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An Independent Family Journal?Devoted to Politics, Literature and General intelligence. VOL. 3. ANDERSON, S. C., WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER ll, 1867. NO. 26. BY H?YT & WALTERS. TEHMS: . -YW? DOLLASS AND A HAL? PER AKNTTM, IN . UNITED STATES CL'KKEXCY. r-*tr\ -,-.- ... ' .- '-? ......^-^ RATES OF ADVERTISING. Advertisements inserted .it the rates of One Dol? lar jjer square of twelve lines for the first insertion - ftncV Fifty Cents for each subsequent insertion. - Liberal deductions made to those who advertise by the year. - ? For announcing a candidate, Five Dollars ^ in.advance." - - * z/?? ? - Political V-JTHE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. . ??Hl _ .^-i" The extreme, length of the message '^-transmitted - b}- President Jounson to "Congress on the 2d instant, precludes its .?_?'"publication entire in these columns. We ^ ;l)re, therefore, obliged to present only IhvLt portion reterring to the great problem 'Z''kw reconstruction : The continued disorganization of the Union, to u hi?.h the President has so of r. ' ten called the attention of Congress, is vet a subject of profound and patriotic concern. We may, however, find some reiiof from that, anxiety in the reflection ^-.that the painful political ait lint ion, al ?X-iljongh before untried by ourselves, is not rV\new in the experience of nations. Po V'-iitical science, perhaps as highly perieoted ?_. in our own time and cmintiy as in anjr other, has not yet "disclosed any means by v.-hieli piyTI wars can be absolutely pre "?vented. An enlightened nation, however, with a wise and beneficent Constitution - of free government, may diminish their' ? -ireqnency and mitigate their severity by ,' iTdirecting all its proceedings in accordance ."." w.itb its.fundamental law. ^ ' .-When a civil war ha-s been brought to a ?V* close, It is-manifeslly the first interest and r-v?""Xiuty. of the State to repair the injuries - "which the war has inflicted, and tosecure the:benefit of the lessons it teaches as tall}-and as speedily as possible. This - <iuty was. upon the termination of the j-ebeIl:on,'prompUy accepted, not only by the. Executive .Department, but by the in snrreetionary States themselves, and re? storation, in the first moment of peace, was believed, to be as easy and certain as it was indispensable. The expectations, however, then so reasor.ably and confi? dently entertained, were disappointed by legislation from which I felt constrained, by. niy Obligation?: to the Constitution, to '?withhold my assent. - It is. therefore, a source of profound re? gret, that in complying with the obliga . fion imposed upon the President by the Constitution, to give to Congress from time to time information of the state of / the Union, I am unable to communicate 11 ?y definite "adjustment,'. satisfactory7? to t'v>" American, people, of ^the questions wliieh/sinec the close of the rebellion, have'agitated the public mind. On the contrary, candor compels me to declare that at tin's t:me there is no Union as our '. Vfath'el^tfHderstood the .term, and as they .meant it'.to be understood b}- us. The Union which they established can exist only wh'ei-e all the States are represented in both Houses of Congress ; where one St:;to is as free as another to regulate its internalrcoaccrris according to its own will, and where the laws -of the central Govcnurient, strictly confined to matters k 6t" u::tiuii::l jurisdiction, apply with equal force to aii tiie people of every section, j That such is not the present ''slate of the | f-Union" is a mchincholly fact, and we all in.ist acknowledge that the restoration of the States to their proper legal relations with the Federal Government and with r>ne another, according to the terms of the origin:;! compact, would be the greatest ? temporal .blessing which God, in His kind? est providence, could bestow upon this nation.1 It .becomes our imperative duly to consider whether or not it is impossible to effect this 'most' desirable consumma? tion^ The.Union and the Constitution nrcin ".separable. As long as one is obeyed by all parties the other will he preserved : and if one is destroyed, both must perish together. The destruction of the Con? stitution will be followed by other and .",Mill-greater calamities. It was ordained not only to form a more perfect union be ' tween tbe States, but to '-establish jusliee. insure domestic: iranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liber? ty to ourselves and our posterity.v .Notli -ing but implicit obedience to its require ? merits in aii parts of the country will ac? complish these great ends. Without that obedience, we can look forward only to '"Continual outrages upon individual rights, incessant breaches ot the public peace, na? tional weakness, financial dishonor, the '-total loss of our prosperity, the general corruption of morals, and the final ex Jinetion of popular freedom. To save our . country from evils so appalling as these, we .should renew our efforts again and again. To me the process ot