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An Independent Family Journal?Devoted to Politics, Literature and General Intelligence. HOTT & CO., Proprietors. ANDERSON, S. C. THURSDAY, MARCH 4, 1869. VOLUME 4,-NO. 35. Testimony of W. K. Tolbert in the Con? tested Election Case. Deposition of William K. Tolbert, ta? ken before Hon. William Hutson Wigg, Judge of the Probate Court, February 12, 1SG9, in a contested election case between tt. L. Hogo and J. P. Reed?J. D. Pope, Esq., counsel for the latter. William K. Tolbort, being of lawful age, being duly sworn, says: Question?What is your name, where -do .you reside, and what is your occupa? tion ? Answer?I live at Greenwood, Abbe? ville County. Farming. Q.?How long have you lived in Abbe? ville County? A.?All my life. ty.?Were you in Abbeville Count}' du Ying the months of July, August, Septem? ber, October and November, 1868? A.?I was. Q.?Did you belong to cither of the political parties during the last campaign? A.?I did. Q.?To which one ? ? A.?Democrat. Q.?How was the Democratic party or? ganized in Abbeville County ? A.?Into clubs. Democratic Clubs. Q.?Did you belong to one of those clubs? A.?Yes, to Greenwood Club. Q.?Where did your club hold its meet? ings ? A.?At the depot. Met onco a week. Q.?Were your meetings public? A.?Public to Democrats, but not to Radicals. No Radical allowed to come in. Q.?Did you take an oath as a member of these clubs ? -A.?Not when I joined. 'Q?Were there any secret organiza? tions connected with these clubs? A.? Yes, sir. Committees were ap? pointed, which met in secret, and they appointed men to patrol in each different neighborhood. Q.?For what purpose were these men detailed to patrol ? A.?To find out where tho negroes were holding Union Leagues. Q?What other instructions had they, if any? A.?To break them up, kill the leaders, fire into them, and kill tho leaders if they could. Q.?Were those instructions given in nil the clubs ? A.?Can't say throughout the country, but believe they were. Q?Were those instructions given and enforced at any time, and put in execu? tion against any of the Union Leagues in Abbeville? A.?They patrolled for them, but could not find where any were held. <i?Were there any other instructions given to those committees by the Demo era tic clubs in relation to the election to be held on the 3d ul November? A.? Yes, sir, the day before the elec? tion the tickets were taken away from tlio Republican party. Irom those who Ii i'I charge of them, by these committees The committees were riding for them the night before the election, taking them wherever they could find them. I was one of the gangs myself. Ten or eleven were with me. 1 was a member of the committee myself. Destroyed the tick? ets. All of us were armed. (I?What were your instructions, if tho peisfins having the ti< kets in charge refused to give them up? A.?Shoot them, and take them by force. Q.?Have you the means of knowing, and do you know, what was the political sentiments of tho negro population in Abbeville County, and how they would have voted if they had been allowed to vote ? A.?There were at least four colored votes to one white vote in the county. They would have voted for the Republi? can candidate?for you (Judge H?ge)? at. least ninety-nine out of each hundred. Q. ? Whore were you on the day of election, November 3,18G8? A.?In the fore part of the day at a voting precinct, Greenwood, in Abbeville County. A courier came in from White Hall precinct, Abbeville County, saying they were fighting there (this was about one o'clock), and that the Republicans were about whipping. A squad of us, armed, about thirty in number, besides myself, were sent thoro. When we got there, tho Republicans were all gone, ex? cept one, who was lying there dead. Heard that others were wounded. There had been some shooting. Don't know if tho Republicans shot. No whito man was shot. Only two colored men wore allowed to vote before shooting com? menced. Four to five hundrod colored men usually voted at this proeinet, who, if allowed to vote, would have voted the Republican ticket. Q.?Did tho Democrats come to the White Hull polling precinct armed on the da}' of tho election ? A.?Every one, so far as I knew. It was a general understanding throughout tho county, that all were to go armed. Q.?State what occurred at Greenwood precinct up to the time you left to go to White Hall? A.?Well, the negroes, to the number of about four hundred voters, assembled about ono hundred and fifty yards from it he polls; tho white men, Democrats, were all around the door; Captain J. G. Boozer was sitting right hy the door, to cxamino tho tickets. Two Republican colored men came up to vote; they came from the main body. He