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An Independent Family Journal?Devoted to Politics, Literature and General Intelligence. HOTT & CO., Proprietors. ANDERSON, S. C, THURSDAY, MARCH 18, 1869. VOLUME 4.---N?. 38. ?gag ? s ^ ADDRESS ANDREW JOHNSON . TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES. -Q " f !Rh tic; People of the. United States ; ?15'Thc robe of office, by constitutional 4lt?itatton^tKrs day falls from my should? ers,'W^JO'immediately assumed by my successor. For him the forbearance and co-opcrn&asne<3?*iie'American people, in all his ct^i^sj-tq ad tu in ister the Govern? ment within the pale of,the Federal Con ?titutiobyare^ncer^lVinv Without ambition to gratify,' f>arty ends to sub ?ox?e, or personal quarrels to avenge at ? the sacrifice of the peace and welfare of the country, my earnest desire is to see tho Constitution, as defined and limited byj-he fathers of tho Republic, again re? cognized and obeyed as ;he supremo law ot the land, and the whole people?North, ?South,''East atid West?prosperous and happy under its wise provisions. In surrendering the high office t? which I was called four years asroj at a memo? rable and terrible crisis, it is my privilege. 1 trust, to say to the people of the United States a few parting words, in vindication of an official course so ceaselessly assail? ed and aspersed by ~polhical 4caders, to \vhose..plans and wishes my policy to re? store toe Union has been obnoxious. In a period of difficulty and turmoil almost without'precedent in tho history of any people, consequent upon trio ciosingscer.es of a great rebellion and tho assassination of the then President, it was, perhaps, too much, on my part, to expect of devo? ted partisans, who iode on the waves of excitement which at that timo swept all before them, that degree of toleration and magnanimity which I sought to recom? mend and enforce, and which I believe in good time would have advanced us infin? itely further on tho road to permanent poaoo and prosperity than we have thus far attained. Doubtless had I at the commencement of my term of office un? hesitatingly lent its powers or perverted .them*to purposes and plans "outside of tho Constitution," and become an instru? ment to schemes of confiscation and of general and oppressive disqualifications, I would have been hailed as all that was truQi.loyal and discerning : as the reliable head^f a party,/whatever I might have been as the Executive of tho nation. Unwilling, however, to accede to propo? sitions of extremists, and bound to ad? here, at every personal hazard, to my oath co defend the Constitution, I need not, perhaps,-be surprised at having met tho fate of others whoso only rewards for .upholding constitutional right and law have been the consciousness of hav? ing attempted to do their duty, and the calm and unprejudiced judgment of his? tory. At tho time a mysterious Providence assigned to mo tho office of President. I was",'by the terms of the Constitution, tho Commander-in-chief of nearly a mil? lion of men under arms. One of my first acts was to disband and restore to the vocations of civil life this immense host, and to divest myself, so far as I could, of the unparalleled powers thon incident to the office and the times. Whctheror not, in this step, I was right, and how far de? serving the approbation of the people, all can now on reflection*judge, when remin? ded of tho. rniiious condition of public affairs that m?sb havo resulted , from the contiitaftnfc? in. the military service of such a vast number or- men. Tb.?:close of our domestic conflict found the arriiy eager to distinguish itself in a now field! by an effort to punish Europe an intervention'in.'Mexico; By many it was bjejieycaand'urged that, aside from the assujtfled joibtice of the proceeding, a foreign war. in which both sides would cheerfully unite to vindicate the honor of the natirjnai ffagi and further illustrate the national proves;;, would bo the surest and. speediest way of awakening national enthusiasm, reviving devotion to tb? TjnTori, and occupying a forcfe concerning which grave doubts existed as to its will? ingness, after four years ot active cam? paigning, at enee to return to the pursuits of peace. Whether these speculations were: true or false, it. will be conceded that they existed, and that the predilec? tions of the army were, for the time be? ing, in the direction indicated. Taking advantage of this feeling, it would have been easy, as the Coramander-in-chiaf of the army and navy, and with all the pow? er and patronage of the Presidential office at my disposal, to turn the concen? trated'military strength of tho nation against Freuch interference in Mexico, and to inaugurate a movement which would have been received with favor by {he military and a large portion of tho people. ^t is proper, in this connection, that I should refer to the almost unlimited ad? ditional powers tendered to the Execu? tive by tho moasMres relating to civil rights and the Freodmen's Bureau. Con? trary to most precedents in the experien? ces of public men, the powers thus placed within my grasp were declined, as in violation of the Constitution, dangerous to tho liberties of the people, and tending to aggravate, rather than lesson, tho dis? cord/naturally resulting from our civil war. With a large arm}- and augmented authority, it would have been no difficult task to direct ab pleasure tho destinies of the Republic, and to make secure my Continuance in the highest offico known to our laws. Let the people whom I am addressing from the Presidential chair during the closing hours of a laborious term consider how different would have been their pre-, sent.condition had I yielded to the daz? zling temptation of foreign conquest, of personal aggrandizement, and the desire to, wield additional power. Let them with justice consider that, if I have not unduly "magnified mine office," the pub? lic burdens have not been- increased by my acts, and other and perhaps thousands of lives sacrificed to visions of false glory. It cannot, therefore, be charged that my ambition has been of that ordinary or criminal kind which, to tho detriment of the people's rights and liberties, ever seeks to grasp more and unwarranted powers, aticl, to accomplish its purposes, panders too often to popular prejudices and party aims. What, then, have been the aspirations which guided mo in my official acts ? Those acts need not, at this time, an elab? orate explanation. They have been else? where comprehensively stated and fully discussed, und become a part of the na? tion's history. By them I am willing to be judged, knowing that, however imper? fect, they at least show to the impartial mind that my sole ambition has been to restore the Union of the States, faithfully to execute the office of President, and, to the best of my abilit}', to preserve, pro? tect and defend the Constitution. I can? not be censured if my efforts have been impeded in the interests of party faction; and if a policy which was intended to re? assure and conciliate the peoplo of both sections of tho country was made the occasion of inflaming and dividing still farther thoso who, only recently in arms against each other, )'ct, as individuals and citizens, wcro sincerely desirous, as I shail ever believe, of burying all hostile feelings in the grave of the past. The bitter war was waged on the pact of the Government to vindicate the Constitution and saVo the Union ; and if I have erred in trying to bring about a more spoedy and lasting peace, to extinguish heart? burnings and enmities, and to prevent troubles in tho South which, retarding material prosperity in that region, injuri? ously affected the whole country, 1 am quite content to rest my case with tho more deliberate judgment of tho people, and, as I have already intimated, with the distant future. The war, all must remember, was a stupendous and deplorable mistake. Nei? ther side understood the other; and had this simple fact and its conclusions been kept in vieiv, all that was needed was accomplished b}* tho acknowledgment of the terrible wrong, and the expressed better feeling and earnest endeavor at atonement shown arid felt in the prompt ratification of constitutional amendments by the Southern States at the close of the war. Not accepting the war as a con? fessed false step on the part of those who inaugurated it, was an error which now only time'ean cure, and which eveu at thih late date we should endeavor to pal? liate. Experiencing, moreover, as all have done, the frightful cost of the arbi? trament of the sword, let us in the future cling closer than ever to the Constitution as our only safeguard. It is to bo hoped that not until the burdens now pressing upon us with such fearful weight are re? moved Will our people forget tho lessons of tho war; and that, remembering them from whatever cause, peace between sec? tions and States may be perpetual. The history of late events in our coun trj'j as well as of the greatest Govern? ments of ancient and modern times, teaches that we have everything to fear from a departure from the lotter arrd upirit of the Constitution, and the undue aucen dency of men allowed to assume power in what atu Considered desperate emer? gencies. Sylla, on becoming master of Home, at once adopted measures to crush his enemies, and to consolidate the power of his party i He established military colonies throughout Italy ; deprived: of the full Roman franchise the inhabitants of the Italian towns who had opposed his usurpations; confiscated their lands, and gave them to his soldiers; and conferred citizenship upon a great number of slaves belonging to those who had proscribed him, thus creating at Home.a kind of bodyguard for his protection. Aftor having given Rome over to slaughter, and tyrannized beyond all oxamplo over those Opposed" to him and the legions, his terrible instruments of wrong. S}Mla could yet foel safe in laying down tho ensigns of power no dreadfully abused, and in mingling freely with the families and friends of his myriad victims. Tho fear which he had inspired continued after his voluntary abd'eation, and even in retire? ment his will vas Uw to a people who had permitted themselves to be enslaved, What but a subtle knowledge and con? viction that the Roman people had bo come changed, discouraged, and utterly broken in spirit could have induced this daring assumption ? What but public in? difference to consequences eo tdrrjblo as to leave Rome open to every calamity which subsequently befell her,could have justified the conclusions of the dictator and tyrant in his startling experiment ? Wo find that in the lime which has since elapsed, human nature and exigencies in government have not greatly changed. Who, a few years past, in contemplating our future, could have supposed that in a brief period of bitter experience every? thing demanded in tho name of military' emergency, or dictated by caprice, would como to be considered as mere matters of course; that conscription, confiscation loss of personal liberty, tho subjection of States to military rule, and disfranchise nient, with the extension of tho right of suffrage merely to accomplish party ends, would receive tho passive submission, if not acquiescence, of the peoplo of tho Republic ? It has been clearly demonstrated^ by recont occurrences, that encroachments upon the Constitution cannot be present? ed by the President alone, however devo? ted or determined he may bo, and that unless the people interpose there is no powor under the Constitution to eheck a dominant majority ot two-thirds in the Congress of the United States. An ap? peal to the nution, however, is attended with too much delay to meet an emer? gency. While, if lett free to act, the people would correct, in lime, luch evils as might follow legislative usurpation, there is danger that the same power which disregards the Constitution will deprive them of the right to change their rulers, except by revolution. Wo have already seen the jurisdiction of the judi? ciary circumscribed when it was appre? hended that the courts would decide against laws having for their sole object the supremacy of party, while the veto power, lodged in the Executive by the Constitution for the interest and protec? tion of the people, and exorcised by Washington and his successors, has been rendered nugatory by a partisan majority of two-thirds in each branch of - the Na? tional Legislature. The Constitution evidently contemplates that when a bill is returned with the President's objections it will be calmly reconsidered by Congress. Such, however, has not been the practice tice under present party rule It has" becomo evident that men who pass a bill under partisan influences are not likely, through patriotic motives, to admit their error, and thereby weaken their own or? ganizations by solemnly confessing it under an official oath. Pride of opinion, if nothing else, has Intervened, and pre? vented a calm and dispassionate reconsid? eration of a bill disapproved by the Ex? ecutive. Much as I venerate the Constitution, it must be admitted that this condition of affairs has developed a defect which, un? der the aggressive tendency of the legis? lative department of the Government, may readily work its oveixhrow. It ma}', however, be remedies, without dis? turbing the harmony of the instrument. The veto power is generally exercised upon constitutional grounds, and when? ever it is so applied, and the bill returned with the Executive's reasons for with? holding his signature, it ought to be im? mediately certified to the Supreme Court of the United States for its decision. If its constitutionality shall be declared by that tribunal,- it should then become a law; but if tiic decision is otherwise, it should fail, without power in Congress to re-enact and make it valid. In cases in which the veto rests upon hasty and inconsiderate legislation, and in vvhi' h no constitutional question is in? volved, I would not change the funda? mental law; for in such cases no perma? nent evil can be incorporated into the Federal system. It is obvious that without such an amendment, the Government, as it existed under the Constitution prior to the re? bellion, may be wholly subverted and overthrown b}'a-two thirds majority in Congress. It is not, therefore, difficult to see how easily and how rapidly the people ma}' lose?shall I not say, have lost??their liberties by an unchecked and uncontrollable majority in the law making power; and, when one? deprived of their rights, how powerless they are to regain them. Let us turn for a moment to the history of the majority in Congress, which has acted in such utter disregard of the Con? stitution. While public attention has been carefully and constantly turned to the past and expiated sins ot the South, the servants of the people, in high places, have bold!j? betrayed their trust, broken their oaths of obedience to the Constitu? tion, and undermined the very foundations of liberty, juetice, and good government. When the rebellion was being suppressed by the volunteered services o* patriot sol? diers amid the dangers of the battle-field these men crept, without question, into place and power in the national councils. After all dangers had passed, when no armed foe remained, when a punished and repentant people bowed their heads to the flag and renewed their allegiance to the Government of the United States, then it was that pretended patriots ap? peared before the nation?and began to prate about the thousands of lives and millions of treasure sacrificed in the sup? pression of tho rebellion.. They have since persistently sought to inflame the prejudices engendered between the see and harmony, and by every meane to keep open and exposed to the poisonous broath of party passion the terrible wounds of a fonr-years' war. They have prevented the return of peace and the restoration o:t the Union, in every way rendered delusive the purposes, promises, and pledges by which the army was mar? shalled treason rebuked, and rebellion crushed, and mado the liberties ot the people and tho rights and powers of the Presidentobjcctsofconstantattack. They have wrested from the President his con? stitutional power of supreme command of the army and navy. They have destroy? ed the strength and efficiency of the Exe? cutive Department by making subordi? nate officers independent of and able to defy their chief. They have attempted to place the President undor the power of a bold, defiant, and treacherous Cabinet officer. They have robbed the Executive of the prerogative of pardon, rendered null and void acts of clemency granted to thousands of persons undor the provisions of the Constitution, and committed grosB usurpation b}' legislative attempts to ex? ercise this power in favor of party adho ronts. They have conspired to change the system of our Government by prefer? ring charges against the President in tho form of articles of impeachment, and con templattng, before hearing or trial, that he should be placed in arrest, held in du? rance, and, when it became their pleasure to pronounce his sentence, driven from place and power in disgrace. They have in time of peace increased the national debt by reckless expenditure of the public moneys, and thus added to ihe burdens which already weigh upon the people. They have permitted the nation to suffer the evils of a deranged currency, to the enhancement in price of all the necessa? ries of lift. They have maintained a largo standing army for the enforcement of their measures of oppression. They have en? gaged in class legislation, and built upand encouraged mooopolies,thatthefew might be enriched at the expense of the many. They have failed to act upon important treaties, thereby endangering our present peaceful relations with foreign powers. Their course of usurpation bat not been limited to inroads upon the Executive De* partmeut. By unconstitutional and oppressive enactments, the people of ten States of the Union have beeu reduced to a condi? tion more intolerable than that from which the patriots of the Revolution re? belled. Millions of American citizens can now say of their oppressors, with more truth than our fathers did of British ty? rants, that thoy have "forbidden the gov? ernors to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended un? til their assent should be obtained that they have "refused to pass other laws for the accomodation of large districts of peo? ple unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the Legis latare?e, right inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only;"' that they have "made judges dependent upon their will alone fur their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries;'! that they have '-erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of officers to harass our people and eat out their sub? stance;" that they have "alfected to ren? der the military independent of and su? perior to the civil power," "combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our Constitution, and unac? knowledged by our laws,'' "quartered large bodies of armed troops among us," "pro? tected them by a mock trial lrom punish? ment for any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of theso States," imposed "tuxes upon us without our consent," "deprived us in many cases of tho benefit of trial by jury," "taken away our charters, excited domestic in? surrection amongst us, abolished our most valuable laws, altered fundamentally the forms of our Government, suspended our own Legislatures, and declared them? selves invested with power to legislate for us ?in all cases whatsoever." This catalogue of crimes, long as it is, is not yet complete. The constitution vests tho judicial power of the United States "In one Supremo Court/' whose ju? risdiction "shall extend to all cases aris? ing under this Constitution" and '-the law6 of tho United State?." Encouraged by this promise of a refuge from tyranny, a citizen of the United States who, by the order of a military communder given, under the sanction of a cruel and deliber? ate edict of Congress, hud bcon denied the constitutional rights of libertj' of con? science, freedom of the press and of speech, personal freedom from military arrest, of being held to answer for crime only upon presentment and indictment, of trial by jury, of the writ of habeas corpus, and the protection of civil and Constitution:'.! government?aciticeu,thusdeeply wrong j ed, appeals to the Supreme Court for the I protection guaranteed to him by the or? ganic law of the land. At once a fierce and excited majority, by the ruthless I band of legislative power, stripped the I ermine from the judges, transferred the [sword ot justice to the General, and re ! nianded the oppressed eitir.en to a degra? dation and bondage worse than death. It will also be recorded as one of the marvels of the times, that a party claim i ing for itself a monopoly of consistency and patriotism, and boasting, too, of its unlimited sway, endeavored, by a costly and deliberate trial, to impeach one who defended the Constitution and the Union not only throughout the war of t'iie re? bellion, but during his whole term of office as Chief Magistrate; but at the same time could find no warrant or means at their command to bring to trial even the chief of the rebellion. Indeed, the re? markable failures in his case were so of? ten repeated that for propriety's sake, it lor no other reason, it became at last nec? essary to extend to him an unconditional pardon. What more plainly than this il? lustrates the extremity of party manage? ment and inconsistency on the one hand, and of faction, vindictiveness and intoler? ance ou the other? Patriotism will hardly be.encouraged when, in such a record, it sees that its instant reward may be the most virulent party abuse and obloquy, if not attempted disgrace. Instead of seek ing "to make treason odious," it would in truth seem to have been their purpose rather to make the defence of the Consti? tution and the Union a crime, and to punish fidelity to an oath of office, if coun? ter to part}* dictation, by all the means at their command. Happily for the peace of the country/ tho war has determined against the as? sumed power of tho States to withdraw at pleasure from the Union. The institu? tion of slavery also found its destruction in a rebellion commenced in its interest. It should be borne in mind,however, that tho war neither impaired nor destroyed the Constitution, but, on the contrary, preserved its existence, and made appar? ent its real power and enduring strength. All the rights granted to the States, or reserved to the people thereof, remain therefore intact. Among those rights is that of the people of each Stato to de? clare tho qualifications of their own Stato electors. It is now assumed that Con? gress can control this vital right, which can never be taken away from the States without impairing tho fundamental prin? ciples of the Government itself, ft is nec? essity to the existence of the Slates, as well as to the protection of the liberties Of the people; for the right to select the elector in whom the political power of a State shall be lodged involves the right of the State to govern itself. When deprived of this perogative, the States will have no power worth retaining; all will be gone, and they will be subjected to the arbitrary will of Congress. Tho Government will then be.centralized, if not by the passage of laws, then by tho adoption, through partisan influence, of an amendment directly in conflict with the original design oi the Constitution. This proves how .necessary it is that the people should require the adiuiniiitr,ation of the three great department* of the Government strictly within the limita? tions of the Constitution. Their bounda? ries have been accurately defined, and neither should be allowed to trespass up? on the other, nor above ail, to oaroni-h upon the reserved rights of the people and the States. Tho troubles of the past four yeans will prove to tho nation bless? ings if they produce so desirable a result. Upon those who became young men amid the iiound of cannon and din of arms, and quietly returned to tho farms, the factories, and the schools of the land, wUl principally devolve the solemn duty of perpetuating the Unton of the States, in defence of which hundreds of thousands of their comrades expired, and hundreds of millions of. national obligations were incurred. A manly peoplo will not neg? lect the training necessary to resist ag? gression, 'but they should be jealous lest the civil be made subordinate to military element. We need to encourage, in ev? ery legitimate way, a study of the Con? stitution for which the war was waged, a knowledge of and reverence for whose wise checks by those so soon to occupy the places, filled by their seniors will be tho only hope of preserving tho Republic'. The young men of the nation, notyct un? der the control of party, most resist the tendency to centralization?an outgrowth of tho great rebellion?and bo familiar with the fact that the country consists of united States, and that when the States surrendered certain great rights for the sake of a more perfect union, they retain-; ed rights as valuable and important as those which they relinquished for the com? mon weal. This sound old doctrine, far different from the teachings that led to the attempt to secede, and a kindred theory that States were token out of the Union by the rash acts of conspirators that happened to dwell within their borders,'must be re? ceived and advocated with the enthusiasm of early manhood, or the people will be ruled by corrupt combinations of the commercial centres, who, plethoric from wealth, annually migrate to the capital of the nation to purchase special legislation. Until the representatives of the people in Congress more fully exhibit tho diverse 1 views and interests of the whole nation, and laws cease to be made without full discussion at the behest of some party leader, there will never be a proper re? spect shown by the law-making power either to the judioial or executive branch of the Government. The generation just beginning to uso the ballot box, it is be-'j licved only need that their attention should be called to these considerations to , indicate, by their voles, that they wish their representatives to observe all the restraints which the people, in adopting tho Constitution, intended to impose up? on party excess. CaAply reviewing my administration of tho Government, I feel that, with a sense of accountability to God, having consci? entiously endeavored to discharge my whole duty, I have nothing to regret. Events have proved the correctness of the policy set forth in my first and subsequent messages; the woes which hare followed the rejection of forbearance, magnanimity, and constitutional rule are known and de? plored by the nation. It is a matter of pride and gratification, in retiring from tho most exalted position in the gift of a freo people, to feel and know that in a long, ardnoutj, and event? ful public life; my action has never been influenced by desire for gain, and that I can in all my sincerity inquire, '- Whom have I defrauded ? whom have I oppress? ed? or off whose hand have I received any bribe to blind my eyes-therewith?" No responsibility for wars that have been waged or blood that has been shed rests upon mo. My thoughts have been those of peace, and my effort has ever beon to allay contentions among my countrymen. Forgetting the past, let us return to the first principles of tho Government, and, unfurling the banner of our sown try, inscribe upon it, in ineffaceable charac? ters, "Tho Constitution and the Union, one and inseparable" Andrew JonxsoN. Washington, D. C, March 4, 1869. __ At a dinner party, the waiter dropped the dish of turkey, as he was bringing it into the room. A gentleman present ex? claimed : "What a catastrophe! The down fall of Turkey, the destruction of China, and the overthrow of Greece!" ? An exchange is opposed to the edu? cation of women as surgeons. It says that, suppose one were put under tlie.in? fluence of chloroform by such a doctor, "what is to prevent the woman from kiss? ing you ?" ? The town clerk of Hartford reports one death from "ignorance" last year. The subject knows niore than anybody he left! behind him by this time. ? A dressmaker advertises that she makes dresses lower thati ever. Radical Maligxity.?Jefferson Davis, in spite of his modest, retiring deportment at Lome and his present absence of three thousand miles away, appears ever U trouble the thoughts and haunt tho dreams of the Radical editors of the North. Thar say he -should court "obscurityand he does wl at he can co be retired from the public i iew, but they are evor dragging him forth from his privacy for tho purpose of offering him an insult or attempt at oV rision. The truth is they are afraid of him as the guilty parties are of Braaquo's ghost iu the play, and hence he is fere?ei* starting np before them. One of those journals that has pretensions to tho high? est dignity and respectability, the Mew* York Post, thus alludes to the CoBfed^d^ ex-President in a recent numhertreji; ."It is pretty certain that if hi were to show himself in the streets of Now York, he would stand a good chanee to bo knocked down by some indignant disc harged sol? dier. Poor creature, he is a melancholy ex? ample of the ruin and disgrace wrought by criminal ambition/' This is very creditable to Northerp prowess and chivalry, as well as to tlxS law-abiding character of that people? A feeble old man to be assaulted aud knocked down by a Federal bully?rsery brave Hi deed ! But there are always two tides to a fight, even though oue of the parties be without strength, and if the Port desires to know what would become of its "indig? nant discharged soldierj" after performing the gallant exploit indicated, it has only to find one, on Mr. Davis' next visit to New York, to try the experiment. If the dis? charge! soldiers of another army should hot be at hand to avenge the outrage upon their beloved chief, no number of intervening miles would prevent them from a speedy performance of their duty. ?? "Pool- creature.'"?"Alelancholy exam? ple!'' We can well imagine how tho knees of the craven who penned* this lan? guage would smite together and his whole frame quail, could he be brought to stand one moment under the eagle's eye, and in the majestic presence of the great man up? on whom he pours the slime of his malig? nity. But wo dislike to think, much less write about, such things. The war has closed aud its memories should be buried in the desire for peace and a restored brother: hood. Why will the men of the North continue to irritate and keep open, the wounds of the South by stich ungenerous and unmanly treatment of our leaders ?? Savannah Republican. -*-? ?,~ Wnr is the Presides? Inaugurated ox the FouRTn of March ??We remem? ber many years ago, when a child,'(says the Vicksburg Herald) to have heard this interrogatory answered in the declaration that in consequence of the change occa? sioned by the addition of one day every bese.xtile or leap year*, the 4th of -March occurred less often on Sunday than., any other day of the week, and fur this reason was selected. Curiosity has prompted us to make the examination, aud we find that in thirty Presidential terms, from 17.89 tic* 1905, inclusive, the fourth of March has^ and will have fallen offener on Sunday than any day other of the week except Tuesday. Thus, we havu the fourth of March in those years coming four times, each, on Monday, Wednesday, Thursday^ Friday and Saturday, and five times each on Sunday and Tuesday.- The Federal Constitution was adopted on the 1st ef March, 1789, but the first President, George Washington, was not inaugurated untill April 30, 1789. Washington's sec? ond term, commencing on the 4th-' et March,. 1793, fell on Sunday, as did also the term of James r.tonroe, 1821, and Zach ary Taylor, 1S49, all of whom, vrebejievp, were inaugurated on the 5th of March,-the. following day. The 4th of March wil| al? so be on Sunday in the years 1877 and 05, completing the thirty Presidential] terms enumerated. This Almighty Dollar.?The New York Democrat chronicles as follows the latest instance of Yankee cruelty and greed of gain: Five months since a Dr. Ridley, of Bos? ton, amputated the leg of a five* year old soil of his, who had betn injured by'being run over by an omnibus. For this damage to his son he collected $6,000. It now turns out that the boy's great and next to great toe were alone injured, and this not sufficient to require more than t wo splints, bandages and a little care. But, to recov? er damages, the Christian father gave his child chloroform, amputated the leg below, the knee, and recovered pay for the dam? ages he alone had caused. It is not long since the inhuman monster was making speeches against the Southern people'for whipping negro servants. What, a regu? lar loyal Yankee will not do for the al-' mighty dollar God only knows. t? An American writer pay's: "A wo? man will cling to the chosen object ofher heart like a possum to a ?mri tree, and you can't separate her without snapping strings no ait can mend, and leaving a portion of her soul on the upper leather of your affections. Sh? will sometimes see Something to love, while others see noth? ing to admire; and when fondness is once fastened on a fellow, it sticks like glue and treacle in a bushy head of hair." ? Never pay a bill on first presentation ?it would look as if you were ostenta? tious of honesty. At the second time ot presenting you may consider about it, and say call again. Third or fourth time yon may be at home or out of money, and should the creditor call a fifth, you may have a fair reason tobe offended, at his pertinacity, and not pay the bill at all. ? If I had to be a bird I wouldn't be a lark; they have to rise so early, and no to bed at dark. I wouldn't be tin eagle *' kintr of birds ,fsc ea...- .vc?ld? t bt tu?