classes? Men of party'who go into stich company pro? claim-their own dishonesty and confess that they have'been nought with a price, present or prospective. It is only, a just retribution which they are made to experience, that, when once fairly entered into their- corrupt society, they travel down an inclined plane and soon reach the bottom.: The greater absorbs the less,? They arc swallowed down, assimilated and speedily digested. The facility of temper, the moral obliquity, the want of balance, the lack of grounding in a sense of right and wrong, which led them .thither', now become so many weights around their necks and drag them to the deepest depths, where ho plummet line can ever reach them again. Their alacrity in sink? ing is aided by the kicks and cuffs of their new associates,' who naturally wish them to be so committed that they can no more escape. They compel them to prove their faith by their works, and such. degraded creed can only be vindicated: by. dirty work. The fiends of party, like the fiends of hell, rejoice over the arrival of every fresh recruit, and immediately set about moulding him into conformity witn themselves. For many months the Lunatic Asylum, the Penitentiary, the public schools, the school for the education of the deaf and dumb and the blind, have exhibited signals of distress.? Moneys appropriated for their support, though regularly collected from taxes and paid into the treasury, have not been available for then use. They live on charity and hope and the in? dulgence of their creditors. The. Professors in the University, the Judges on the Bench, all State employees, not belonging to favored rings, have been placed in straits from lack of their salaries. During all this time of distress and pressure, Radical rascals have rolled in wealth and splendor, driving in elegant carriages, robed in purple and fine linen, with duunouds on their fingers, and enjoy themselves traveling up and down. At this very time the Treasurer has paid Moses' pay certificates to the amount of $20,000 or more to the mythical Movere, Emmingen, Kipples, Marklea, and the like. He has met drafts upon the armed force fund in favor of another set of mythical and myste? rious beings, the Leggetts, Wilsons, Mooneys, and Heaven only knows who else. By the open, flagrant and admitted use of money, and amid scenes such as only pandemonium could equal,.bat not surpass, we have had a nomina? tion of candidates made which has already brought heavier opprobrium noon the State and a general protest outside its borders. Just at this juncture men born on the soil of South Carolina, bred .and trained in her schools, who nave breathed a pure moral atmosphere, to say the least, and who ought,-from the mere force of contract, if nothing else, with some of her scholars and statesmen, to be found on the side of honesty' and virtue, are seen to sneak into the rascally, thieving party of our oppressors. If they know anything, they-know that this Moses party is false to the core, and that its protestations of reform are all a lie, a sham and an impossibility. They know that they wero in favor of .the passage of the Blue Ridge swii die, and are largely interested in the re? demption of the. scrip. If placed in power again, they will undoubtedly levy a tax for this purpose. They will just as infallibly attempt to lovy a tax for payment of the interest on the bonded debt of $16,000,000, so urgently called for.;i short time since by Neagle, Scott and Parker. With a new lease of power, all dis? tinction between legal and illegal bonds will vanish. The validating bill was passed for a purpose which will not bo abandoned. It is a measure after the heart of Moses and his sup? porters. It is fraudulent and tricky. It ex? presses a falsehood, and hence is congenial to them, and will afford a large field and a golden opportunity for their manipulating hands.? Now, the new recruits know all this to bo true, just as well as the old stagers. They know thar. they go to the vilest set of men who ever filched or grasped the control of a State. Go? ing with their eyes open, thoy go with guilt in their hearts. No man can join rogues, knowing them to be such, and at the same time retain the good opinion of honest men. No man can roll in filth without becoming soiled. Men of State pride, of character for honor and truth, for bare honesty even, cannot tolerate the rene? gades who have turned their backs upon decen? cy and principle, and, with their associations, cast away their integrity as a burden no longer necessary to.be borne. Excuses, and pretexts, and protestations will not avail them. They have chosen their bed, let them lie on it. Those whom they desert and betray, equally with those to whom they betake themselves, | say to them: "Leave behind you all hope, yc who enter there."