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An Independent Family Jonrnal?Bevoted to Politics, Literature and General Intelligence. VOL. 2. NO. 4-3. Tf$? Anderson Sa^Wg : : B Y HO Y T & "WALTE RS. TERMS: ? tWO DOLLARS AND A HALF PEE ANIHTM, - IN UNITED STATES CDItltE.N'CY. ?:<*\ - RATES OF ADYERTISIXG. . r \ Advertisements inserted at the rates of One Dql !r lar-per square of twelve lines for. the firstinscrtion . J.nnd Fifty Cents for each subsequent insertion. * . Liberal deductions made to'those who advertise by - Ihe year. '/ - JJS**- For-announcing:a candidate, Five Dollars in advance. Governor Orr on the Situation. "In tho Charleston News of last Wed? nesday .wo find a report of' the banquet given by the Board of.Trade on the eve-: ; nipg previous, id?? commemoration of the ' first anniversary of .that body. There '".. were about two hundred persous present, -. including Gen. Sickles and"many officers 'of-the army besides civil dignitaries, both State and Federal. In response-, to" tho first regular toast, "The State of South ? Carolina/'' Gov. Orr delivered an elabor |5 ate speech on the political situation, and "as '.ye arc desirous of doing him full jus. lice, vre reproduce his remarks in full, as 5 --reported-tor the JSreics : ? ? ''?.'? ? ;.:: ;? : AIr^' President.' and ' Gentlemen of the ,: .Hoard of. Trade: ' " tthank- youv for the very flattering re .caption which you Iiavo^been'pleascd to V g?Je me' personall}*, and for the' patriotic manner whichyQu have received the son . ii'meht to the State of South -Carolina.. I .-regard that testimonial as an indication of tlie respect and-affection v.-Inch her 6ons .entertain'for tho Executive of the ?^.tato, now ;and in all limes past, and I trust that the same regard will ,be ex? tended to her Executive in_future, (Ap? plause.) 1 am glad to meet you on the .^?presentoccasion, because this meeting is ?'??calculated to pro mo to the commercial prosperity of your State. I am especially -.glad, if fbr no.other reason, to meet-you . amid such peculiar associations. I find around mo tiie high .dignitaries and func? tionaries representing th'c army and navy th\& United.States. ? (Applause.) I also find around me the civil officers- of . the "-"?Gxiycrnment. of the Uni ted States. (Ap .'".planse:) . I-find also-the chief officers of r^j/onr Own. city. It is the first occasion which I have had the ^opportunity of attending, at least within the limits of Sout h Carolina, since the termination of our unfortunate war, ? where With such a combination, of influ? ences there liave been exhibited snbstan "rtial evidences- that we were attempting ^tO reconstruct the Union, and again re ? unite the sarao-spint of amity which " icxisted previous to the commencement of v.tbo. struggle.; (Applause.) ' :<r-sh?uJd be'very glad', .if it were in my' k ?pOWer,to iridicate~a plan hy" which .the prosperity of Charleston,?a city which' not. only enjoys tiie affections of your people-here, but'the affections of thepco \ple of the entire-State, to a degree -which --^fe-not 'enjnye'd perhaps by any" city upon -earth,?I will not except even the city of ^.Paris,-of? -which-it is said that pans is - JFra'nce,?may be assured; but I.know of ?' no means of your .promoting your pros- . "pVrit}'-, in the present aspect of affairs, '. without, tiie -introduction of capital.? . "When" I; look i round.,; and recognize geri ? f lernen here of the highest character, in .telligence and enterprise, I realize that v Churleston does hot lack lor the elements ' that a3*e calculated to give her a" position ''.'higher"even ..than she occupied in former ' time?^.^(Applause.) You need capital. How is that capital to be produced ? Previous to the war too. bad a banking capital amounting to something like $14,000,000. You "have - now "a . banking capital amounting to -nbbut $4UO,000. "Look at tho contrast; 8100,000 as compared with ?14,000,000 1 " And you>have needed, during this present r'?6dsoh, .that $.14,000,000 more than you Jtfid-when you shipped from the port of ^<^arleston o00,000 bales of-cotton. Dur? ing the present 3'ear you had brought to your port probably not more than 100, O0? bales; and if yon will travel through' the State, you will' find that the crop to be brought hero next fall will be materi? ally reduced. Why? Because as mcr > chants, factors and agents, you have not been able to extend to the farmer and ' planter those facilities for cultivating the - broad acres nowiying idle, which would t -""haveviclded their fruit, if ho could have .