restoration seems perfectly plain and simple. It consists 4nerely in a faithful application of the Constitution and laws. The execution of the laws is not now obstructed or opposed by physical ft ?reo. There is no military or other necessity, real or pretended, which can prevent obedience to the Con fititution, either North or South. All the rights and all the obligations of States and individuals can be protected and en forced b\* means perfectly consistent with the fundamental law. The courts may be everywhere opon, ami, if open, their pro? cess would be unimpeded. Crimes airainsl the United States can be prevented or punished by the proper judicial authori? ties, in a manner entirely practicable and legal. There is, therefore, no reason why the Constitution should not be obeyed, unless those who exercise its powers have determined that; it shall bo disregarded acd violated. The mere naked will of this Government, or of some one or more of its branches, is the only obstacle that can exist to a perfect union of all the States. On this momentous question, and some of the measures growing out of it. I have bad tbe misfortune to differ from Con groiis, and have expressed my convictions without reserve, though with becoming deference to the opinion of the Legisla tivu Department. Those convictions are m t only unchanged, but strengthened by subsequent events and further reflection. The transcendent importance of the sub? ject will be a sufficient excuse for calling your attention to some of the reasons which have so strongly influenced m}- own judgment. The hope tliaL we may all fi? nally concur in a mode of settlement, consistent at once with our true interests and with our sworn duties to the Consti? tution: is too natural and too just to be easily relinquished. It. is clear to my apprehension that the States lately in rebellion are still members of the national Union. When did they cease to Im so ? The "ordinances ot so cession," adopted by a portion (in most of them a very small portion) of their citizens, were mere nullities. If we ad? mit now that they were valid and effectu? al for the purpose intended by their au? thors, we sweep from under our feet the whole ground upon which we justified the war. Were those States afterwards ex? pelled from the Union by the war? The direct contrary was averred by this Gov? ernment to be its purpose, and was so understood by all those who gars their blood and treasure to aid in its prosecu? tion. It cannot be that a successful war. w aged for the preservation of the Union, had the legal effect of dissolving it. The victory of the nation's arms was not the disgrnee of hei policy ; the defeat of se? cession on the battlefield was not the triumph of its lawless principle. 2sor could Congress, with or without the con? sent of the Executive, do any) hing which would have the effect, directly or indi? rectly, of separating the Slates from each other. To dissolve the Union is to repeal the Constitution which holds it together, and that is a power which does not belong to any Department of this Government, or to all of them united. This is so plain that it has been ac? knowledged by all branches of the Fede? ral Government. The Executive (my predecessor as well as myself) and the heads of all the Departments have uni? formly acted upon the principle that the Union is not only undissolved. bu*. indis? soluble. Congress submitted an amend? ment of the Constitution to be ratified by the Southern States, and accepted their acts of ratification as a necessary ami lawful exercise of their highest function. If they were not Slates, or were Slates out of the Union, their consent to a change in the fundamental law of the Union would hare been nugatory; and Congress, in asking it. committed a polit? ical absurdity. The Judiciary has also given the solemn sanction of its authority to the same view of the case. The Ji.dges of! the Supreme Court have include:! the Southern States in their circuits, aim they are constantly, in banc and elscw here, ex? ercising juris iict ion which does not belong to them, unless those States are Stales of the Union. If the Southern States are component parts of the Union, the Constitution is the supreme law for them, as it is for all the other Stales. They are bound to .obey it. and.so are we. The right of the Fed? eral Government, which is-clear anil un? questionable, lo enforce the Constitution upon them, implies the convlalivc obliga? tion on our part to observe its [imitations and execute its guaranties. Without the Constitution we arc nothing; hy,'th rough and under the Constitution we are what it makes us. We may doubt the wisdom of the law; v e may not approve of its provisions, hul we cannot violate it merely because it seems to confine our powers within limits narrower than we could wish, it i.N not a question ot individual, or class, or sectionaljntoresi, much less of pal'ty predominance, lint of duty?of high and sacred duly?which ?i- are ail sworn to perform. If we cannot support the Con? stitution with the cheerful alacrity of i hose wir- |oyc and believe in it, we must ?iye.tn i:. a! leysl the fidelity of public servants whoae! under solemn obligations ami command?