?Columbia Phoenix. I ? The Rochester Courier says: "A fond father in Rochester had suspected his daughter of having stolen moonlight walks with a lover whom he had refused her seeing, and, in com? ing homo the other night at a late hour, thought he saw his daughter's arm linked in with the hated lover's. The indignant papa took the young man by the collar, and was fiving him a good shaking, when he found he ad got hold of the wrong man, and soon learned that the parties were a highly respecta? ble married couple, who were coming home from prayer-meeting.'' Alexander Stephens' Plea for the Ku Klux. For some length of time it has been known that Hon. Alexander H. Stephens had written to Grant in behalf of the men who are now lying in Northern prisons under the Ku Klux Act of Congress. The letter, which was sent through the Attorney-General, has just been made pub? lic. We print Mr. Stephens' letter, together with the answer of Attorney-General Wilhams: Liberty Hall, GRA-ITT^BJDSVJIXE. GjL, 1 August e, 1872.. J To Bis Excellency U. S. Grant, President of the Vntitd States, Washington, D< C.: M? Dear Sib :?Of my own accord I make an appeal to your Excellency for clemency and mercy in behalf of all those prisoners now suf? fering ini penitentiaries ander.sentence of courts in seTeral States of the Union for a violation of the Act of Congress, generally known as the; KuKluxAet, or for violations of the Enforce? ment .Acts of Congress, under prosecutions founded upon the last named Act. .Not "* sin fie one of these parties is known to me, nor am acquainted in the slightest degree with the nature or character of the charges brought against them, nor with the facts upon which the conviction of a, single one of them was founded. My appeal is simply for clemency and mercy. It is founded upon these consider? ations : First. My impression from what .I have seen in the newspapers is that all these .convictions rest upon prosecutions for offences committed before the passage of the Ku Klui Act. It is, I believe, well known that I was utterly Op? posed to all those combinations known as Ku j Klux organizations. Without, therefore, say j ing anything about outrages of this sort, either in extenuation or condemnation, before .the ! passage of the act of 1871 for their suppression by the Federal authorities, I repeat that my impression is, that no ope in whose behalf I make this application committed an offence for which he is now suffering after the passage of this Act. This view of the case, it seems to me, should have weight with your Excellency. Second. The great .purpose of the govern-1 ment, it seems to me, has been accomplished. I believe that no .one now has any serious ap? prehensions of any further disturbances of this sort. Indeed, as I said before, none, as I be-j lieve, have occurred since the passage of the Act for their suppressipa-by Federal authority. Third. When the object of punishment upon the individual and upon society is accomplished, lenity should be the rule with all Governments. Fourth. Many of these parties, I understand, are infirm, a few of them old,,several of them have families dependent upon them, all of them have suffered severely. For these reasons, I ask I you, by the authority vested in you, to grant them, one and all, a general pardon. I will present you with no view founded upon the constitutionality of the Act under which they are suffering, or even of its doubtful constitu-1 tionality, but appeal to you to do, as Mr. Jeffer son did with those who were imprisoned under j the Alien Act of 1798, give them a release un der the pardoning power wisely lodged in such cases in the hands of the Executive. If, my dear sir, this petition cannot be grant-j ed. I trust it will not be deemed obtrusive. Let ] it be attributed solely to my deep sympathy for all who are in.prison. This appeal I shall put in the hands of others, who I nope may, after giving it their endorsement, forward it to you. Most rerpectfuily, I ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS. the attorney-general's reply. Washington, September 16, 1872. Alexander H.Stephens, Esq., Crawfordsville,Ga.; Sir :?I have received jour letter of the 6th ultimo, addressed to the President, and by him referred to me, in which you ask that a pardon may be granted to all of those prisoners now suffering in penitentiaries under sentence of Courts in several States of the Union for vio- j lation of the Act of Congress generally known as the Ku Klux Act, or for violation of the En- j forcement Acts of Congress under prosecutions:] founded upon, the last named Act, You repre sent that you are not acquainted in the slight? est degree with the nature or character of the I charges brought against them, nor with the facts upon which the conviction of a single one of them was founded. Your application seems to be based chiefly upon an impression that all the convictions fest lipon prosecutions for o'f- ] fences committed before the passage of the Ku Klux Act, to which you subjoin as additional considerations that some of the parties are old and infirm, and have suffering families, togeth? er with an opinion that the purposes of the Government have been accomplished>and that] no one has any serious apprehensions of any further disturbances. I have not examined the eases with particular reference to the time ] I when the' offences were committed; but as most, if not all the convictions were for con- ] spiracies, which are continuing crimes, I take it for granted that the parties convicted were either of entering into conspiracies after the ] I passage of the Act or participation after that ] -time m conspiracies previously formed. I am j , duly sensible of the sufferings produced by the imprisonment of the persons upon whose behalf you appeal for clemeucy, and sympathize with their families and friends; but the guilt of some of the parties is so great and so clear that I cannot, with a due regard for the administra? tion of the law, recommend them as you desire for an indiscriminate pardon. Contrary to your opinion, well-informed persons in those locali? ties where the Ku Klux organization are said to exist, inform me that they have grave appre? hensions that other disturbances mil occur, es? pecially if thero is less vigor than heretofore shown by the Government in the punishment , of lawlessness and crime. Some time since the attention of the Presi? dent was called to those prisoners from the Southern States confined in the Albany Peni? tentiary, and a reliable officer was forthwith dispatched to oxaminc their cases, and his re? port thereon was, in sorao respects, favorable; out as soon as the fact was known, certain jour? nals circulating among those most likely to be affected by such representations, declared that the sole object of the President's action was to influonce votes in the approaching election, and more than intimated that Ku Klux out? rages hereafter would go nnwhipped of justice. I can assuro you that the Acts of Congress in question impose upon the President an un? pleasant duty, and one which he would, if con? sistent with his official obligations, gladly avoid; and I know it would afford him great satisfac? tion if the Ku Klux and other similar associa? tions would disband themselves and instead of cultivating tho passions of hatred and revenge, cultivate peace and good feeling among all elasscs of the community. I am happy to learn, as I do from various sources, that crimes by the Ku Klux are less frequent than heretofore, in consequence of which there is a growing feeling of security among peaceable citizens, and this improved j condition of things, I think is duo to a proper | enforcement of the law; and while I am bound to say that so long as these crimes continue, the offenders will be prosecuted with all possi? ble promptitude and vigor, I have no hesitation in adding, that when the President is satisfied that the danger from Ku Klux violence has ceased, and that such unlawful associations have been abandoned, he will be ready to exer erci8e Executive clemency, in all cases, in the most liberal manner. The cases of those who are in prison will be examined in due time, and to such as are found to have been the ignorant dupes and victims of designing men, as is al? leged to be tr?e in some cases, it is probable that a pardon wiil be granted, but the charge -that some of these convicts have been guilty of shocking barbarities, and in some instances murder, renders it necessary to make a separate investigation and decision in each case. Very respectfully, GE?. H. WILLIAMS, Attorney-General. Greeley and Giwdfe. The advocates of President Grant's re-elec? tion cannot successfully refute the charge that theircandidate is wholly unfit to fill.tYe Presi? dential office; but they endeavor to biis*t it by declaring Horace Greeley unsuitable, and hot fit to be trusted in any position requiring ad? ministrative ability. The allegation is very! extraordinary when Mr. Greeley.'s career is considered. If he, instead of General Grant, ! had received the nomination of the Philadel? phia Convention, we should have a very differ? ent story from the Radical orators and editors. Had such an event occorred, we should now; hear and read from these same orators and edi t tors how Mr. Greeley commenced the publica? tion of the New York Tribune in 1841, without partner or business associate, with but six hun? dred subscribers, and a cash capital of a thou? sand dollars, and, by his indomitable energy, skill, industry, and administrative talent, made it one of the greatest if not the most influential and lucrative public journals in the United States. The New York Tribune has been be? fore the public for thirty-one years, and its ap? preciation-is shown in the patronage it has at? tained. When Mr. Greeley.'s nomination for the first office in the gift of the nation caused him to retire from his editorial duties he was at the hesxl of one of the most powerful and widely-circulated papers in the world, the suc? cess of which was incontestibly due to his in? tellectual superiority and administrative talent. Not only Horace Greeley brought the Tri? bune from nothing to its present status, but for a quarter of a century he has exercised greater influence over Northern sentiments than any other man or any other fifty men. A citizen of such rare intelligence and business habits, if honest and patriotic could hardly fail to make a good President. The history and eminent success of the Tribune flatly contradict the ac? cusation that there is anything unstable or wavering in its former .editor's character. As Senator .Sumner. justly observed in his last speech before leaving for Europe, "Not to put faith in Horace Greeley is to act not only with? out evidence, but against evidence so manifest and constant in unbroken continuity as to seem like a law of nature. As well, distrust the sun in its appointed course." If Greeley is elected we shall have for the next four years, a competent, wise and honest chief Magistrate. The corruptions bred by Grahtism will vanish before him as unwhole? some exhalations before the sun, and where all is corruption and dishonesty now, will be straightforward dealing then. The contrast between the two candidates for the Presidency is as striking as between the parties they represent. Radicalism and Liber? alism are not more dissimilar than Horace Greeley and U. S. Grant. We have already given briefly an estimate of the character and qualifications of the one. With the character and qualifications of the other the people are nretty well acquainted. President Grant has been .nearly tour years in office, and yet he has learned nothing of statesmanship, and does not even so much as comprehend the nature of our Government. We have no idea that the pre? sent incumbent at all comprehends what the duties and responsibilities of the Presidential office are. He seems to be possessed of a vague sort of notion that the nation is a great milita? ry camp, and that he is called upon to rule it accordingly. Of narrow and contracted mind, and all the education be has ever received hav? ing been of a purely military character, he has no conception of a government that is not ar? bitrary. The time of war has passed, and that of re? conciliation and peace come. Seven years ago the civil war ceased, and surely it is time that hostilities should cease. The results of the war are fully appreciated and acknowledged by the South. Grant and his followers insist j upon keeping the war issues before the people. The victory which has long ago been acquiesced in with all its results they .constantly flaunt in the faces of the vanquished. This certainly is not calculated to bring about reconciliation, for fraternal feeling ie not germinated by the reit? eration of ancient, feuds.. The wounds of the mind, as well as of the body, require the skill? ful touch of the healer's hand. Gentle treat? ment will go a great deal further toward effect? ing a cure than the caustics constantly applied by the Grantites. We have said that there is a world of differ? ence between the two candidates for the Presi? dency. It is so. Greeley is ftn active, indus? trious, self-denying and energetic man, who has succeeded in pretty much everything he has undertaken. , Grant, on the other hand, is an ignorant and self-indulgent person, whose ideas of government arc derived from the camp, and who is rendered greatly more dangerous than he would otherwise be because of the sin? ister influences brought to bear on him. Gree? ley would spend the time that Grant devotes to pleasure seeking iu assiduous labor for the na? tional welfare. During his term of office exe? cutive business at Washington will occupy the President's time instead of idleness, pleasure excursions and loiterings by the sea. Greeley will consider it his first duty to keep public affairs straight, while tho present incumbent leaves public affairs to keep themselves straight. To decrv Horace Greoley's administrative ability iu favor of Ulvsscs S. Grant is one of the most absurd of all absurd things. Graut has no other idea of politics than to advance his own interest and that of his relatives and friends. He is in all respects wanting in tho qualifications of a President Greeley, on the other hand, is a man alike of sense and pa? triotism. ? We want religion that goes into the fami? ly and keeps the husband from being spiteful when dinner is late, and keeps the dinner from being late?keeps tnc wife from fretting when he tracks the newly washed floor with his mud? dy boots, and makes the husband mindful of the scraper and the door-mat?keeps the moth? er patient when the baby is cross, and keeps the baby pleasant?amuses the children as well as instructs them?wins as well as governs? i projects the honeymoon into the harvest moon, ' and makes the happy hours like the Eastern ! figtree, bearing in its bosom at once the beauty I of the tender blossom and the glory of the I ripening fruit ? It is a common fault never to be satisfied with our fortune nor dissatisfied with our un? derstanding. Moses and Melton and the Bine Ridge R. R. Are the people of this State fully awake to the consequences which must follow from the election of General Moses, as Governor, and Judge Melton, as Attorney-General, in the im Sortant matter of the Blue Ridge Railroad crip ? ? *? Do they understand that the "power behind the throne," the power which nominated Gen. Moses, was John J. Patterson ?"Honest John," of Blue Ridge Bail road and Greenville Bail road notoriety ? And if they know this, do they thoroughly realize what the object of this "honest" patriot must have' been in thus making General Moses the figure-head and the State H ouse Convention the body which was to .serxe the purposes of his ambition ? " Look at the matter "even-hastily, and sen iwhat must follow the election of General Moses so. far as the business is concerned! By an extraordinary stretch of legislative consciences last winter, the Bhie Ridge Rail? road ring secured the passage of ? law which .practically gave them $1,800,000 of the money of the people, without the people receiving one single equivalent in return. This gift was in the shape of scrip, reUeSmable at the State Treasury. There Was no shadow of excuse for such a costly present to such a - Ring,.and Mr. Gary, our candidate for State Treasurer, whose services in this case always merited the highest praise, went before Judge Willard and obtained a decree enjoining the issue, use or payment of this illegal scrip. The decision of Judge Willard is to be re? viewed by the Supreme Court, and he cannot sit at the hearing of the appeal. Another Judge most take his place, and that Judge is to be selected and commissioned, specially, by the Governor. Now, does any one doubt what sort of a judge General Moses would select to hear this case? Does any sane, or intelligent man suppose for one instant that this contingency has not been provided for, and that General Moses, if elected Governor, will appoint any other man as judge for this case than one in favor of the interests of the Ring. And is it all likely that "honest John" would have used his mighty power in the interests of Judge Melton as a candidate for Attorney-Gen? eral, unless he felt sure that as Attorney-Gen? eral, he would have no part in the prosecution I of the suit of Mr. Gary? These views are not I particularly new, nor for the first time ex? pressed, but the importance of the subject war? rants a frequent repetition of them, that there may be no possible plea of ignorance set up, if the voters of this State saddle themselves with an illegal debt of $1,800,000, by wilfully or de? linquency sanctioning, by their votes, the election of General Moses and Judge Melton.? Charlatan Republican. Interview with Capt. Tapper, who alleges that He Shot Caldwcll In Self-Defence. "Picket," the Columbia correspondent of the Charleston News, visited the jail in which Cap? tain George ?. Tupper is confined, on Tuesday evening, and there found Colonel Montgomery who, although' promptly released, voluntarily shares the confinement and prison fare of his I friend Tupper. At the request of the corres? pondent they gave a plain statement of the shocking occurrence at Pollock's restaurant, I and of the incidents immediately preceding the [ rencontre. The following is their account of the affray: At the Columbia Hotel Col. Montgomery invited him (Tupper) to dine at Pollock's and the latter told Montgomery that he had told his family that he would probably not be at home to dinner, as he had an important en? gagement. Tupper and Montgomery then walked down to the Pollock House, where din? ner was immediately ordered. They met there Mr. Theo. Stark, an old citizen and former Mayor of the city, with whom a short conver? sation was held. Dinner being announced, Colonel Montgomery and Tupper want into i the dining room. Colonel Montgomery re I quested Tupper to sit at the head of the table, and the latter did so. [Note.?The head of the table faces the door entering from the bar. A side door on the left of the table leads out of the dining hall between the head of the ta? ble and the entrance,] Just at this moment Messrs. F. H. Elmore, Fielding and Lawrence Taylor came in. Colonel Montgomery asked them to dine. They declined, saying they had ordered can er. Colonel Montgomery then asked them to drink, and beer was ordered for five persons. The servant entered, and, at this moment, Tupper states he saw Captain Caldwell looking in at the door of entrance. to the dining-hall, and then close the same. He did not think it at all strange, supposing he was. looking for some, friend. Half-a minute had not elapsed after this, when Judge Melton came into the room followed by Captain Caldwell and Major Morgan; and before Colonel Montgomery had 1 time to know of their approach, he (Montgoin I ery,) while sitting in his chair cutting a piece of meat, was violently assaulted by Judge Mel? ton, several severe blows being inflicted upon his face, when Melton fell on him with his immense weight, causing Colonel Montgomery to reel from his chair on the floor, Judge Mel? ton upon him, continuing his blows in rapid succession. The prisoner states further that before he could .offer any assistance to his friend Montgomery, he (Tupper) had received a severe blow in his right eye, inflicted with the fist of Capt Caldwell, the latter having a pistol in his right hand at the time, and re? marking, as he struck him, (Tupper,) "By G?d, I am here." To which Tupper states that he replied, "So am I!" returning the blow, which staggered Captain Caldwell, when Morgan struck him (Tupper) a heavy blow over the left of the forehead, and then both Caldwell and Morgan rushed upon him very excitedly, grappling with him (Tupper,) endeavoring to get him to the ground. Tupper avers that their treatment was very violent, forcing him down more than once, and pressing him to the wall, giving him no quarter at all. Tupper states further, that his opinion is that he would have been killed if providence had not come to his aid. This is Captain Tupper's statement, as taken down from his lips in the prison. During the time of this fight, as stated by him, Melton and Montgomery were fighting on the floor, and continued to fight until separated after Caldwell had been killed. The third shot which passed out of the side door, above de? scribed, struck in the alley-way, and is pre? sumed to have been fired at Melton. ? England paid the United States last year for cotton $184,000,000, and by making it up into fabrics she added $188,000,000 of value to it as a profit?more than double her money. Notwithstanding this and various other results of the same kind, the splendid water privileges of the South are unimproved. Now is the time for capitalists to make investments that promise more than ordinary result*. ? An exchauge thinks that the member of the Louisville Convention who moved to ad? journ until the 20th of November must have been drunk. Bnt he was not drunk. Be was the member who was sober.