-{commanded the necessary capital. How ?' then, Mr. President, and gentlemen, are " these- diinculties to be removed 'I For two long years it has been my aim to conduct tho affairs ot the Slate in a ? ."'manner that should dcvelope its resources, and yet be, in accordance .with the course indicated by the executive of tho United ;_States. In a measure, however,' ray ef . forts have been unavailing, and within -the last thirty days-a still greater change has been .necessitated. After we had done all that was required of South Caro? lina, .Congress comes forward and declares that that body, and not tho President, has the right to dictate the terms upon . which the reconstruction of the State is to bo effected. Carrying out that view, Congress passed a bill at its regular ses? sion known as tho. Sherman Bill, and, during its recent session, what is known tistho Supplemental Bill; and tho vital question now prcsentod to the people of South Caroliua, as well as the people of aii the Southern States, is whether we flbfl.ll accept the terms-of those bills and endeavor earnestly, and in good faith, to Carry out their provisions, or fold our arras in silence, apath}*, indifference and contempt, with a determination to take no step. This is tho question presented to the consideration of the Southern peo? ple.. I propose npon tho present occasion, ?Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the Board, to indicate to you.my opinions as to the course to bo pursued by South Carolina. If tho counsels I give are not acceptable, and I do not substantiate them by sufficient reasons, reject them, 'as It is your duty and your province to do, but, if on tho other baud, they are reasonable and have weight, I ask for ihem your respectful consideration. (Ap? plause.) I desiro to stato to you that your pommerco, manufactures and agricultural interests will all remain paraJizcd until' - ,: -? ... - ; our political relations arc reestablished and'ro-instatcd with the Government at Washington, and until 3-ou secure repre? sentation in the Congress of the United j States. While the Constitutional Amend [ ment was proposed to South Carolina as a State, and our own volition in that ca? pacity could be exercised, as is well known to every gentleman here, I opposed its adoption, but the act of Congress recently I passed, has assumed that this country is a conquered tcrritoiy, a conquered peo? ple, and consequently that that body has a right to dictate terms. The power ex? ists in that body to dictate those terms, i it is secure for the next two years, and : when they place themselves ftonarcly and broadly upon that platform, iVor one; do not propose to go to the Supreme Court or any where else, for the purpose of dis? puting that power; but in good faith I will accept tho terms, humiliating as thc} may be, and openly, fairly and squarely urge their adoption bet?re our people.? (Great applause.) As I have said to you these terms are humiliating, and, in many respects, un? generous and unjust, but when Congress exercise their power in spite of the Presi? dent of the United States, and without regard to the Constitution which has in vain been held up to them for the last eighteen months. I see no other course for us to adopt as a matter of interest than to yield. I happen to be one of that class of persons that are disfranchised now, henceforth, and forever. I have neither the privilego of enrolling m}-self as.a voter or- casting my vote at the bal? lot box, nor of becoming a candidate for the humblest office under this organiza? tion, and. therefore, the counsel which I maj' offer upon the jpresent occasion may be regarded .as accepted by even those who are in ihe habit of distrusting me as the expression of an individual entirely disinterested and anxious only for the welfare of his people. (Applause.) With reference to the disfranchising clause, I think it was an unfortunate one. According to an estimate made in the region of country in which I reside, it ap? pears that within the limits of Anderson District alone, about one eighteenth would be excluded from the privilege of voting. I presume that this rule will apply to the entire State of South Carolina. Very many of these persjhs excluded, enjoy the esteem, respect and confidence of their fellow-citizens. ..Many of them, indeed, are, in my humble judgment, required in tho formation of our Stale Government. And the absence of these gentlemen in .your Convention, when it assembles'lbr the purpose of preparing a Constitution, wili be a source not only of regret to the people, but a misfortune to the State, because their wisdom would enable them to give such a direction to public affairs as would make them more acceptable to thecommnnity at large than those which we tire likely to hope for with the present ; rospect. It is better, however, that we should be excluded than that we should refuse to accept the terms proposed, when there is a reasonable cer? tainty that if we do not accept those terms, other and harsher terms will be proposed than those which are contained in the bill. Looking, therefore, to the in? terests of the great mass of the people of South Carolina, and believing that the threat of confiscation will not be carried into effect if we accept the terms of* this bill; and believing that confiscation will follow if wo do not; knowing also that we shall bo benefitted by its acceptance, I say that, as my humble judgment, in terest-and wisdom dictate that we shall concur in the measure proposed by Con? gress. (Applause.) I would, therefore, say to every man in South Carolina, who has not been dis? franchised, that as soon as