- which they dare not disre? gard. 'flie constitutional duly is not the only one which requires the States to he re? stored. There is another consideration which, though of minor importance, is vet of great weight. On the 22d day of July. l80l, Congress declared, by an a.most unanimous vote of both Houses, that the war should be conducted solely for the purpose of preserving the Union, ami maintaining the supremacy of the Fcde ral Constitution and laws, without impair? ing the dignit y, equality, and right of the States or individuals; and thai when this was done, the war should cease. I do not say that this declaration is personally binding on those who joined in making it, any more than individual members of Congress are .personallyabound to pay a public debt created under a law for which they voted. Hul it was a solemn, public, official pledge of the national honor, ami I cannot imagine upon what grounds the repudiation id' it is to be just died. If it be said that we are not hound to keep faith wiiln-cbels, let it he remembered that, this promise was not made to rebels only; Thousands of true men in the South were drawn to our standard by it, ami hundreds of thousands in the .Vorth gave their lives in ||iu hclicl that it would be tarried out It was made on the day af? ter the first great battle of the war'had been fought and lost. All patriotic and intelligent men then saw [lie necessity of giving such assurance, and believed that without it the war would cud in disaster to I our cause. Having given that assurance in the extremity of our peril, ? he violation of iL now, in the day of our power, would be a rude rending ofthat good faith which i holds the mo'-al world together; ourcoun j try would cease to have any claim upon j the confidence of men ; it would make the j war not only a failure, but a fraud, j Being sincerely convinced that these j views are correct, I would be unfaithful to my duly if ? did not recommend repeal of thc acts of* Congress which p ten of thu Southern Slates under thed ?nation of militarj* masters. Jf calm flection shall satisfy a niajority of } honorahlc bodies that thc acts r?ferre< arc not only a violation of the nati( faith, but in direct conflict with the ( stitution, I dare not permit mysell doubt that 3-011 will immediately sti them from thc statute boole. To dem?nstrale thc unconstitatu character of those acts, I need do no rr than refer to their general provisions, must be seen at once that they are authorized. To dictate what alt?r?t) shall be made in the constitutions of several States; to control the election State legislators and State officers, m hers of Congress and electors of Presid and Vice-president, by arbitrarily dec ing who shall vote and who shall be eluded from that privilege; to disse Stale legislatures or prevent them fi assembling; to dismiss judges and ot civil functionaries of thc State, and point others without regard to State 1; to organize and operate all the politi machinery of thc States; to regulate whole administration of their dome; and local affairs according to thc m will of strange and irresponsible agct sent among them for that purpose?th are powers not grail ted to the Fede Government, or to any one of its bran es. 2sot being granted, we violate < trust by assuming them as palpably as would by acting in the lace of a posit interdict; for the Constitution forbids to do whatever it does not affirmativ? authorize either by express words or clear ?inplication. If the authority desire to use does not come to usthrou the Constitution, we can exercise it bi by usurpation, and usurpation is the m< dangerous of political crimes. By tl crime the enemies of free government all ages have worked out their desig against, public liberty and private rigl It leads directly and immediately to t establishment of absolute rule ; for und egated power is always unlimited and 1 restrained. The acts of Congress iii question a not only objectionable for their assn m lion of ungrantcd power, but many their provisions arc in conflict with tl direct prohibitions of the Constitutif] The Constitution commands that a repu Hean form o? government shall bc gun an teed to all the States; that no pcrs< shall be deprived of life, liberty, or pro crty without due process ot law, arrest! without a judicial warrant, or punish* without a fair trial before an imparti jnry ; that the privilege of habeas corpi shall not be denied in time ot peace; ai that no bill of attainder shall be passe even against a singletudividual. Yet ll system nf measures established b}' thc: acts ul Congress does totally subvert at destroy the form, as well as the substam ol' republican government in the li States to which they apply. It bin? them hand and toot in absolute slaver and subjects them to a strange and ho tile power, more unlimited and more lik ly to be abused than any other no known among civilized men. It tra mph down ail those rights in which thc esse tu of liberty consi.-ts. anil which a free go1 [eminent is always most careful toprolec j It denies the habeas corpus and tho tri; by juty. Personal freedom, property an lite, if assailed by the passion, the prep dice, or the rapacity of thc ruler, have n security whatever, lt has the effect of hill of attainder, or bill (d' pains and pei allies, not upon a few individuals, but uj on whole masses, including thc million who inhabit the subject Slates, and eve their unborn children. These wrong; being expressly lorbiddeil, cannot be coi slitulionally inflicted upon any portion ( our people, no matter bow they may hav come within our jurisdiction, and no mai ter whe'.her they live in Slates. Terrill rirs or dist rids. I have no desire to save from the proj cr and just cons?quences (d' their grea crime those who engaged in rehellio agnin>t the Government; but as a mod ct punishment, tho measures nude consideration are the most iinreasonabl that could bc invented. Many ol thos people are perfectly innocent; mail}' hep their fidelity to ihe Dliion untainted ti the last; man}' were incapable of air legal offence; a ?urge proportion even o tiie persons able I?) bear arms were force? into rebellion against their will; and 0 those who are guilty willi their own con sent, the degrees of guilt are as variou as the shades of their character and lem per. Put these acts of Congress eon Ibu tn them altogether in one com molt doom Indiscriminate vengeance upon classes sects and parties, or upon whole column nil ?os. tor offences committed by a portioi id' Ilium against the governments to vvliicl they owed obedience, was common in thc barbarous ages of the world. Put Chris j tiaiiily and civilization have made such progress that recourse to a punishment sc cruel and unjust would meet with the cmi detonation ot all unprejudiced and right minded men. The punitive justice ol this ::ge, and especially of ibis country, does not consist, in stripping whole States o? their liberties, and reducing all their peo ? pie, without distinction, to thc condition ol' slavery. It deals separately with each individual, confines itself to the forms ot law, and vindicates its own purity by an impartial examination of every case before a competent judicial tribunal. If this docs not satisfy all ourdesires with regard to Southern rebels, let us console our? selves by reflecting that a free Constitu I lion, triumphant in war and unbroken in , peace, is worth far moro to us and our 1 children than thc gratification of any i present feeling. I am aware it is assumed that this sys? tem of go vern merit for thc Southern State9 is not to be perpetual. It is true this military government is to he only provis? ional, hut it is through this temporary evil that a greater evil is to be made per? petual. If the guarantees of the Consti? tution can be broken provisionally to serve a temporary purpose, and in a part only of the country, we can destroy them eve? n-where and for all time. Arbitrary measures often change, butthcj-generally change for the worse. It is the cuisc of despotism that it has no halting place. The intermitted exercise of its power brings no sense of security to its subjects; for they can never know what more they will be called to endure when its red right hand is armed to plague them again. Ivor is it possible, to conjecture how or where power, unrestrained by law. may seek its next victims. The States that are still free may be enslaved at any moment; for if the Constitution does not protect all, it protects none. It is manifestly and avowedly the ob? ject of these laws to confer upon negroes the privilege of voting, and to disfranchise such a number of white citizens as will ?jive the former a clear majority at all elections in the Southern States. This, to the minds of some persons, is so im? portant, that a violation of the Constitu? tion is justified as a means of bringing it about. The morality is always false which excuses a wrong because it pro? poses to accomplish a desirable end. We are not permitted to do evil that good may come. But in this case the end it? self is evil, as well as the means. The subjugation of the Slates to negro dom? ination would be worse than the military despotism under which the)* are now suf? fering. It was believed beforehand that the people would endure any amount of military oppression, lor any length of time, lather than degrade themselves by subjection to the negro race. Therefore the}' have been left without choice. Ne? gro suffrage was established by act of Congress, and the military officers were commanded to superintend the process of clothing the negro race with the political privilege.9 lorn from white men. The blacks in the South are entitled to be well and humanely governed, and to have the protection of just laws for all their rights of person and property. If it were practicable at this time to give them a government exclusively their own, under which they might manage their own affairs in their own way, it would become a grave question whether we ought to do so. or whether common hu? manity woidd not require us to save them from themselves. But, under the circum? stances, this is only a speculative point. It is not proposed morel}' that they shall govern themselves, but that they shall rule the white race, make and administer State laws, elect Presidents and mem? bers of Congress, ami shape to a greater or less extent the future destiny of the whole country. Would such a trust and power be safe in such hands? The peculiar qualities which should characterize any people who are fit to de? cide ujion the management of public af? fairs lor a great State have seldom been combined. It is the glory of white men to know that the}* have had these quali? ties in sufficient measure to build upon this c?rtinent a great political fabric, and to preserve its stability for more than ninety years, while in every other part of the world all similar experiments have failed. But if anything can be proved by known facts?if ail reasoning upon evi? dence is not abandoned?it must be ac? knowledged, that in the progress of na? tions negroes have shown less capacity for government than any other race of people. 2so independent government of any form has ever been si ccessful in their hands. On the contrary, wherever they have been lelt to their own devices they have shown a constant tendency to re? lapse into barbarism. In the Southern States, however, Congress has undertaken to conler upon them the privilege; of the ballot. Just released fromslaverv.it may be doubted whether, as a class, they know more than their ancestors how to organ? ize and regulate civil society. Indeed, it is admitted that the blacks of the South are not only regard lesss of the rights of property, but so utterly ignorant of pub? lic affairs that their voting can consist in nothing more than earn ing a ballot to the place where they are directed to de? posit it. I need not remind you that the exei'ise of the elective franchise is the highest attribute of an American citizen, and that, when guided by virtue, intelli? gence, patriotism, and a proper apprecia? tion ol our free institutions, it constitutes the true basis of a democratic form ol government, in which the sovereign pow? er is lodged in the hod}* of the people. A trust artificially created, no! for its own sake, but solely as a means of pro? moting the general welfare, its influence for good must, necessarily depend upon the elevated character and true allegi? ance of the elector. It ought, therefore, to he reposed in none except those who are Kited morally and men tall}' to admin? ister it well; lor if conferred upon persons who do not justly estimate its value, and who are indifferent as to its results, it will only serve as a means of placing power in the hands of the unprincipled and am? bitious, and must, eventuate in the com? plete destruction id' that liberty of which it should be the most powerful conserva? tor. 1 have, therefore, heretofore urged upon your attention the great danger "to be apprehended Irom an untimely exten? sion of the elective franchise to any new class in our country, especially when the large majority of that class, in wielding the" power thus placed in their hands, cannot he expected correctly to compre? hend the duties and responsibilities which pertain to suffrage. Yesterday, as it were, four millions of persons were held in a condition of slavery that had existed for generations; to-day they are freemen, and are assumed by Jaw to be citizens. It cannot bo presumed, from their ] otis condition of servitude, that, as a they are as well informed as to the n of our Government as the i niel lige ti eigner who makes our land the hoi his choice. In the case of the I; neither a residence of live years, an knowledge of our institutions whii gives, nor attachment to principles o Constitution, arc the only conditions which he can bc admitted to citizen Ile must prove, in addition, a good n character, and thus ^ive rcasoi ground for the belief that he will be I ful to the obligations which he assi as a citizen of thc Republic. Win people?the source of all political po\> speak, by their suffrages, through th Strumen ta lt ty of the ballot-box, it : be carefully guarded against the coi of those who aro corrupt in principle enemies of free institutions, for it only become to our political and s system a safe conductor of healthy p lar sentiment when kept free from moralizing influences. Controlled thr< fraud and usurpation by the desigr anarchy, and despotism must inevit follow. In thc hands of tho patriotic worthy, our Government will bc served upon thc principies of thc Co lu tie ti inherited from our fathers. Il lows, therefore, that in admitting to ballot-box a new class of voters not q lied lor the exercise of the elective 1 close, we weaken our system of gov ment, instead of aiding to its strer and durability." '-I yield to no on attachment to that rule of general frage which distinguishes our policy nation. But lhere is a limit, wisely served hitherto, which makes the bi a privilege ami a trust, and which quires of some classes a time suitable probation and preparation. To giv indiscriminately to a new class, wh unprepared, by previous habits and portunities, to perform the trust wilie demands, is to degrade it, and finally destroy its power; ?or it ma}' be sa assumed that no political truth is bel established than that such indiscrimin and all-embracing extension of popi 8 u If ra ge must end at last ia its overihi and destruction." 