said, "Let mo see vour papers." They pulled out tho Republican ticket with Iloge's name for Congress, He told them the}' could not vote them sort there; they would have to go somewhere else to vote thoso papers. Boozer was armed, The negroes turned hack to the main body, who saw that there was no chance to vote, so they dis j banded and wem home. There were I about four hundred of them, nil voters in ! Abbeville County, and who would have I voted the Republican ticket. In a fair election the Republican ticket would have a majority of twelvo to fifteen hundred iu Abbeville County. [The official return [ made the Democratic majority 1920.] Thero was a clear understanding that the Democrats would force the Republicans j from the polls if they undertook to vote, I force them by arms. We were all well armed, and intended, if the}- rushed in, we would rush them back, shooting into them. It was not safe for Republican speakers to canvass tho connty. The general understanding was that the}' were to be shot, killed, stopped. lie knew of four that were shot; one got over it; three were killed. Several oth? ers were shot and wounded, but he does not know the persons. They were killed because of the influence thuy had in the Republican party. The killed were James Martin, a member of the Legislature from Abbeville, B. P. Randolph, and an? other man at Whitehall on the day of election. Randolph was killed at Hodge's Depot on the 16th of October, about two o'clock in the afternoon. lie (Tolbert) was present; was known and recognized by the citizens living at Hodge's Depot, and talked with a half dozen of them? Flctch. Hodges, Langdon Conner, Jim Cochran. Q.?State how you happened to be at Hodge's Depot the day Randolph was killed ? A.?I heard he was going to make a speech there, and I went up to hear it. When I got there, they told me he was not going to speak there, that he had gone up to Abbeville Court, House, and was goin<; to Anderson that night on tho afternoon train. Joshua Logan and J. W. Tolbert camo to the depot with me. Both were well known at Hodge's Depot. When we arrived there, we found a crowd ot men, some eight or ten, besides our number. We commenced talking about Randolph; that he had threatened to Colonel Aikcn to burn up the State; that he could do it in three words, and that we must kill him. Langdon Conner and Flctch. Hodges spoke to us, after we came up?we all were armed, I mean at Hodge's Depot. They put up a target, and wo all shot off' our pistols at it. We did it to reload our pistols, so as to be sure the}" would tiro, being freshly load? ed. They put it on Logan, Tolbert and myself, to do the shooting, saying that as we diil not live there, the negroes would not know us. If any more shooting was to be done, they would do it. That if Randolph's guard fired 0:1 us. they would tiro 011 them. When the train came in, Langdon Conner went to the conductor, aud asked him if Randolph was on board, and he came back and said he was on the train. The train ran up to the side of the platform. Randolph was sitting by the door of the car. The rot all went to the upper end of the platform, and got on the platform. I went to the lower end. Just at this time, the Greenville train ran up. Randolph immediately changed cars, and walked back into the last passenger car, and took his seat. James Cochran stepped up to mc at that time, and saj's: ''Bill, you fellows ought to havo been disguised.'' I said : ''Jim, what do you think of it, anyhow V II? says: 'Tie ought to be killed, and now is the time to do it, right now.'' Flctch. Hodges came up with a roll of money in Iiis hand and sa}-s, "As soon as you doit, we give 3*011 this, and we will back you ; if there is any more shooting we will do it." By this lime Randolph had got off his seat and walked out on the platform of tho car. John Brooks came up with his pistol in his hand, and he says: -'Now is your lime; here ho stands on the plat? form ;" and he pointed him out tome. Logan, Tolbert, and myself done the shooting. We all three shot him, and he was killed dead. Langdon Conner told mo to go on, they would do the balance. He had his pistol in his hand. Wo got on our horses and rode off". No person attempted to arrest us. We went to Aleck Ellis', about two and a half miles off. He was not at home. We wanted to see him on business. He was at Cokes bury. Logan and Tolbert went to Cokes bury to see him, and found him thero in a Democratic meeting. They came back to Aleck Ellis' with him. They told mc that Randolph's name was brought up in the Democratic meeting, as to what they should do with him. Some said, "Cut him up and feed him to the dogs.'' Oth? ers 6uid, "they wouid box him up, and express him to Governcr Scott as a