the proper order lias been issued, he should proceed to register his name, and prepare to go to the polls to vote for the best man that can be selected to form a constitution under which we and our posterity can live. I believe that Congress made a mis? take, and they will realize it, when they extended suffrage to the colored man. J was in favor of giving to the colored race, before that law passed, whenever its indi? viduals could read and write, or possessed property to tho amount of 5250, the elec? tive franchise. In the first place, if j*ou open the door for all to vote you give an- opportunity for bad men to exercise their influence, but if you had restricted the privilege in the manner in which I had suggested you would have had a guarantee that when their arguments are addressed to colored men they would have had the good sense to reject them. In the next place, if Congress had created this limitation to the right of suffrage, irrespective of color. I undertake to say that every man in the limits of South Carolina would in five }-ear3 have qualified himself to exercise the privilege. Under the present circumstances, how? ever, 3-011 hold out, no such inducement. You have an opportunity to educate this race. If you educate them you will make them citizens who will understand the relations of society much better than if they remain in a state of ignorance. It is, therefore, to our interest to give them an intellectual character; and it is your interest further that the black man shall vote with ypn in the common election. I I have heard a good deal said of controlling i tho vote of the black man. It has been j supposed that his vote will be controlled ' by personal influences, and notwithstaud ? ing his convictions of interest, but you : are mistaken. That vote is destined to be controlled not by personal considera? tions, but by going to the black man and j talking to him in private conversation, and proving to him that his interest in j South Carolina is youv interest; that the 'white man's intorest is the black man's j interest. I think it can be "shown to any rational black man that it is to his inter? est to make his friends here rather than in the ?State of Massachusetts. It is supposed that because the black man has been held here in a condition ot servitude for ages past, so soon as re? straints have been removed from him, ho will at once become the enemy of the white man. It will be declared that the Northern man has set him free. But it may be remembered that it was not the first, nor the second, nor the third years nor till they were called upon to fight in j the armies of the United States, that they J were set free by the Northern people, the question arises" with them: this relation having been destroyed, we occupy a -to? tally new position. What, therefore is our material, our social, our personal in? terest ? 1 suppose that many of the col? ored citizens of this State, both before and after the war, are able to cite the I names of-Mr. A. B., and C, who have ex? tended to them pecuniary assistance. If agriculture flourishes in the State, whose interest is promoted by it? Is it not; that man's who occupies the position of landholder? Yet you find Congress imposing a tax ot three cents a pound upon cotton up to September last, and two and a half cents since that date. Looking at the last year's crop when there was no complaint of the colored people in an}- section of the State, and when we produced 1 (JO,000 bales of cot? ton, what proportion of that has gone in tho shape of taxation ? $1,200,000, which has been literall}7 wrung from these peo? ple, in the shape cf tax upon cotton, while not a dollar has been levied upon the wheat or grain in Ohio, or corn in Illi? nois. Do not, then, tell me. gentlemen, that the colored people have not the intelli? gence to be interested in these affairs.? They need representation in Congress as much as we do. The}* require that the tax shall be taken off their labor. It is not only the cotton of South Carolina, however, but the tobacco of Virginia and North Carolina which is as equally taxed. It is not, then, by intimidation and brow heating, or by wronging these people, that you arc to control their votes; but you must show that it is to their interest to vote with you, and I undertake to say, that when these facts arc presented to those who have intelligence, they will be found standing shoulder to shoulder with the white man, and carrying out the principles which I desire to urge upon you on this occasion. It is to bo expected that atlcmpts will be made to alienate the sympathies of these people from us. People will come here and see that the negroes have been persecuted. We concede tho fact that theirs was a condition of servitude. They were so under the law. It was believed to be right, but the relation is changed, and now, every dollar which the black man earns by his labor goes to his pocket in precisely the same way as every dollar which tho white man earns goer) into his pochet. Now, therefore, our interest is identical. As seme of these remarks are