1 repeat the expression of my willi ness to join in any plan ^vithin the sc? ot" our constitutional authority wi promises to better the condition of negroes in the South, hy encoura<_r them in industry, enlightening tl minds, improving their morals, and giv protection to all their just rights as frc men. But thc transfer of our political heritance to them would, in my opini be an abandonment of a duty which owe alike to the memory of our lath and the rights ol our children. The plan of putting the Southern Sta wholly, and thc General Govcrnmt partially, into the hands of negroes, proposed at a time peculiarly unpropitio The foundations of society have bi broken up by civil war. Industry mi be recognized, justice re-established, ju lie credit maintained, and order brou?i out of confusion. To accomplish th? ends would require all the wisdom a virtue of the great men who formed c institutions originally. I confidently I lieve that their descendants will bc eqi to the arduous task before them, but it worse than madness to expect that t groes will perform it for us. Certain we ought not to ask their assistance un we despair of our own competency. Thc great difference between the h races in physical, mental, and moral ch: aetcHslica will prevent an amnlgamati or fusion of them together in one hon geneous mass. If thc inferior obtains t ascendency over the other, it will gove with reference only to its own intcrc ?for it will recognize no common hit est?and create such a tyranny as l continent has never yet witnessed. ; ready the negroes are influenced by pro isca of confiscation and plunder. Tin are taught lo regard as an enemy eve; white man who has any respect for tl rights ot his own race. It this continu it must become worse and worse, until ; order will be subverted, all industi cease, and the fertile fields of the Sou grow up into a wilderness. Of all tl dangers which our nation has yet encou tcrcd, none are equal to those which mu result from the success of the effort no making to Africanize the half of oi country. I would not ?nit considerations of moor in competition with justice and righ Hut the expenses incident to "reconstrn lion" under the system adopted by Coi gress aggravate what I regard the in tri i sic wrong of the measure itself, lt lu cost uncounted millions already, and persisted in will add largely lo the weigh of taxation, already too oppressive to b horne without just complaint, and ma, finally reduce the Treasury of the nat?o to a condition of bankruptcy. We mus not delude ourselves, lt will require strong standing army, and probably mor than two hundred millions of dollars pe annum, lo maintain the supremacy of ne gri) governments aftei they are establish cd. The sum thus thrown away would if properly used, form a sinking fund lar'a* enough to pay the whole national (lela in less^lhnn fifteen years. It is vain to hope that the negroes will maintain their ascendancy themselves. Without military power they are wholly incapable of holding in subjection thc white people of the South. I submit to thc judgment of Congress whether thc public, credit may not be in? juriously affected by a system of measures like this. With our debt, and the vast private interests which are complicated with it, we cannot be too cautious of a policy which might, by possibility, impair the confidence of the world in our Gov? ernment. That confidence can only be re? tained by carefully inculcating the priiici Flie Intelligencer Job Office. Having recently made considerable additions to his department, we are prepared to execute In Ihe neatest style and on the most reasonable lerm?. Legal Blanks, Bill Head?, I'osters, Cards, Handbill*. Pamphlet?, Labels, and in fact every style of work usually done iu a country Printing Office. SS?" In all cases, the money will be required upon delivery of the work. Orders, accompanied Willi the cash. Will receive prompt attention. pics of justice dud honor on the popular mind, and by the most scrupulous fidelity to all our engagements of every sort. Any serious breach ot the organic law, persis? ted in for a considerable time, cannot but create fears for the stability of our insti? tutions. Habitual violation of prescribed rules, which we bind ourselves to observe must demoralize the people. Our only standard of civil duty being set at naught, the sheet-anchor of our political morality is lost, the public conscience swings from its moorings, and yields to every impulse of passion and interest. If we repudiate the Constitution, we will not be expected to care much for mere pecuniary obliga? tions. The vio'ation of such a pledge as we made on the 22d day of July, 1861, will assuredly diminish the market value of our other promise?, Besides, it we now acknowledge that the national debt was created not to hold the States in the Union, as the taxpayers were led to sup? pose, but to expel them from it, and baud them over to be governed by negroes, the moral duty to pay it may seem much less clear. I say it may seem so; for I do not admit that this or any other argument in favor of repudiation can be entertained as sound ; but its influence on some classes of minds may well be apprehended. The finan? cial honor of a great commercial nation, largely indebted, and with a republican form of government, administered by agents of the popular choice, is a thing of such delicate texture, and the destruction of it would be followed by such unspeak? able calamity, that every true patriot must desire to avoid whatever might expose it to the slightest danger. " The great interests of the country re? quire immediate relief from these enact? ments. Business in the South is paralyzed by a sense of general insecurity, by the terror of confiscation, and the dread of negro supremacy. The (Southern trade, from which the North would have derived so great a profit under a government of ! law, still languishes, and can never revive until it ceases to be lettered by the arbita ry power which makes all its operations uusafe. That rich country ?the richest in natural resources the world ever saw?is worse than lost if it be not soon placed un? der the protection ot a free Constitution. Instead of being, as it ought to be, a source of wealth and power, it will be? come an intolerable burden upon the rest ot the nation. Another reason for retracing ottr steps will doubtless be seen by Congress iu the late manifestations of public opinion upon this subject. We live in a country where the popular will always enforces obedience to itself, sooner or later. It is vain to think of opposing it with anything short of legal authority, backed by overwhelm? ing force. It cannot have escaped your attention that from the day on which Con? gress fairly and formally presented the proposition to govern the Southern States by military force, v, ith a view to the ulti? mate establishment of negro supremacy, every expression of the general sentiment has been more or less adverse to it. The - affections of this generation cannot be de? tached from the institutions ot their an? cestors. Their determination to preserve the inheritance of free government in their own hands, and transmit it undivided and unimpaired to their own posterity, is too strong to be successfully opposed. Every weaker passion will disappear be? t?re that love ot liberty and law for which - the American people are distinguished above all others in the world. How far the duty of the President, "to preserve, protect, and defend the Constitu? tion," requires him to go in opposing ah 1 unconstitutional act of Congress, is a very serious and important question, on which I have deliberated much, and felt extreme? ly anxious to reach a proper conclu? sion. Where an act has been passed according to the forms o' the Constitution by the supreme legislative authority, and is" regularly enrolled among the public statues of the country, Executive resist? ance to it, especially in times of high party excitement, would be likely to pro? duce violent collision between the respec? tive adherents of the two branches of the Government. This would be simply civil war; and civil war must be resorted to only as the last remedy for the worst of evils. Whatever might tend to provoke it should be most carefully avoided. A faithful and conscientious Magistrate will - concede very much to honest error, and something even to perverse malice, before he will endanger the public peace.; and he will not adopt forcible measures, or such as might lead to force, as long as those which arc peaceable remain open to him or to his constituents. It is true that cases may occur in which the Executive would be compelled to stand on Us rights, and maintain them, regardless of till con? sequences. If Congress should pass an act which is not only in palpable conflict with the Constitution, but will certainly, if carried out, produce immediate and irre? parable injury to the organic structure of j the Government, and if there be neither (judicial remedy fort lie wrones it inflicts, nor power in the people to protect them? selves without the official aid ol their elec? ted defender?if, for instance, the legisla? tive department should pass an act, even through all the forms ot law, to abolish a co-ordinate department of the Government, in such a case the President must lake the high responsibilities of hi* office, and savo the life of the natijn at all hazards. The so-called reconstruction acts, though as plainly unconstitutioml as any that can be imagined, were not believed.to be within the class last mentioned. The people were not wholly disarmed of the power of self defence. In all the Northern States they still held in their hands the sacred right of the ballot, and it was safe to believe that in due time they would come to the rescue of their 0? n institutions. It gives. m? pleasure to add that the appeal to our coituuon constituents was not taken in