pres? ent." Ellis knew that he was killed,and killed b\' us, and that some of the mem? bers of tho Democratic Club saw it done; saw Randolph killed. [Witness was here warned by the respondents counsel, Jo? seph D Pope, Esq , to speak only from Ins own knowledge, to which Tolbert replied: <; I speak from my own knowl? edge."] The members of the Democratic Club that 1 remember as being present wore ; James Cochran, Langdon Conner and Fletcher Hodges. They advised rue to shoot Randolph, to kill him, and they would back me in it. Q.?State if thero existed in Abbeville, or any other of tho counties in the Third Congressional District, an organization known as the Kii-Klux-Klun ? A.?There was. I do not know ot 1113* own knowledgo that it existed in other counties; but from pass-words tint] signs, helievo that it did ; given 113- members that I know by signs belonged to tho j Klan in other counties. It was a secret 1 organization of persons belonging to tha j Democratic party, known as the Ku Klux-Klan, existing in the counties of tho : Third Congressional District; I know that it existed in Edgcfield, Abbeville and Laurens. Members took an oath on joining, Noarly all tho n embers of the j Democratic party belonged to the Klan. I Among them were: Captain J. G. Moo ; zer, D. Cress well, Fletcli. Hodges, Lang don Conner, Bob Stansler. Don't know thai D. Wyatt Aikcn 'did. The object of the Klan was to regulate the Repuhliean party; break it up if they could, and strengthen the Democratic parly. To do this, they were to kill out the leaders of tho Republican party, and drive them oat of the State. The oath taken by the members was this : To do whatever their I leaders ordered them to do. We had a leader in every organization, who was known as captain of the company, and we were sworn to obey his orders. Ho told us to find out where the Union Leagues met; to fire into them, and kiil the presidents, if we could. It was un? derstood that Randolph was the man that organized the Union Leagues in South Carolina, and that was one of the reasons why he was killed. We had a meeting the night before the election, and had or ders from oar captain to come early to the precinct next morning armed, and not to allow a negro Republican to cast a vote. To try to persuade them to vote the Democratic ticket, and if they insis? ted upon voting, to force them back, fight them, kill them, shoot them. John G. Boozer was the captain. About twenty members that I knew, but there were more than that. W. K. Tolbert. Noble Example.?We have learned with much pleasure, that it is the purpose of a largo number of the members of the Methodist Church, within the bounds of the Sumtcr Circuit, to plant, the present year, a certain crop or amount of land, pro rata, the product of which they will sell and apply for the support and benefit of the Church. The idea is, in this way, to create a Church fund, from which the preacher may be regularly paid, and all the other necessary expenses of the Church met, without difficulty, complication or failure. The example is a noble one, and if adopted throughout the country, would at once put the Church upon an easy, sound and safe financial basis. It is grati? fy ing to know that members of the Church of Christ are waking up to some sense of the imperative obligations which rest upon them in this connexion. They have allowed the Church to languish and the Ministers of Christ, in many instances, to suffer from want, whilst '.hey enjoyed abundance. We trust that a better day is dawning upon the church, in its several braches, in this respoct. The support of the Church must he reduced lo a system?made a matter of business?promptly, regularly attended to, and no longer left to the lin e-.-rtainlies and hazards which have al tended the disjointed and irregular prac? tice of the past.?Sumtcr Watchman. - Want of Decision.?A great deal of labor is lost to the world for the want of a little courage. .Every day sends lo their graves obscure men, who have only re? mained in obscurity because their timid? ity has prevented them Irom making a first effort, and who. it they had only been induced to begin, would in all probability, have gone great lengths in the career of fame. The fuel is, that in doing anything in the world worth doing, we must not stand on the bank shivering, thinking of the cold and danger, but jump in and scramble through as well as we can. It will not do to be perpetually calculating risks and adjusting nice chances. It did all very well before the flood, when a man would consult his friends upon an inten? ded publication for one hundred and fifty years, and live to sec its success for six or seven centuries afterwards; but at present, man wails and doubts, and con? sults