likely to go in print, I would here take occasion to say one or two things which I desire to go upon the record. When an emissary comes here from the State of New York. Massachusetts or Ohio, and says to the black man; we are your friends,?we are going to take care of you ; vote with us ; these white people cannot be trusted; I want our colored men to say to these em? issaries, to the'Massachusetts man,?that in South Carolina, under this law, it mat? ters not by whom it was passed, every colored man, twenty-one years of age is entitled to his ballot, and that he would not be allowed to vote in Massachusetts, unless he could read and write. Say to the emissary from Ohio who comes here for the purpose of giving advice as to how you shall vole, go back to Ohio, and en lighten the heathen Ihere, before yon come here, because no black man there is entitled to vote. Within the last three weeks. New Jersey, Ohio and Michigan have resolved jjtlmt the black man shall not vote under any circumstances what? ever. Therefore I say to those colored men, when these emissaries come among you tell them to go back and remove the beam from the eyes of their fellow-citizens be? fore they come here to lake the mote from the eyes of our own people. I have seen indications in various lo? calities in South Carolina to organize a colored and while party, to be called a National Union .Republican Radical Party. I think that is tho name. 1 do not think this is wise; because I believe that the white and colored people of these unre? constructed Slates will further their ends more thoroughly by turning their atten? tions to their own State politics; and when we get the right of representation ! in Congress, I would send men there not pledged to a Republican Union party; not pledged to the Democratic party, but I would send men who would say to all parties: Wc standby that party which will give us equal rights, equal legislation, and equal justice, under the laws and con? stitution of this country. I know there is an apprehension wide? spread in the North and West that, after the reconstruction of the Southern States, we shall fall into the arms of our old al? lies and associates, the old Democratic party. I say to you, gentlemen, however, that I wotd'd give no such pledges. 1 was identified during the ten years Of my public career as a representative in Con? gress from one of the Districts ot South Carolina with that party; and as my dis? tinguished friend, the Commander of this Military District, knows that I enjoyed their con lidence, and tho highest ollicc within the gift of that party of which I was a member. (Applause.) I havo, therefore, evcrv reason to enter 7 J ? tain the respect and regard for that party, and I have entertained the hope for many years to sec it reinstated to power; but the dream has passed. We have accounts to settle with that party, gentlemen, he fore I at least will consent to affiliate with it. (Good, good, and apnlause.) M any of you well remember that when the war first commenced, great hopes and expectations were held out by our friends in the North and West, that there would be no war and that if it commenced it would be north of Mason's and Dixon's line, and not in the South. You know, sir. (turning to Gen. Sickles,) that faith was pledged, and I will now state that if that faith had been properly carried out, there is no probability that any State but South Carolina would have seceded from the Federal Union. Another count which I have to bring against the Democratic part}-, is that when the Philadelphia Convention met, it adopted a platform broad enough to embrace every conservative man North and Sout h, yet no sooner had it adjourned thaa an attempt was made to give it a Democratic character, and make it appear that cvciy man who attended that con? vention was an accession to the Demo? cratic party. Again, during the pendancy of the Con? stitutional Amendment, every Northern newspaper, and almost every Democrat in the countty, urged upon the South to reject its provisions. It was rejected. A tew weeks only elapsed, and yet we find that on the passage of this Sherman Bill, our Democratic friends, acting in conjunc? tion with old Thad. Stevens, were instru? mental in incorporating on that bill its most odious features. It went back to the Senate, was finally adopted, and eve? ry one of the Democratic newspapers all over the North, so far as I am informed, have come out and urged the Southern people to accept the Bill. I say to you, therefore, that in my judgment it is time for us to seek new friends and a new alli? ance. Hence I am opposed to organizing any party in South Carolina, that will cement itself to the Democratic or any other party. I would not affiliate with an}* party that would put a tax of two and a half cents a pound on cotton, when not one cent is put on the corn and grain raised in Ohio, Indiana and other Wes? tern States. I will vote for no party that will perpetrate such an indignity. There? fore, when we are reconstructed, I hope that, our Representatives will goto Wash? ington and declare allegiance to that par? ty which will do us justice, and that, in 1113* judgment, is the policy for South Car? olina to pursue in this emergency. I will nut say that the attempted or? ganization of a Republican party is unpa? triotic, because there ma}' be some very patriotic men engaged in that work, but it certainly is a short-sighted policy for our people to pursue. But. Mr. President, and gentlemen of the Board of Trade, I will Dot detain you longer. This being the first occasion pre? sented since the passage of the Sherman Bill, I fell; that it was due to m}'self and to 3'ou to give expression to these senti? ments. 