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HOYT & 00., Proprietors. ANDERSON 0. H., S. C, THURSDAY MORNING, JANUARY 25, 1872. VOLUME YK?NO. 20. The Ventilation of Got. Scott In the House of Representatives. As a part of the history of the times in which we live, and not from any admiration of the style adopted, we give below a fall report of the discussion in the House of Representatives last week, in which Gov. Scott was freely ventilated before the public, for his official and private actions: Special Correspondence of the Charleston News. Columbia, January 15. Whatever the object or whatever may be the result of the present determined movement on j the part of the Reformers of the Assembly to oust Governor Scott from the high office which they claim he disgraces, it is certain that the agitation of the subject is day by day bringing to light such new forms and instances of rascal? ity, such new developments of official corrup? tion and mendacity, and such new proofs of the absolute and utter rottenness of the dominant party in this State as must go far toward Open? ing the eyes of the people, not only of South Carolina, but of the whole country to the char? acter of the scoundrels who have taken advan tage of the disorganization inevitably conse? quent upon a civil war to ride into power in the southern States. In the House, to-day, Mr. I Bowen made a four hours' tpeech, in the course of which he went from one misdeed to another, I ? charging fraud after fraud with such minute- j nets of detail as seemed to leave no donbt of their correctness, and covering the Executive of this State, if one-half of the charges be true, I with a load of infamy from which, in the eyes of any intelligent or honest man, he can hardly hope to clear himself At the conclusion of his speech, Mr. Bowen j retained the floor on a question of privilege, j Ho said that the Governor had, in his special { message, attacked him personally and by name, speaking of his "moral nakedness," &c., and he wanted to say. something in reply to that He j asked why it was, if he were so bad a man as the Governor said, that the Governor had re- j peatedly sent to him just alter his election to j the. Assembly, and begged him to go to see him at the Executive Mansion. He had gone there, he said, at the repeated and earnest invitation J cf the Governor, and there Scott bad offered, I if he would withdraw from the fight against I him, to support him (Bowen) for the next Gov- I ernor of the State, and to back that support I with all the power, all the influence and all the j patronage he could command. He had refused j the offer because be could not consent to help him cover up his swindles, and he cited the j Speaker of the House, who had been present f and heard the conversation, in proof of what he stated. Speaking of "moral nakedness," he said that he would show how a certain young I lady, a school-mistress in Walhalla, who had been persuaded to come down here by the wife j of this very Governor Scott, had been staying for one night under the roof of the Executive mansion, and how, when no one else was in the hoiwe, her room had been entered by Governor Scott and? This raised a perfect storm of interruptions. The chair was occupied by Lee, of Edgefield, j daring the temporary absence of the speaker, and he was kept busy alternately commanding silence and ruling upon points of order raised by the excited adherents of the Governor. By as objected to this invasion of the Governor's private history as unparliamentary and unbe coming, and the temporary chairman sustained that view of the case. Bowen didn't like that, j and made some remark about officers of the j House shirking their duty, which brought the I Speaker back to bis desk, to the evident relief I or Lee. Then Jamison, Jones, Mobley and a j half dozen others raised points of order, all of them amounting, when straightened into Eng-J lisb, to the proposition that Bowen had no bus- I in ess to attack Scott's private character. The j speaker overruled the point. He said the j member's language might be unbecoming, and he believed it was, but he knew of no law of parliamentary usage that forbade a member to attack the public or private record of any offi? cer, so long as he was not a member of the J House. He said that perhaps to-morrow the j boot might be on the other leg, and then some j members would see the justice of a ruling by which he refused to rob a member of the House of his right to criticise an officer. i This stilled the storm for a little while, and ] Bowen continued. There were, he said, men j in the penitentiary serving long terms of years lor doing that which Governor Scott had* that sight done to that poor woman under the roof of the Gubernatorial mansion, and this was the man who talked of "moral nakedness." He had written that woman a threatening letter, and it was that letter, shown by her to some sympathizing friends in Charleston, which had. furnished proof against him, and had shown * that even the Gubernatorial mansion furnished no protection for the virtue of a woman. Here By as again arose, and in the most exci? ted manner called Bowen to account. He didn't want to hear about the virtue of a woman, he didn't know what that bad to do with impeach? ment, and be threatened Bowen with expulsion and all manner of terrible things if he didn't stop. Mr. Bowen replied that he cared nothing for his threats, then, turning to the Speaker, he continued that he cared nothing for the threats of any man whose vote you could purchase any .day for a five dollar bill. This shot quite upset the little man from Or? angeburg, and, allowing his passion to get the hotter ot prudence, he rose to a question of privilege, and began to bluster out a denial. The Speaker asked him how he made the members remark apply to him, which caused a general laugh at the expense of Byas, and he gradually subsided. Bowen remarked that he had been bothered by that man about as long as he meant to be, and advised him not to put the coat on if it didn't fit. He then said that if time permitted he would proceed to show the ten or a dozen victims of the same crime that the Governor had committed on that poor young lady from \ Walhalla. He would like to trace his wander? ings and his crimes from Columbia to Washing? ton, where the books of Willard's Hotel would show him as registered with a notorious woman from Philadelphia, and to New York, and ex- j pose his visits to No. 112 West 26th street, a house that had been so notorious through his patronage that it was known as the Palmetto House. This brought a down more of the Governor's Hessians to their feet with all sorts of interrup- j tions. The Speaker repeated his former ruling, and Byas appealed from the decision of the chair. The House, however, sustained the speaker by seventy-two to twelve, and Bowen resumed. He said be could tell about another woman in New York?Pauline Markham he believed her name was?to whom the Governor had given diamonds worth seven hundred and fifty dollars, but Pauline said it wasn't enough. Mr. Bowen continued with these exposures at some length, the members sitting with their brogans elevated on Ingersoll-Dennis's furni? ture, smoking their pipes and cigars, and drinking in the salacious details of these reve? lations with appareut eagerness, until at five o'clock the House adjourned til] noon to-raor row, when the fight will be resumed with By as on the floor. Columbia, January 16. '' At the assembling of the House this morn? ing the floor was accorded to By as, who enter? tained the audience for two hours with his peculiar oratory. Sieveral attempts were made to dam the expected, stream of eloquence, hut without success. Hurley moved to suspend the unfinished business (the consideration of the Governor^ case, on which Byas had the floor) until after the call of counties. Lee moved to lay this motion on che table. Hunter moved to lay the whole matter on the table, and a va? riety of other motions were made, but all to no effect, and at 12.15 the little man from Orange burg started off. He began by promising to utterly demolish and annihilate Bo wen, whose statements of yesterday he declared were infa? mous, abominable, ;ind", as he put it, "faleus in untUf/alsus in totue" and proceeded with a loose, disconnected tirade against nearly every? body he could tbin tc of except the Governor. He lashed himself up to a pitch of rage that was terrible to see, and he alternately danced and shouted, expostulated, 'entreated, defied and denounced till he was almost white. The scene in the House during the delivery of this remarkable speech was one of the most char? acteristic of the session. The floor and galle? ries of the gorgeously-appointed chamber were crowded with a heterogeneous mass of human? ity, whereof the whites were yawning, listless, impatient and bored, and the colored people, male and female, were swayed and fascinated by that curious fervor peculiar to their race, which is only seen to perfection in their camp meetings and religious observances. Hardly a pretence of order vas maintained by the indul? gent Speaker, and the floor was covered with the lobbyists, spectators and the "slimy min? ions" of the Governor, as "Vyiuppw delights to call them, while the members were gathered in groups, discussing "goobers" and gossip, or lounging back in their arm-chairs with their Sonderous cowhides resting on their hundred ollar desks, and staring the sleepier spiders in the lofty ceiling out of countenance. The at? mosphere was hot and stifling with the heat of the lour great stoves mingling with the exhala? tions of the crowded audience, the fumes of their last a ight's pleasure, and the weight of invective and vituperation that loaded the air, while the pure sun light struggled in pencils through the damask lambrequins and tried to redeem the picture, but only rendered visible strata of dancing dust and curling clouds of incense from the surreptitious smokers. As to , the.speech itself no one appeared to take mueh notice of it?the reporters least of.all. It was a rehash of the arguments in the various mes? sages of the Governor, diluted and distorted, to be sure, but making up for that in length and vehemence. The member made some points, however, which must have been original, and of these the following may be taken as an av? erage sample: He said that the committee claimed the debt to be $22,540,000, but that they meant it amounted to that sum in paper money and not in gold. If they reduced that sum in paper to its value in. gold it would be found to be much less. That was the way the , debt ought to be stated, and then it wouldn't sound so big and frighten people. It took some fifteen minutes, and much unnecessary abuse of the English language and the opposition members, to elucidate this point, and this was the way that the two dreary hours were be? guiled. The thing had an eud at last, howev? er, and Byas gave way to Hurley, who "rose to 1 remark, and his language was plain," that the 1 Orangeman didn't quite know what he was talking about. He said he would make allow? ances, however, for the member's excited condi? tion and for the decoction in the nearly empty tumbler before him. He (Hurley) was strictly temperate in his habits and didn't get excited in that way, and, therefore, he wouldn't press the point. This brought Byas up again and led to a running fire of mutual abuse, until it was stopped by Whipper, who took the floor for a formal reply to the little man from Orange burg. General Whipper made an extended speech, with some strong points, against the Governor and his henchmen. He said they had attempt? ed .to shield themselves by impeaching the character of their accusers. As far, however, as he was concerned, if he had swindled the treasury, it could only have been by collusion with the Governor and Treasurer, and it ill be? came them, therefore, to attempt to accuse him. He was still in favor of the impeachment of the Governor, and he said that some members seemed to think it was necessary to go all through the evidence and prove him gurlty of the crimes alleged before they could impeach him, bat he reminded them that they were not a petit jury?they were not the judges in the case?they were, rather, like a grand jury, and if they were shown that there was probable cause for believing the Governor guilty of high crimes and misdemeanors, they should impeach him. He then proceeded with some exposures of the efforts of the Governor to avert his im? pending troubles. He openly charged him with bribing members of the House to secure their votes against impeachment, and charged that Congressman R. B. Elliott had been hired to come here and lobby to the same end, and had been paid $6,000 for his services. He men? tioned also T. J. Mackey as an industrious worker for the Governor. He didn't know just how much he had been paid, but Mackey wasn't a man to work for nothing, and he, doubtless, had received a handsome sum.? Pending the further remarks of the member from Bcaufbrt the House, at five o'clock, ad? journed till noon to-morrow, when Whipper will resume the floor and continue his argu? ment. From the Columbia Pliccnix, Jan. 18. The debate upon the report of the Joint Special Financial Investigating Committee and the special message of the Governor in relation thereto, was continued in the House yesterday, from 1 o'clock to 5 p. m. Whipper, who was in the midst of his speech when the motion to adjourn was passed Tuesday, resumed his re? marks. He said that the message of the Gov? ernor admitted the over-issue of bonds, as charged, but attempted to excuse himself un? der tho miserable subterfuge that the laws au? thorized such a method of raising funds, and j the extravagant appropriations of the Legisla? ture rendered the exercise of such authority necessary. The figures, however, did not ac? cord with the Governor's assertions, for the records of the Comptroller's office show the entire appropriations for the years 1868,1869 and 1870 aggregated but $8,613,826.91; the taxes collected amounted to $3,085,826.41, leav? ing an excess of appropriations of only $028, 000.49; and yet the Governor tells us he had to borrow $3,200,000 upon the bonds of the State to meet necessary expenses. The Constitution of 1868, said Whipper, ex? pressly provides, in Article IX, Section 12, that no money shall be paid out of the Treasury, i unless pursuant to an appropriation of the j General Assembly; and vet the Governor has, I by his own showing, used over $2,500,000, with-' out any appropriation whatever by the Legis-: lature, acting thus in flagrant violation of the Constitution which he had sworn to support, and rendering himself not only liable to im- ' peachment on the part of the Legislature, but deserving of prosecution in the criminal courts of the State. The $2,500,000 referred to, said be, which the Governor admits were issued, he attempts to justify under a false construction of the Acts to redeem the bills receivable, and j the Act authorizing the negotiation of a loan to pay the interest on the public debt; but the I greatest fraud.had been perpetrated undercolor j of the Act to provide for the conversion of) State securities, about which his Excellency bad been strangely reticent $10,000,000 of bonds, as shown hy the books of the Treasurer, had been issued under that Act, whereas but $1,162,000 of State stock had been converted. Another item, said he, in the financial portion of the Governor's message, to which he desired to refer, was in relation to the $200,000 of bonds bought up by the sinking fond commission.? These bonds, said he, the Governor informs us, must be deducted from the bonded debt of the State. He would have us believe that they are assets Of the State, or have been cancelled, whereas it is well known, and. can be proven, that they are pledged to the Financial Agent, and held by him as collatteral security for $900,000, which he claims is due him for com? missions. He then turned to the agricultural college land scrip fraud, and, in feeling and in? dignant terms, charged Governor Scott and the Financial Board of robbing the innocent and indigent children of the State of the charitable donation of the General Government intended to supply their educational wants. In proof of the charge that the land scrip had been sold for 84* cents per acre, and not 72, as returned by the Financial Agent, he handed in to the Speaker, and had read by the Clerk the follow? ing letters : Cleveland, Ohio, Dec. 5,1871. Eon. John B. Dennis, Chairman, dec., Columbia, S. C. Sir?Yours, of November 29, is received. During the fall and summer of 1870, I fre? quently called on Mr. H. H. Kimpton, Finan? cial Agent of South Carolina, in reference to the purchase of the college land scrip about to be issued to said State. The scrip was retail? ing at $155 per piece?about 97 cents per acre. I repeatedly offered to pay Mr. Kimpton $135 per piece?about 84$ cents per acre?for all of the South Carolina scrip. I also wrote and telegraphed to his Excellency Gov. Scott, de s.'.ring to buy the scrip. None of my communi? cations to Gov. Scott were answered by him, but Mr. Kimpton told me he had the sale of the scrip and I need not commuuicatc with any one further except John Thompson, of the First National Bank, of New York, with whom Kimpton had lodged the scrip. I went imme? diately to Thompson and there completed the purchase of a large portion of the scrip at $135 per piece, of 160 acres?about 84$ cents per acre. I have several bills of purchase from the First National Bank, of New York, similar to the enclosed. Had the State officers dealt fair? ly with me, I should have paid them 87 cents per acre for the whole of the scrip. I ppid the States of Texas and Louisiana 87 cents for all their scrip, and the States of Alabama and Mississippi 90 cents for all theirs. The latter States received only $50,000 down, and gave a reasonable time for receiving and paying for the balance. Eighty-seven cents per acre was, at the time, a fair price for all of the South Carolina scrip. I have been informed Mr. Kimpton reported that he received only 72 cents per acre for South Carolina scrip. The enclosed bill cannot fail to show the contrary. The First National Bank acted for Kimpton. There was no use of his placing the scrip at the bank, and no commissions should be al? lowed. Yours, wi^h respect and esteem. G. F. LEWIS. Cleveland, Ohio, December 23,1871. Eon. B. F. Whittemorc, Columbia, S. C. Sir : Yours of the 11th and 19th is received. I purchased from Kimpton about 65,000 acres of agricultural college scrip, and paid for it through First National Bank of New York, at an average of eighty-five cents per acre. The balance, except 100 pieces, which were saved for some private friends of Kimpton, was sold to H. Thompson, President First National Bank, St. Paul, Miunessota, and Liint Preston & Keene, Bankers, Chicago. Both are honest firms and will bo glad to aid Justice. Kimp? ton can be made to pay the State what the scrip was worth, and what I offered him for the whole of it?eighty-five cents per acre. The laws of New York will allow you to arrest him the same as they have Connelly. All honest men will gladly aid you, and hope you may rid your robbed aud oppressed State from all such rulers. Who are your attorneys in New York? Yours, with respect and esteem, G. F. LEWIS. A letter from Mr. John Thompson, referred to by Mr. Lewis, was also read, sayiug that he had paid at the rate of eighty-four cents per acre for the land scrip. The speaker then referred to the items of ex? penditures entered upon the Treasurer's books, as made under authority of the joint resolution authorizing the Governor to organize an armed force for the preservation of the peace, &c.? He charged that $150,000 had been expended hero, not for the organization and employment of an armed force, as was contemplated by the resolution, for not a single person had ever been called into service, but in support of various private speculations?one item being $1,000 paid to a certain agent of ono of the newspa? pers in the State. In closing, Whippcr stated that he intended again to introduce resolutions of impeachment against the Governor, not that he expected to effect anything, for he well knew the power of Scott's gold upon a majority of the members, but he wished to have for himself, and to afford to other honest Republicans, an opportunity of recording their abhorrence of the fraud and corruption that had rendered for? ever infamous the character of the present ad? ministration. Whipperwas followed by Speaker Moses, who rose on a question of privilege?not, he said, to assail the report of the Joint Investigating Committee, or to deny the facts and figures set forth by them, for he" believed the Committee had conscientiously discharged their duty, and were correct in their statements, so far as their facts and figures went; but to defend himself from their inferences, whereby it was made to appear that he was a participator in the frauds connected with the purchase of arms and the alteration of the Springfield to the breech-load? ing rifles. He denied that any of the money had ever passed through his hands, or that he had aught else to do with the matter than to make the contracts as Adjutant General, under the orders of the Governor, and he didn't know to this day whether they had ever been paid. Jones, of Williamsburg, closed the debate, in a mouthy harangue, of over an hour. He confined his argument to charges of corruption upon Bowen, Whipper and all the members of the joint committee. He said that the matter had already cost the State over $50,000 in time expended ; was nothing more than pot calling kettle black, and ought to be put a stop to at once by prudent members of the House. He ended his remarks, by moving that the whole matter be laid on the table; which was carried by a vote of 56 to 18. ' Gen. Frank Blair on the Passive Polier. I We make the following extract from a speech delivered by Gen. Frank Blair before the Leg? islature of Missouri, on the 4th of January, 1872, in which he measures Grant's ability and ambition, and expresses the belief that no Democrat could be inaugurated as President. His views on public affairs are at least worthy of careful consideration, although many of our readers may differ with him as to the best pol? icy for the ensuing campaign: For my part, I left the Republican party be? cause of its usurpations. I left it because it asserted powers when at the head of the Gov? ernment and controlling the Government which did not belong to the Government, and I never will say that these usurpations were right.? [Applause.] I never will say it, for I do not believe that they were right. My honest con | victions condemn them as the seeds which will jet destroy our republic, unless dug up and ex? tirpated from our soil. I do not acquiesce in them; they were naked usurpations, without justification of any kind, and I do not acquiesce in them, and never have aud never will to ob? tain office or to keep office. I believe that these amenements were passed by fraud?that is the word for it, by coercion ; three States were told that they should not be States unless they adop? ted it; other States were wielded by a mob of negroes who never had a right to vote except by act of Congress, and when the white people in those States were disfranchised by acts of Congress which had no right to disfranchise.? The State of Missouri voted by an overwhelm? ing majority, notwithstanding one-third of the people were disfranchised, against the amend? ment ; yet it was adopted here, and voted for by the members for Missouri in the House in violation of the known will of the people of the State. I do not believe that there is a single State, outside New England, that ever gave its consent to that amendment, yet it was adopted as a part of the Constitution by such means as 1 have described, and I am asked to take a new departure, and not only acquiesce but consent to these things. I protest it is a naked fraud; that it is what I believe it to be. A Demo? cratic convention ask me to accept the new de farture, and with it acquiesce in these frauds I tell you, my fellow-citizens, there are thou? sands of Democrats feeling as I do upon this subject, and who, although they may be out? voted in the national convention by the desire of the majority to present a fair face and carry an election, yet they cannot and will not accept the doctrine which we are asked to accept, and to say that these usurpations are law, and irre versably law; but if we take the other course we can simply vote for a gentleman who comes nearer to our position than the man who may be nominated t>y the Radical national conven? tion ; we do not pledge ourselves to his princi? ples ; we should expect to have some man nom? inated who was with us upon some points, or else there would be no choice between him and the Radical nominee. We should expect to have a man nominated who was against this Ku KIux law, which is a usurpation culmina? ting upon the usurpation of these constitution? al amendments, and justified by them. There are thousands of men in the Republican party who opposed those Ku Klux laws, who are op? posed to them still; some such man as that may be nominated ; some man who is in favor of universal amnesty, and in that sense will com? mend himself to Democrats more than the nominee of the Radical Convention. I know (at this point permit a digression) that Gen. Grant, in his recent message to Congress, comes out in favor of amuestv. Well, it is precisely such a case as we had here in Missouri. When Gratz Brown was nominated, you know Mc Clurg protested he was more strongly in favor of enfranchisement than Gratz Brown. Gen. Grant tells us that he is in favor of revenue re? form ; it is the first movement he has made du? ring his administration in that direction. We are asked to believe it, and our President, who has appointed every relation of his own and bis wife to an office in the United States, is also, in favor, in his message, of civil service reform. Well,.we all know the reason that operated upon McClurg: it was because there bad been a bolt in the Republican party, aud Gratz Brown had been nominated by the bolters upon the very ground that he was in favor of en? franchisement ; hence it was sought by Mc? Clurg to block the game, to pretend to be in favor of enfranchisement?more in favor of it than Gratz Brown?he did not fool anybody but himself. We knew what such professions were worth at that hour from McClurg, and it is the talk, my fellow-citizens, about the pos? sum policy, as it is called, in the Presidential campaign of 1872, that Las brought convic? tion to the mind of Grant and his counsellors in reference to this very same thing. We should ? ometimes learn from our enemies, and when we see the alarm and consternation which have penetrated the ranks of our opponents, which have driven their inflexible President from his entrenchment, and compelled him to deliver a message in favor of amnesty in the Congress of the United States, we cannot help seeing that it is the policy they fear, and that we ought to adopt it. [Applause.] Or if we can go a Btep further, and firmly decline to make a nomination for President, I have no doubt that Grant will flop plum over to the Democratic plaform. [Laughter.] Congress will pass a bill for universal amnesty before ad? journment. We could have got McClurg, body and breeches. [Laughter.] He would have sold out everything in the State if we would have elected him the last year. But if we persevere; if, instead of putting forward a candidate for the Presidency, we simply stand as we stood last year in the election in Missouri ?allow the Liberal Republicans to nominate ?they will be very careful to nominate a man who is acceptable to the Democrats. We need not give ourselves the slightest apprehension; no man need go out of his way to suggest this name or that name ; they know they must get a man more acceptable than Grant in order to get the votes which will elect their man. Now, my fellow-citizens, I yield to no man in my de? votion to the real interest of the people of this country, as I understand their interest, and the succoss of the great, pure, Democratic princi? ples of our Government; if I believed that they could be advanced by running a candidate, if he were beaten by thousands and hundreds of thousands of votes, I should not hesitate one instant to declare in favor of the preservation and maintenance of those principles, even at the expense of the most overwhelming defeat that could be hurled upon us; but I do not be? lieve that defeat is the right road to victory; I believe that such a contest made at this time would thoroughly destroy the efficiency of the Democratic party for the future, that it would cripple it with such heavy blows that its abili? ty to serve the great object and to maintain the great principles it has sought to establish, would be injured so thoroughly and completely as to render it utterly inefficient in the future, or for years to come. On the other hand, I look to this policy?to abstain from making a nomination, inviting that portion of the Re? publicans who arc at present antagonistic, but who are nearer to us in some of the great prin? ciples which we desire to defend and maintain, to put forward a candidate, and that we will endeavor to elect him?as the most efficient) the most effectual and certain method of call? ing a halt upon the Radical programme for the subjugation of the country and the final over? throw of the great principles upon which it was founded. I think it is the most thorough and effectual method of checking the present sys? tem under which all Democratic principle' is disappearing from the administration of the affairs of the Government. Why the idea of consulting the Constitution to see whether Congress has power to do this, that or the oth? er, is no more thought of in Congress now, when a bill is introduced, than if there never had been such a thing as a Constitution of the United States. Powers are claimed and exer? cised at this day that would have startled the ' Federalists under the administration of the elder Adams. They would not, in the moment of their greatest power, have hazarded an at? tempt to pass upon the country this Ku Klux law, invading the States, seizing the inhabi? tants, trying them for what they call outrages, which consist of assault and battery, in nine cases out of ten. In South Carolina the de? claration of martial law was made under the act of Congress passed last Spring; the troops invaded the proclaimed district, men were ar? rested for offenses which were alleged to have been committed two years anterior to the i;ime the act of Congress gave the President the pow? er to declare martial law, and those men are now being tried before a Court, convicted and sentenced and put to hard labor, and having other sentences executed upon them for the commission of crimes which were anterior in date, by two or three years, to the hour when Congress legislated that the Courts should take cognizance of those offenses. Why. sir, in any other day of our republic, in the old times of Federal ascendancy, no such powers were dreamed of or claimed ;'if there had been there would have been one universal outcry; these men would have been hurled from their power by Thomas Jefferson in 1800, for assuming ju? risdiction in the crime of sedition, for which two or three were imprisoned in different States in the Union. Now, my fellow-citizens, the condition of our affairs excite, in me at least, great apprehension. It may be known to some of you that I do not concur in the opinion which was held by many Democrats anw many other people of this country in regard to Gen. Grant. I never considered him that weak and feeble and ignorant man that some have been fleased to call him, and, no doubt think him. bad a totally different opinion about him, and have still. I am aware that he cannot write newspaper articles, and for that reason is not considered a very great man by those who do write newspaper articles. I know he has never distinguished himself as a stump or? ator, and is greatly looked down upon by those of us who do make stump orations; but there are other qualities which he possesses making him the most dangerous man, in my opinion, for the position which he now occupies of any man upon our continent. I do not believe that he cares a straw about our frame of govern? ment ; I consider that he is a man whose mili? tary education and military genius necessarily make him arbitrary in his ideas of government, and that he places no value at all upon any other government than that which is absolute? ly arbitrary and military. He has surrounded himself with clerks who all wear uniform ; that is a very slight indication of the temper of his mind. But, my friends, he has other qualities in addition to that; he is a man capable of conceiving most dangerous purposes, and exe? cuting those purposes with inflexible will, and I think he has demonstrated since he has as? sumed the power of the executive of this na? tion, that he will hesitate at nothing, and stop at nothing, at no deed which will give him the supreme power in this country, and I do nut expect him to halt or hesitate to do anything to give him a pre-eminent power in this coun? try, except that he shall deem it most impru? dent to attempt it, I do not believe at this moment that if we elect a Democrat he would be allowed to take his scat as President of the United States; that is my conviction. I be? lieve the present Congress, which contains a majority of the supporters of the President, in both of its branches, would count out any number of States, the Southern especially, who should cast their vote for the Democratic can? didate whom we should nominate?cast out enough of them to secure the election of their candidate for the Presidency, and that their President would be sustained, and they would be sustained by the partisan spirit of these men throughout the country, because they would simply say these States were all carried by the Ku Klux. I recollect Mr. John Sherman?a Senator ordinarily considered a prudent man among Radical Senators, by no means rash in his statements?that he asserted upon the floor of the Senate, after the last election, that if the vote of New York had given the election to Seymour it would not have been counted. He made that declaration upon the floe r of the Senate, and Mr. Wade, who was the presiding officer of the Senate at the time that the ballots were counted, distinctly asserted that he was instructed to count the vote of Georgia because it did not change the result, and the intimation was clear and distinct by Mr. Wade at that time, that his instructions from the body which he represented were to refuse to count the vote of Georgia, except that it did not affect the re? sult. Now, my fellow-citizens, this is another ob? stacle. Many men, brave men, hot-blooded men, will exclaim at once, "Why, then, we will take up arms; we will assert our rights; we will not submit to these outrageous usurpa? tions." My fellow-cilizcns, I do not know what we will do under these circumstances. I think it is best to avoid such a contingency. If we can save the country by nominating a Lib? eral Republican and electing him by such a decided majority that there will be no contest in the court, and very little coutest in the cam? paign, it is our duty to do so, and prevent the awful catastrophe which would arise from the refusal of the Congress of the United States to count a Democrat into the scat as President if he was elected, which would, perhaps, bring about an attempt at revolution, and perhaps a successful overthrow of the tyranny of the par? ty which seeks to establish itself perpetually upon the Government. Now, I do not believe, in giving this advice, that I am actuated by any timidity; I do not know that I have grown timid; I have been able to look these kind of things in the face heretofore?but it is a thing to be avoided if possible; it is a thing that Grant and his ambition will do to a certainty, and I say it is an argument for men who love the country, and who love the peace of the j country, and who desire to save the country from just such a terrific struggle as that through which we have passed. It is the duty of all men, impressed as I am with the convic? tion which I have already stated, to avoid by i all means such a conflict as that would bring J about in our iand. It is not the counsel of timidity, if I know myself. I believe, on the : j contrary, that it is the counsel of prudence. I ' do not believe that even if we elect a Democrat he will be allowed to take his seat, lie will be counted out on sonic miserable pretext, such as 11 have stated, that he has secured this and that State by the power and intimidation of the Ku Klus, and however false the pretext, and how? ever fraudulent the act, still to compel these men to undo that act we should be compelled to take up arms and deluge the country with blood; and is that preferable in the eyes of anv one, in the eyes of the bravest, the most high blooded of those who bear my voice? Is it preferable to deluge the country or en? danger its peace in the manner I have spoken of, rather than to take a peaceful, effectual and certain method of expelling these people from the places which they disgrace and scat a man. in the Presidential Chair, oy the votes of the Democratic party, who will oppose this K? Klux law, this centralization of power in the hands of the Federal Government and the Congress, and who will give general amnesty to the whole people of the South, restore their confidence, give the people of the South just as much control overtheTT own affairs as the peo? ple of Missouri now have over;theirs? I say, my fellow-citizens, that no man who loves his country can hesitate between the alternatives. I have candidly, and without any, reserve, my fellow-citizens, laid before you my conviction* upon this subject. As a matter of course, it is for the Democratic party, in its organization, to act, and I shall not lag behind when they have decided; I shall surrender my conviction of what-was the best policy and adopt their couvictions, and I believe every good Democrat will do the same; but even at the risk of en? countering some prejudice of exposing myself to the allegation that I am ready to abandon: the Democratic party, I shall urge upon thenx the adoption orchis policy until they shall have determined to take another. I believe that this policy is the only one by which we can succeed. The new departure brought us no triumph, in my judgment, we simply disgraced ourselves, without any reward of victory. We simply abandoned our principles?for I think that was an abandonment of principles?and I do not think the people of the country gave us credit for honesty in doing it, although I thirik that the gentlemen who urged that policy were hon? est iu their convictions as to its propriety; at any rate, it effected nothing, but whenever the Eassive policy has been tried, and wherever it as been tried, it has brought victory unfail? ingly ; it never has failed anywhere. and: in my judgment, will not fail now. [Applause.J It has a double recommendation to me?that we do not abandon our principles; that we do not dissolve our organization, and yet we achieve triumph; that we carry out our principles; that we maintain them and give relief to that great body of our people who now are suffering under the pressure of the heel of tyranny in the Southern States. The State of Missouri is in a position to take the lead in this matter; we recommend, with good consciences to oar fellow Democrats elsewhere,'that which has ac? complished so much for us; we go to them with no untried measure, we do not urge them to adopt an experiment, but we say to them we have been through this ordeal?we have tried it and here are the results: it has given success to Democratic principles?it has given power to the Democratic party?it has given peace to the whole country, and has reconciled all the people of the State. That, my fellow-citizens, is what we can say, what we can honestly say, because we feel and know it. What can you say in favor of your new departure? That it has brought us nothing but defeat and derision; that it has brought derision among ourselves instead of uniting with us the best fragment and best part of the adverse party. Now it is for us to choose; it is for the Democratic party to decide; for that organiza? tion to determine whether if; will enter upon these views, yielding the Presidential position, nominating its own candidate for Governor, for Congress, for the State Legislature, for all State and county offices throughout the different States of the Union, thus preserving and strengthening its organization in every and all localities, and by uniting with us a large body from the other party of its best, its most virtu? ous, its most honorable men, uniting them with us, attaining a majority in the House of Rep? resentatives, a large accession to the Senate of the United States, and a President honestly in favor of reveuue reform, of civil-service reform, in favor of universal amnesty, and, my fellow* citizens, in favor of breaking down this sys? tematic attempt to centralize the Government in the administration at Washington City, to overthrow all local Governments throughout the States, and throughout all portions of our States. That, it seems to me, is the alterna? tive. For my part I do not hesitate; I do not see how the people or the Dcmoeratic party of Missouri wilt hesitate. My judgment is, that if they adopt this policy, victory is certain; that we shall overthrow Grant and all his ad? herents, aud {dace in the Presidential chair a man who at least will not favor these measures of usurpation and centralization which have so degraded the authority of the States. Now, my fellow-citizens, I have already de? tained you much longer than I had intended doing or had a right to do. I shall at least be able to claim the credit of having very frankly laid before you my convictions of what is the best policy to be pursued by the party in the ensuing canvass, and I do not desire to trespass longer upon your time or attention. I thank you, Indies and gentlemen, for your attention.? [Loud cheers.] ? A hungry gentleman ordered "everything on the bill of fare" at a Syracuse hotel, and was shortly astonished to behold approaching him fourteen waiters in single file, rearing 1, 024 dishes. ? A remarkable instance of the effect of fright in a dream comes to us from a small town in Wisconsin. A young man, a school teacher, just married, spent an evening in read? ing to his wife incidents of Indian life and war? fare in the Western country. Going to bed with his mind filled with the subject, he dream? ed of living some of the scenes he had been reading of, during which he had lost his scalp at the hands of a redskin, receiving thereby a terrible fright. On being awakened bv the stir in the house in the morning, he found himself unable to sneak, and could only communicate with the others by writing, thus relating his dream. At last accounts he had not recovered his speech. ? An amusing colloquy came off at a sup? per table on board of one of our Mississippi steamboats, between a Chicago exquisite, reek? ing with oil and cologne, who was cursing the waiters, assuming very consequential airs, and a raw Jonathan seated by his side, dressed in homespun. Turning to his vulgar friend, the former pointed with his jewelled finger and said : "Buttah, sah!" "Yes, I see it is," coolly replied Jonathan. "Buttah, sah, I sav," fierce? ly repeated the dandy. "Yea, sir: I know it? very good and a first-rate article." "Buttah, I tell you," thundered the dandy in still louder tones, as if he would annihilate him. "Well, gosh all Jerusalem, what of it?" now yelled the down-easter, getting his dander up in turn. "You don't think I took it for lard, did you ? You must be an everlasting darn fool, and darn you, if you don't shut up your jaw I'll butter my fists and cram them down your infernal j throat. If you don't hush I'll "get mad; do you hear ?"