his brothers and uncles and particu? lar friends, until one day he finds ho is sixty-five years of age, and that ho has no more time to follow their advice.? There is so little lime lor oversquenmish ness at present that the opportunity slips away. The very period of iife at which a man choscs to venture, if ever, is so con? fined that is no bail rule to preach up tho necessity, in such instances, of a little violence done to the feeling, and efforts made in defiance of strict and sober cal? culations. -Sidney Smith. -.?. A Gem Passage.?In a letter written 182$, Lamartine thus beautifully and re? ligiously explain his motives for entering political lite: 'When the divine Judge shall summon us to appear before our conscience at the end of our brief journey hero below, our modesty and weakness will not be an evcuse for our inaction. It will be of no avail to reply?we were nething, we could do nothing, we were but as a grain of sand. He will say to us?1 placed before you, in your day, the two scales of a beam, by which the destiny of the human race was weighed ; in the one was good, and in the other evil. Von were not but a grain of sand, no doubt; but who told you that grain of sand would not have caused the balance to incline on my side? You have intelligence to see. a conscience to decide, and you should have placed this grain of sand in one or the other ; you did neither. Let the wind drift, it away; it has not been of any use to say to you or }-our brethren.' ? -o- - ? A member of a certain theological j academy was so sensitive as to any bus j picion of plagiarism that he novcr allowed j himself to make tho slightest quotation [ without giving his author. On one occa? sion ho commenced grace at breakfast ! thus: "Lord, we thank thee that wo have | i been awakened from the sleep which a ; writer in the Editdntrg Review has called ] 1 the Image of Death." " <?> ? We generally prefer new articles to old ones?the new mades to old maids. Mark Twain's Latest. AURELIA's UNFORTUNATE YOUNG MANi Tlie facta in tlic following case camo to me by letter from a young lady who liven in Lbe beautiful city of San Jose. Sho is perfectly unknown to me, and simply siirns herself "Aurelia .Maria," which may possibly be a ncititioua name. But no mat? ter, the poor girl is almost heart broken by the misfortunes she has undergone, and ' so confused by the conflicting counsels of misguided friends and insidious enemies, that she docs not know what course to pursue in order to extricate herself from the web of difficulties in which she is al? most hopelessly involved. In this di? lemma she turns to me for help, and sup? plicates for ni}- guidance and instruction with a moving eloquence that would touch the heart of a statue. Hear her sad sto? ry : She says that when she was sixteen she first met and loved, with all the devotion of a passionate nature, a 3 01111g man from New Jersey, named Williamson Brocken? ridge Caruthcrs, who was only six years her senior, They were engaged with the free consent of their friends and relatives, and for a time it seemed as if their career was destined to be characterized by an immunity from sorrow beyond tho usual lot of humanity. But at last the tide of fortune turned. Young Caruthcrs became infected with the small pox of the most virulent type, and when he recovered from his illness, his face was pitted like a waffle mould and his comeliness gone for ever. Aurelin thought to break off the engagement first, but p\\y for her unfor? tunate lover caused her lo postpone the marriage for a season, and give him another trial. The very da3* before the wedding was to have taken place, Brocke 11 ridge, while absorbed in watching the flight of a ha I loon, walked into A well and fractured on? of his logs, and it had lo be taken off above lbe kneo. Again Aurelia was mov? ed to break the engagement, but again love triumphed, and she set the day for? ward and gave him another chance to re? form. And again misfortune overlook the un? happy 3'outh. Jle lost one arm by the premature discharge of a Fourth 01 Juh cannon, and within three months got the other pulled out by a carding machine An folia's heart was almost crushed by I these latter calamities. She ei'iild not but be deeply grieved lo seo her lover passing from her by piecemeal, feeling as she did, that ho could not last forever un? der this disastrous process of reduction, yet knowing of no way to stop its dread? ful career, and iu her despair she almost regretted, like brokers who hohl on and lose, that she had not taken him at first before he had suffered such an alarming depreciation. Still, her oravcry bore her up, and she resolved to hear with her friend's unnatural disposition yet a little longer. Again