1 think they are disinterested, for the reason that I am myself deprived ot the privilege of going to the ballot box, and of holding office. In conclusion, I would sa}* again that I believe it is wise to give to the black man the rights which has been conferred upon him. and to permit him to enjoy those privileges in good faith. Through their efforts we shall undoubtedly be recon? structed, and thus secure representation, and our rights as equals in the federal Union. I thank you, gentlemen, for 3'our attention. We append the remarks of Gen. Sickles, in response to a complimcntaiy toast, on the same occasion: Mr. President and gentlemen, I thank }-ou for yonr kind expressions of confidence and commendation. The relation' I bear to the people of the Carolinas, while tem? porarily charged with tho supervision of their government, imparts additional in tcrest anil gratification to the honor con? ferred upon mo on the present occasion by so many persons of consideration. I pre? sume some of you may expect from me intimations as to my line of conduct. I shall not, I fear, gratify even a reasonable degree of curiosity on that subject. But at all events I may, without departing ! from the reserve imposed upon me by my official position, and its responsibilities and duties, tell you what I shall not do. First, I shall not for a moment think of depriving myself of the able and efficie nt co-operation of my old friend Governor Orr. (Great cheering.) Nor shall I fail to avail myself of the aid and assistance of any other civil officer in South Carolina, who performs his duty as zealously and faithfully as I know Governor Orr has en? deavored to discharge his duly. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, I am sure I can add, not onlv for myself, but for every officer of the array of the United States, serving under my command, that under no circumstances will we sanction any act of injustice, spo? liation or wrong committed upon any citi? zen of North or South Carolina. Gentlemen, I will offer to you another assurance ; you have my authority for t he statement to capitalists, traders, to manu? facturers?to all who desire to embark in your agricultural field of labor, and to all who wish to invest moneys in your secu? rities and in your lands, that the military authorities will do nothing tending to im? pair the value of your possessions or to in? crease the risks of those who have hereto? fore embarked in enterprises on your soil. Whatever we can do to strengthen confi? dence in your resources, and to promote the material prosperity of the common? wealth shall be done. I concur heartily in the confident expec? tations which have been expressed r ? < your future. I am one of those who be licve that there are few things impossible to Americans. I believe that tlie civil and political misfortunes, the disasters in trade and agriculture, the privations, hones and ' discouragements you have suffered, and ; which would have caused almost any peo pie who had not extraordinary energies, perseverance and faith in the futurcj-wili | all be conquered by the elasticity, vi^or j and fortitude characteristic of the Ameri- j can people. There is nothing in the his? tory ot South Carolina that suggests that; you are an exception to thesc.traits of our countrymen. It may not be:-.unbecoming in me to say, although youvwbuld perhaps refraimfrom saying so yourselves, that, in the waj^Jiich lias just' closed, the people ofthcQ^jth 1 lave shown such resources, I and the'tiL"ility to. employ them, jnd .such energy, and resolution, and courage,, as will, if wisely directed, surmount greater difficulties than any now before them. I will go further, aud venture a sugges? tion in reference to your line of action.? Of course I shall not trespass upon the po? litical arena ; for as to that I am as much disqualified as his Excellency the Govern? or, though not by a constitutional amend? ment. (Laughter.) I shall abstain, as I am required to do by the duties of my position, from any allusion to the political bearing of any matter which you have to consider. "With this reservation, let me say to you, gentlemen, in all candor, that one of the first duties you have to dis? charge to yourselves and to yourfellow citiceus, is to remove all distrust as to your purposes, feelings, and intentions in ihe future towards tlie colored race; this dis? trust is, in my judgment, the main obsta cle to the cordial co-operation and good understanding of the two races. Tiie causes for the existing alienation should, perhaps, be looked for in the early history ot your State and her former institutions. But these are considerations of the past. I do not see from my point of view any reason why the undoubted identity of in? terest that does exist, and must ever exist between the white and colored races in Eolith Carolina, shall not result in their pursuing in common all the ends of society and government as heartily and success? fully as if the old relation of master and slave had never existed. (Applause.)? One method of reconciliation is so nearly allied with the discharge of my own du? ties, that I will add to this suggestion an illustration. I think it behooves every white man of consideration and influence in South Carolina, to exert that influence, be it little or much, for the fair, hauest, and impartial execution of the laws which secure protection to person, character and property. Whosoever is concerned?be he white or colored?be he rich or poor? you must carry this resolution with you to the jury box, to the ballot box, upon the seat ol justice, in your municipal govern? ment, in your halls of legislation, and to vour reconstruction convention when it shall meet. Equal justice should be a cardinal maxim in the polity of your State, not only because it is your interest tc have a contented, prosperous and happy labor? ing population, but for higher reasons, be? cause it is just and right. (Cheer.-.) It the colored people are ignorant ami poor and prouc to error, the evident lesson must command itself to the heart and con? science of every good citizen, that the poor and ignorant should enjoy the protection of the rich, intelligent, and influential citi? zen. It is my belief, that when you have convinced the colored people by you'laws and your administration of them, that you mean to do them justice, you will have solved the most difficult problem you have to consider in your affairs. You will, at the same time, obviate nineteen out of twenty of the instances in which the ex? ercise of military authority in your affairs becomes necessary. (Cheers.) Mr; President and gentlemen, allow me to make a remark for the purpose of disa? busing your minds of any erroneous im? pressions in regard to the sentiments ol the people ot the North toward the people of the South. I affirm as my real convic? tion, that the measures of Congress now to be executed here, under my direction, have not been adopted with any purpose of retaliation or hostility, nor to impede or impair the prosperity and welfare o::' the tiouth. The people of the North do nut desire to maintain a Military Govern nent anywhere in this country. They regard that sort of Government as repugnant to our institutions, and deprecate its prolon? gation anywhere as a misfortune. They do not desire on the other hand that the people, enfranchised b\ their action, shall be left altogether ami wholly subject to the control of those by whom they have been heretofore held in servitude. Nor do they desire that this numerous race, by reason of any oppression or obstacles placed in the way of their well-being here, where they belong, shall be constrained to cut loose from their moorings here and emigrate to other and less congenial parts of the country, where they could lind no suitable or adequate demand for their la? bor. Other similar considerations have contributed their influence to the adoption of the measures now to be executed, ft was apparent that the reorganization ol the political institutions of the Sout h would most speedily terminate the necessity for military occupation and military control. If the presence of troops was necessary to cnloiec the rights of the freedmen, the obvious remedy, in a republican form of crovcrninent, was to give the enfranchised iace, by means of the ballot, the power to enforce respect for their privileges as citizens. The advocates of universal suf? frage arc certainly friendly to the colored people; therefore it is certain they wish no misfortune to the communities in which the colored people must contiiiHe, for weal or woe, to dwell. Fat from it. On tin? contrary, tliev believe ilia: !.;!. "' ? the v.-;.>?;?-..>: US means ot prouuctiou, mils'; rcsuibj not Tiie liitcmgcncei* job OS?. Having recently mnde consiflerp'ljlo ndeir\ this department, we tire prepared to execute im wdsik ?j Au ess: in the neatest style and on the mostrea ? terms. Legal Blanks, Bill Heads, Posters. Handbills. Pamphlets, Labels, and in fac style of work usually done in a country I L tlicc. ;:-Y" In all cases, the money will be rev ? 