the wedding day approached and again disappointment overshadowed i; : Caruthcrs fell ill with erysipelas and h:si the use of one of his eyes entirely. The friends and relatives of the bride consid? ering that she had already put Up with more than could be reasonahy expected of her, now came forward and insisted that tho match should be broken off; but after wavering swhile, Aurelia, with that noble and generous spirit which did her credit, said that she had reflected calmly 011 the matter, and could not discover that Breck-1 enridgo was lo blame. So she extended the time once more, and ho broke his other leg. It was a sad da}' for the poor girl, when she saw the surgeons reverently bear away the saws, whose uses she had learn? ed by previous experience, and her hear told her the hitler truth that some more of her lover had gone. She felt that the field of her affection* was growjng more and more circumscribed every day. hut once more she frowned down her relatives and renewed her betrothal. Shortly before the limo sol for the nup? tials another disaster occurred, was but one man scalped by the Owen River Indians last year. That man was Williamson Breckenridge Cnrulhers, of New Jersey. lie was hurrying home with happiness in his heart, when he lost his hair forever, aud in that hour of bit? terness he almost cursed tho mistaken mercy that had spared his head. At last Aurelia is in serious perplexity as to what sho ought lo do. She still loves her Breckenridge, sho writes with true womanly feeling?still loves what is left of him?hut her parents are bitterly op? posed lo the match, because ho had no property, anil is disabled from working, and she has not sufficient means to sup? port both comfortably. "Now whatshall she do?" sho asks with painful and anx? ious solicitude. It is a delicate question ; it is one which involves tho lifelong happiness of a wo? man, and that of nearly two thirds of a man, and I feel that it would be assuming too great a responsibility to do more than make a more suggestion in the case. How would it do to build to him ? If Aurelia can afford the expense, let her furnish her mutilated lover with wooden sinus and legs, and a glass eye and a wig, niitl give him another show ; give him !)U days without grace, and if ho does not break his neck in tho meantime, marry him aud lake the chances. It does not seem to me that there is much risk, any way, Aurelia, hecituso if he slicks to his propensity for damaging himself every time ho sees a good opportunity his next experiment is hound to finish him, and then 3-r.11 are all right, 3'on know, married or single. If married, the wooden logs and such other valuables as he may possess revert to iho widow, and yon see you sustain no actual loss save tho cherished fragment of a noble but most unfortunate husband, who honestly strived to do right, but whoso extraordinary instincts were against him. Try *it, Maria. I have thought the matter over carefully and well; it is the only chance I see for you. It would have been a happy conceit on the part of Caruthcrs if he had started with his neck and broken that first; but since lie has seen fit to choose a different policy and string himself out as long as possible, I do r ot think we ought to up? braid him for it if he liked it. We do the best we can under the circumstances, and try not to feel exasperated at him. The Fifteenth Amendment?Beginning to see its Iffects. The constitutional amendment adopted by the United States Senate is denounced by some ot the prominent radical journals, who see that it is dmi 1? resist the en? croachments of Congress upon the rights of the States. The tendency tow ards cen? tralization is beginning to be rebuked by republican parly organs. They see the danger that must result from stripping the Stales of all power,, and conferring the same upon Congress. The Providence (H. I.) Journal says : ' Should this amendment bo confirmed by the States, and go into effect, it can? not fail to work a very important change in the government nnd institutions of the eounlrj*. The article annuls forever all special qualifications for holding office in any of the States, and will inevitably re quiro.very important alterations in sev oral of the State constitutions, us well as in the relations of all the Stales to the general government. It will prove by tar <ho longest step that has thus far been taken towards the consolidation of our political power and the virtual overthrow of tho Slate institutions. '?A change like this which is proposed by the Senate is fundamental and far reaching. As was earnestly contended by several leading mcmbeis of that bod}*, it is essentially revolutionary in its ten? dencies and results. Our political system will be very greatly modified by its opcr tion, and with the facility which will thus be introduced of making still further changes, it is impossible fully to estimate or even to anticipate the ulterior conso qiienccs that arc likely to flow from it. Out of a necessity which the rebellion forced upon the States of the South, and which really pertained only to them, the champions of a particular thcoi} of social rights have carried through the Senate a change in the fundamental law which strikes down everything like local inde? pendence in State affairs, and abolishes all power in a State to protect itself against any social or political evils to which it may be especially exposed. The constitu? tion of the United Slates, as thus nmended will clearly no longer be the constitution which was adopted by our father*. With such a provision, even as a possiblo anti? cipation, it could never have passed the convention of 1787; 6lill less could it have been accepted by tho popular con ntions of any of the States. If it is now confirmed, it will be only an over? throw of State constitutions, under the spurious guise of a constitutional amend? ment in favor of freedom." The Chicago Tribune also has ft bold ar? ticle on tho subject. It says: "State officers are not. like voters, con? stituents of the national government. Their qualifications may be safely left to the people of the State. The constitutions of the several States provide various qual? ifications for their officers. The Gover? nors of some States are required to bo native born citizens. Under each State we have a variety of officers to be filled by persons having a knowledge of particu? lar sciences; we have judges and attorney generals, we have prosecuting attorneys, State geologists and surveyors, we have hospitals for the insane and for the treat? ment of other forms of disease. Why should not the Stale of Illinois require that persons elected or appointed to these places shall be able lo read Or write ? that her judges and attorneys shall be educa? ted in the law ? that her public physicians and superintendents of hospitals shall have a medical education ? Yet theamend ment proposed by the Senate prohibits the State from establishing any such qualifications, and makes eligibility to otlicc coextensive with the right to vote. All citizens, of all -colors and races, wheth? er they road or write, or speak the lan? guage, or hold property, arc made eligible to all offices in the State. Can any per? son give any good reason for this propo? sition 1 "We do not think such an amendment can be ratified at the present time. We do not believe that it will secure tho re? quisite number of votes in Illinois, Indi? ana or Ohio; we do nut think Connecticut, or Rhode Island or New Kamshire will ratify it. and it may fail in New York and Pennsylvania. The Pacific States will undoubtedly reject it. The universal suf? frage clause cannot cany itsc-lf and the office-holding clause." -? ? A talented young African of the boot black persuasion, while dancing like St. Vitus over a customer's boots the oth? er day, observed a neighbor poring wisely over a newspaper, whereupon he addressed him thus: "Julius, what de delble you looking at dat paper fur? You can't read." "Go 'way, fellah,'' replied the other, in? dignantly, "guess I can read. I'se big 'n?fffor dat." "Dat ain't nuftin; a cow's big 'nuff to eotch a mice, but she can't do it." ? A Yankee editor remarked, in a pol? emical article, that, though he would not call his opponent a liar, he must say that, if tho gentleman had intended to state what was utterly false, he had been re? markably successful in his attempt. ? "\Vhat's the use," said an idle fellow, "of a man's working himself to death to get a living ?'' "Don't Give up The Ship." The Mobile (Ala.) Register says thot? ? in the battles of war, or politics, or liiei men who fight without hope cannot hope to win. Nor is the divine inspiration which drives noble souls on to struggle in storm and adversity, to be quenched by one or a hundred reverses. The great soul rises from defeat, and a great cause broken and forced to earth, gathers up its fragments, like shattered battalions, to reform and renew the battle of freedom which man cannot afford to lose and live. Those wiio despair of the final triumph of the Democratic party and of the cause of constitutional liberty which it bears on the points of its spears, it seems to us, are at sea without chart or compass, on an aimless voyage. The motto of such should be that which is written over the portals of Hell i "Abandon hope, all ye xcho enter here!" For our part we can sec nothing in the signs of the limes to push men to this de? spairing extremity. These on the con traiy indicate that the jacobin power reached its culminating point, and has in it abundant elements of rapid decline and disintegration. Corrupt and incompetent, the leaders of this party have raised a storm they cannot guide, and all political experience is at fault it it is not their doom to be swept away by it. A power? ful and united Democratic party is calmly watching events and stands ready to seize what it seems must be tho inevitable op ! portttnity lo strike its enemy staggering under administrative difficulties, torn by intestine squabbles for place and angered by bitter recriminations. Situated as the Jacobin party is, it would be a miracle if it should pass through the four j'ear'sterm of Gen. Grant with its organization un? broken. Meantime, the great public is looking on, groaning under taxation, alarmed at the daily increase of the na? tional debt, and cither dreading or hoping for a collapse of the paper finances. Ev? ery mil ion of debt-increase augments the ranks of the repudintorsi Radical policy and necessity command the increase to go on, and the repudiutors will grow ac? cordingly; Repudiation is death to the parly that is responsible for the debt, and that death seems imminent, when the party seems utterly incapable of manag? ing it. Here is hope enough to keep the friends of freedom out of the "portals" of despair. And yet this is but one of the rocks aud shoals that lie thickly in the path of the Jacobin party. The spoils questions, wherein a hundred are soured and disupointed where one gets place; the tenure-ufoffice question, threatening an I open and bitter rupture between the President and Congress, and, of course,a division of the parly in Congress; the gold pay in on t bond question ; the question of the assumed power of Congress to fix the qualification of voters in all the States, are but a few of the dangers which threaten the Jacobin party, and give tho looked for opportunity to the Democracy. There is no need or room for despair. Responsible for none of the public evils of the land, the Democratic party is to be the attacking party, and it patiently waits for the gaps to sure occur in the enemy's line of battle, to break through and over? throw him. Why not, then, stand by our arms, and wait, if only in the hope of vic? tory, when that victory will bear the fruits of Southern liberation from carpet-bag tyranny scalawag treachery." -o General Grant's Cabinet.?The Washington correspondent of the Boston Abvertiser, whose general accuracy and caref ulness of statement gives to his obser vatians some value, in a recent dispatch says: . "It should not be inferred from the lan? guage used by Gen. Grant, in his brief speech on Saturday, that he refuses to talk with his friends about Cabinet ap? pointments. He does not call into his councils the great body of Congressmen and politicians, but there are gentlemen, both Senators aud Representative*, with whom he frequently speaks on this subject. He lias made many iuqniiies in a quiet way about the standing of various persons, and has asked how the appointment of such and such men would be received by the country. It may also be said that while he has been less bored by delegations than most Presidents of late, he has been ready to hear the suggestions of those whose position is such as to entitle their views to weight as being the views of any considerable class of citizens, it can be properly inferred, from the remarks he has dropped, that his Cabinet will be made up of men who stood stoutly for the Govern? ment during the war, and who have strong? ly supported tho Congressional policy of reconstruction since the war. It can also bo inferred that certain gentlemen whose names have been frequently mentioned by the press iu this connection will not be called into the Cabinet, and in this class may be included Senators Sunnier, Wilson and Wade. The General has a very high regard for Air. Wilson, and it may with? out impropriety be said that he has signi? fied this regard lately in a delicate out unmistakable manner. It is confidently believed, however, that he will not tender him a Cabinet seat. The Now England member seems likely to be cither Mr. Mot? ley or Mr. Rout well, and the opinion of well informed men is about equally divi? ded about the chances of these two gentle? men. There is reason to warrant asser? tion that General Dix was tendered the privilege of remaining at Paris, and that he has declined the apointment for personal and business reasons in a letter expressing the strongest confidence in General Grant's devotion to the best interests of the coun? try." _ _ _ ? "That's very singular," said a yonng lady to a gentlemen who had kissed her. "Oh, well, my dear miss, I can make it plural."