'ipon delivery of tue work; Orders, accon l: with will rrcoivt? prompt attention only in great and substantial good nation at large, but that great at ; stantial blessings must follow to the j ? ot the South. It is not so much mv pose to convince you that these me will accomplish the beneficient results templated by Congress, as it is to com them to your judgment and appreci... in their true purposVand object, accord: to my belief; and also, gentlemen, t sure you that it is in this sense, and . these hopes that, so far as my duties concerned, these acts of Congress will executed. That the result to yoursel. to your posterity, and to our com country, may strengthen and endear i ties that must henceforth make our des inseparable, is my prayer and will be . earnest endeavor. Gentlemen, I commend to you"-.: brighter aspect of the future. There h; never been an important experiment i: public affairs, that has not suggested ! gravest doubts and difficulties, and c-;. eially is this true in the matter of suffra? Every large addition to the voting pc re? lation of a country has excited the alarjc of many who fancied themselves aniong the wisest of their generation. "W'ber universal suffrage was granted to the wiVa, race, it was predicted that it would invbJ ve the downfall of the Kepublic. The naturalization laws, and the eonsequoi: encouragement given to emigration, have brought to our shores millions of Europe ) ? of every race and clime. At the outse: i was predicted that this foreign elenu ? would revolutionize our institutions aii< break down our experiment of free g.: v eminent. Great Britain, in 1832, by\;.~ Keforxn Bill, added a very large number to the voting population of that empire. Many British statesmen maintained then, that as a necessary consequence the declin. and downiall of England was imminent, if not inevitable. Now we see the loaders Ij the Tory party originating and advocating a measure of enfranchisement, compared with which the Reform Bill of 1832 was insignificant. Gentlemen, I commend to you that in choosing your course you should not as? sume that every pos.sible danger is incv. table. Take the risk. Do all you cant1 avert unhappy consequences; but cling and cleave to the brighter hope. Let us have faith in our good fortune. Let v.j. believe that the beneficent result is prsc ticable, and it it be true, as many of ris have been admonished to believe by tho events so unforeseen and inscrutable of the past years,?if it be true that in this epoch of war, emancipation and enfranchisement, we are in the hands of n higher Providence, leading us to the fulfilment of a destiny ;v.e perhaps but dimly se*-, let us have.iaitii that that same Providence which has ci?;. ducted us thus far through many hazard and difficulties of the experiment ot l?y publican freedom, will yet lead us safely through tiie dangers and difficulties thai now seem to lie in our way. Let us have faith that in the future, as in the past, liberty and freemen may vindicate them? selves against the sneers and doubts ol their enemies. The history of great commonwealth proves that in proportion to their freedom they pained in prosperity and power, as in culture and military renown. Power thus developed is conservative to nations an-." to civilization. It may be that for a brie period while the new order of things is in process ol adjustment, the productive ca? pacity of the South will be impaired. Tl.i - cannot last long. The cotton crops raised by free labor last year under greater dis? advantages than arc likely ever to occur again, sold for as much as the largest crop ever raised in the South. Before many vears the most prosperous, opulent and contented agricultural population in the world will cultivate the territory lying bei ween the Potomac and the Kio Grande. In conclusion, let me borrow an illustra-,, tion Ironi the most brilliai.t of modern historians. "Ariosto tells a pretty story of a fairy, who, by some mysterious law of her mittlre, was condemned to appear at certain seasons in the form of a toul and venomous snake. Those who injured her during the period of her disguise, were forever excluded from participation in the blessings she. bestow ed. 13ut to those who, in spite of her loat hsome aspect, pitied and protected her, she afterwards revealed herself in the beautiful and celestial form which was natural to her, accompanied their steps, granted all their wishes, filled their homes Vith wealth, and made them happy in love and victorious in war. Such a spirit is liberty. At times she takes the form of a hateful reptile. She grovels, she'hisses, she stings. But woe to those who in disgust shall venture to crush her I And happy arc those, who, having dared to receive her in her degraded, frightful shape, shall, at length, be rewarded by her in the time of her beauty and her glory." (Great cheers.) Burn t;n not nrr Him Again.?An amu? sing account is told by the Columbus Sun. of a pretty well grown school boy. lie had boasted very defiantly that lus would not allow his teacher to whip him. The news came to his home finally that he had received very justly a genteel flogging. Big brother asked what had become of Ids extensive threats ? "Why, you sco, Bud," was the reply, "he did whip me, but he knew bctteVn to give me another lick, cause he saw my hand in my pocket oii my knife, and he knew I'd cut him." "Mow many licks did he give you?" ^Twenty-eight; but he knew better n to give me another one." Conversation closed here. That twenty ninth lick was too much. Cause he count not ten. lieauer, can yju: