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. ' > ^?????? ,| ISSUED 8EKX-VEEKLT. t.K.ORisrs sons, Pnbiiihen. } % 4an,il8 lleicsgaget;: 4or th< promotion oj th? political,gonial, Ijritoltniial and (Eommeitclal Interests ojf <ti< feojl*. ( ESTABLISHED 1855. YORKVILLE, 8. C., TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 2, 1913. ISTO. 70. The Mir By CHARLES T1 Author of Vhe Day of Soul (Copyright 1912, The Bobbs-Merri CHAPTER XVIII The Sentimentalist. Two weeks before the September primary election, Mr. Curran noted a curious reserved respect toward him J from men of the town who had long j ignored him as a mere diaturDer. Ana Arne Vance coming in from a last tour, of the county on his "pigs and poll-1 tics" campaign, grimly explained it. I The Honorable James Hall came home to work over the district, as the old crowd desired. And he got a frost, Wiley! He knows it?they all know it. They're scared. Tom Purcell and I have been comparing notes. We've showed Hall up something fierce on his votes in congress, and the farmers were glum to the Honorable Jim. And he never had a show with the new element?the foreigners in Earlville's new factory district. Hall's licked! Thad Tanner knows it. Judge Van Hart knows it! But"?he looked grimly at the candidate?"we want to cinch the fight. We need some money ior priming and stuff. Got any?" Mr. Curran smiled. "Good lord, Arne! I'm bled dry as a bone! I tried to get some more on a mortgage at the bank. Cal Rice rubbed his hands and said, "Walt till after election." I don't know whether he's trying to scare me with a threat of foreclosure on the News, or wants to conciliate me In case I'm elected." He glanced at Janet ruefully. "But money? Our crowd has no moneys Money be damned! I'm simply going on telling men that I'm Wiley Curran and I want them to vote for me?and why!" The farmer-student went away dissatisfied. The candidate was in Miss Vance's office. He had been there an hour talking lightly of affairs, but conscious of some rift in the old Intimacy. Janet had been reserved, Impersonal. businesslike. She looked thoughtfully at him now. "Wiley, you must have money. It's the crisis of your campaign. Arne's right You're winning splendidly. The state press is noticing your fight down here. I should almost say the coun try It, for Hall Is a national ngure. u? splendid!" It was the first touch of her old enthusiasm for his success. For his success was in the air. There was a sense of change, an undercurrent of panic on one side, of vivifying unity on the other. Men were talking of new issues, new figures?the control of a commonwealth was being wrested from accustomed hands, and the obscure group of malcontents in Winnetka county were acute with this feeling of being on the crest of a wave. The radical papers had taken up Arne Vance's phrase of a "pigs and politics" campaign among the farmers; it had undoubtedly caught the popular hu mor. Curran nodded buoyantly. His constraint vanished with Janet's. Tet his intuition told him of a change in her. She sat forward now and spoke as one turning to a definite joint of business. "Wiley, you need money. And I have it idle in the bank. I want you to use it." He stared at her. A flash came to his face. "Janet?" "You can give me your note." "I could give a bushel of them?but who'd take them?" "I will?for five hundred dollars." "It wouldn't be worth a cent at the bank!" "Doubtless not. But to me?" She looked away seriously. Then, with hot impulse breaking through, "Oh, Wiley, I want you to win?win!" She swept up his hand from the table. "Your big chance, and I want to help!" He was silent. Then muttered: "Janet, I can't take your money! I? I'm not worth it, girl. God bless you? T'h not feel rinrht. I?our friendship so beautiful?so big a thing?" he would not finish. A damning sense of recreance was on him. She loved him. and he had never been able to make such a disaster of himself that she would not love him. That was the wonderful thing about women! And Janet, with her great wide horizons, to love him! Her steady, all-forgiving faith in him; Janet the confidant of men like Governor Delroy, the leaders of new ideals. Janet, whose work was ever calling her to finer achievements. She had refused advancement, she had waited?for him! No, he would say no more. A man had best stumble on in his own fashion. "I'm sorry." She looked away impersonally. "I only meant it for the common good?the new democracy we're fighting for. Just that?you are one of the leaders now?one of the coming men?I'd hoped." Her voice had died low. Then she went on in her business tone "Go see Purcell today, will you. Wiley?" Within the hour she called up the Honorable T. P. Purcell, Mr. Curran's political manager, and told him her check for five hundred dollars was to his credit in an Earlvllle bank. The candidate was not to be apprised at present. Young Mr. Purcell was too pleased to dissent; he leaned much on Miss Vance. **" ?~n?^ Ka Timntinn Air. mrran wamm iu iuc and took the interurban to Earlvtlle that afternoon with the firmest intention to see his political manager at once. But he went into the Hotel Metropole with a director of the stone and contracting company which had been so disgruntled over the Tanner company's monopoly of county work, and was, therefore, for reform and revolution. And after this conference he suddenly remembered Aurelle. He had been assuring himself that he didn't know she was under the same r ?of, but this was futile. "I suppose she's leaving tonight," he mused, "and I ought to call up?why, of course I had! To let the little girl go away in this fashion would be a shame. Besides"?he reflected upon . other reasons?"well, I must see after Aurelie." So, feeling rather brotherly )LANDERS ENNEY JACKSON I, My Brother'? Keeper, tic. ill Company.) fatherly, and altogether equal to the matter, he inquired. And the burst of Joy over the room telephone made him queerly giddy. See h m? Why, come right up! Miss JUinasirom waa p&ckidk auu entertaining Morris Feldman, of the Majestic Theater, who whs sitting on her trunk, impressive, prophetic and prepared to assume the glory of her burst on the world. "I'll give you a letter, Miss Lindstrom, to Cohan Snir.z, who put over all them big music shows in New York. Believe me"?Mr. Feldman laid a fat diamonded hand over his fat chest? "you got to show Cohhn & Snltz, Miss Lindstrom. This here Chicago beauty bunk, that don't go in New. York, Miss Lindstrom." "Ain't I just as good-looking as I used to be, Mr. Feldman?" "Forty ways for Sunday, Miss Lindstrom. You look the part now, with them clothes?and I'm glad you took ray advice and put your salary in clothes. It's all the business, Miss Lindstrom. It don't go much with Snltz, but Cohan he falls for that. Cohan he knows the goods when he sees 'em. When it comes to girls he likes 1 the big rangy lookers that he can hang lots of stuff on for his finales, but you'll do. If you are little. There's something about you"?Morris rolled his eyes amiably?"well, I can put you right with Oohan, believe me, Miss Lindstrom. There ain't any one except Max Levitan up In Chicago that can put a girl Into New York, like me, Miss Lindstrom." "That's good," commented Miss Lindstrom, "but will you get off my trunk? ?and hold that lid back, too, while I stuff this stuff in." Mr. Feldman did so. "Where you made your mistake, Miss Lindstrom, ' was hooking up with these two big blobs from Tulare, California. And that newspaperman's show, believe me, 1 was one mistake. If I'd been handling you, Miss Lindstrom, they'd been naming cigarettes after you by now." "You're awful good, Mr. Feldman. And I'll be mighty glad to get that let ter. Me and Miss worman?i mean Miss Norman and I?will be pleased." She was rolling up Ave pairs of stockings and stuffing them into the crown of a hat. "You see, Mr. Feldman, I'm trying to improve my grammar, but believe me, it's some effort. I'd rather hunt rabbits?or Jobs. I guess my grammar's hit 'em pretty hard in New York." "My letter'll put yc-u right. There ain't many people wise to this here theatrical business Miss Lindstrom. In New York there's Cohan & Snitz and Gus Friedlander, and in Chicago there's Max Levitan, and then here's me that runs this picture house for Hirsch & Meyerstein. But It's too much for most of 'em, Miss Lindstrom. There's a great future for the American drama and the American actress. Miss Lindstrom. 'Get the money?Get the money?Get the money?' that's the way I heard Cohan put It up to Snitz when I come out ahead on The Girl and the Duke for 'em one time. Believe me, you can make good Miss Lindstrom." "Climb on that trunk with both feet," 1 comm&ndpd Miss Lindstrom: and the protagonist of the American drama did ' so. "Now run along?I want to change ' my skirt?" pursued Miss Lindstrom. j "And, oh?there's Mr. Curran!" She dashed to him as Mr. Feldman ambled out. She seized Mr. Curran's J hands. "Do you know, somebody said I shouldn't have kissed you the other day?" . ' "I know," faltered Mr. Curran. "Why not?" "Well?er?I'm running for con- j gress." "Well, I wasn't-a-going to kiss congress! But you know I think a heap of you. I never can repay all you did ] for me, Mr. Curran. Why, I remember that I began to use better grammar af- | ter that time I ran off through the woods and you comforted me. Why, you made me cry?and just there I made up my mind to be somebody! Do you, remember, Mr. Curran?" Poor old Wiley! He had not forgotten a moon-beam on the trees! And t .iever would! That was his weakness. r< norrooo wmilH nnt ?t|plf In his mind v? - overnight, try as he would. "W?>11," Aurelle went on, shaking out things and laying them in her suit case, "when i come back with a bulldog?a great aciress?I'll step out and tell all the people?right In front of that fuzzy old curtain at the tin opera-house? that Mr. Curran of the News, he did it!" "Then Aurelie," he mourned, "I couldn't be elected pound-master! They're terribly afraid of actresses over in Rome." "They never had any! But I don't suppose they'll ever forget that I was a shanty-boat girl and came up the river with an old soldier who did the whisky loup from Natchez to Dubuque; and ran wild in the woods and hadn't any mother to speak of'?she jerked things about in the case?"or any name except one that an Indian woman gave me, and what Papa Lindstrom had. I'm Just not anybody?" she Jerked the case agr in and grimaced. "Now, I cut my finger!" "It's what people do who get mad and slam things." "If I had anybody, they'd kiss my fingers when I cut 'em!" Mr. Curran took that finger. He looked at It and kissed It gently. Then he looked up to see the tears and laughter in her eyes. "I'm glad you're foolish!" she cried, and he whispered: "So am I!" "I guess we're a good deal like each other." "I'm afraid so! You're a problem, Aurelie. No wonder Harlan couldn't make anything out of you. He's all broken up, poor chap!" "Why can't you be sorry for me a little bit? I sent Harlan away, Mr. Curran! I wasn't going to hurt his career. I'm going: to be somebody myself. Be a new woman like Miss Vance and write pieces for the papers; and not bother about a home and some babies like I want!" "Aurelie, I can't understand you." She sat on the trunk and sighed. "That's on top. Down in my heart I want to run away down-river with Uncle Mich and to the Cajun country where we went to the island balls and I wore hyacinths in my hair?I do, Mr. Ourran!" "Lord bless you!" cried Mr. Curran; "you love Harlan!" "No, I don't. But I want to be loved by somebody Just like I am?a sort of wandery person who'd be willing to go off on adventures. And not have any people or careers. Just be brave and foolish, like you. Mr. Curran contemplated her quite calmly. "Aurelle," he demanded, "are you going ever to marry. Harlan?" "Never, never?never! It was only because I was lonely, and a sentimentalist?Is that It? It was such a great thing that summer. But now? Why I have theater managers come and help me roll stockings and stick 'em In my trunk! Mr. Feldman Just did!" "Aurelle," went on Mr. Curran steadily and sternly, "about Harlan?you're making a great mistake if you throw him off!" She regarded him demurely through holf.nlnoo^ HmnlH avpa "Some people I know wouldn't be Borry If I did!" Aurelie was plainly playing with poor Mr. Curran. He felt It and was enraged. "If you weren't so grown up, I'd spank you! You?a young lady!"' "I'm not. Ask Harlan's mother or some of the Shakespeare club. I'm vulgar and nobody?Just Old Michigan's girl!" Mr. Curran sat despairingly down. Never to him had she been so beautifully buoyant, so arch with Joy, so Infinite with possibilities, so gay with blithe courage. Love Harlan? Surely not! This was life she was loving? Bmlles and tears and triumphs?she was enraptured with it all, and she would love no one now! She was finding herself; she was unfolding splendidly, dangerously, out of the hard and meager years she had served. "John says the reason he won't let the family have your presents Is because you're a contrivance of the devil!" "But you like the devil's contriv ances, don't you, Mr. Curran?" "I expect I do, Aurelle." "And you don't care a hang: what congress thinks!" "I'm afraid not, Aurelle." She came with laughter to him?and kissed him. "Nobody can see us! What's the use of hating anybody? Or being sorry? Or pining because they ion't love you ? Oh, let's Just go on and be fln ewlth every one! I'm trying to be religious. I say prayers when I ain't too sleepy. And I'm collecting Vladonna heads, and I give dimes to all he beggars. Ada says it's silly to cross :he street to give dimes to people, but I tell her it's religious!" "Somehow," he muttered, "I have to forgive you. Do you know you are living, Aurelle, every day? That's what It means?to be gay and happy and kind, and not bother too much about uther things." He took her hands: 'Dear girl, life isn't so much winning anything as always trying. It's better to travel tnan to arrive, as some un? said. And oh, so many years I stood still?until you came, Aurelle! I can't sxactly explain it?you can't imagine how you helped me!" She looked at him wide-eyed. "Helped you?" "I knew you wouldn't," he went on despairingly. She was still for a time. "I wish I could understand! It's fine to know you. I never used to feel so hopeless after I met you. You made me happy because you saw something in me?I wasn't Just common to you." He looked up to see some grateful shining in her eyes?"And the funny old town? we were both rebels, weren't we? And Just suppose you did go to congress, and I became a real actress!" She stood by the window and stared out across the busy street to where, even In Earlville, one saw the encircling hills. "What then, Aurelle?" "Why, we'd both remember how we helped each other!" He went away with a surge of his heart he could not still. "Now write me every week," she had said. "Nice friendly letters?and not fatherly-advice letters as if you were baldheaded, Mr. Curran!" When he had gone home, he climbed Eagle Point trail before he could Bleep. And he did a curious thing for a possible member of congress; he kissed his fingers toward the eastern hills and whispered: "Because you're there. Aurelie?just because you're there!" (To be Continued.) Secretary McAdoo and Money Famine. When business is active, the usual situation is a money famine in autumn. With unbroken regularity New York has for years seen higher Interest rates than any other city on the globe. Money at 20 per cent has been no un-j common occurrence, while as much as 100 per cent has been paid during the last decade. Time money to mature next January, thus carrying over the period of grea' est stress, is now lending in New York at 5 per cent. This is the more extraordinary when comparison is made with the 61 or 7 per cent which the strongest ranroaas oniy receimy jiuiu for loans running one year. What causd this revolution in interest rates? The answer Is found In Secretary McAdoo's deposit of nearly $50,000,000 government funds In western and southern banks. That money is moving crops, and it obviates the necessity of draining funds away from big eastern cities to do the work. It has been an unwholesome, even an uncivilized thing, for the United States to endure a money squeeze every autumn. It has been detrimental to all business and a cause for constant worry and alarm. By anticipating another period of financial distress. Secretary McAdoo has prevented it. Baying aside all quibbles about how the government funds should have been placed, the sequel to the act of placing them somewhere is instant and emphatic.?Philadelphia Ledger. CORRUPTION IN ELECTIONS. Mayor Grace Comes Back on Senator Tillman. SHOULD WHALEY BE INVESTIGATED? Unable to Get the Congressional Delegation to Take Hold, Mr. Grace Intimates That He will Continue the Fight as Best He Can on Down to the I Last Ditch. The opening letters of the correspondence between Mayor John P. Grace of Charleston, and Senator B. R. Tillman on the subject of investigating the recent alleged election of Congressman Whaley, were published last Tuesday. Following is Mayor Grace's rejoinder to Senator Tillman, as reproduced from the mayor's paper, Common Sense: Charleston. S. C.. July 31, 1913. Hon. B. R. Tillman, U. S. Senate, ^ Washington, D. C. My dear Senator Tillman: In my letter of July 25th I had told you that it would be the last time I would appeal to you to assist me In the Whaley matter; and I am replying now to your letter of the 28th, not to make any further appeal, but to keep the record straight. I see now that I should have ' avoided you from the start. You are ' not a free man. I cannot let the occasion pass, however, without utterly denying and disclaiming the motives which you attribute to me. Although it would be false for me to claim that I anything but despise Mr. Whaley, or ' to deny that it would give me a great deal of satisfaction and vindication to see him unseated; yet for you to inti- I mate that my conduct is a matter of I "malignancy and personal spite and a desire for revenge," and to make It appear that from such motives I am 1 going to the lengths to which I am go- 1 ing in this case is simply to wilfully, ' but unskillfully, pervert the facts. You 1 have promised to take the very same ' course if Blease goes to Washington by ' corruption and perjury. There are sev- ' en congressional districts in South ! Carolina In order for Blease to be as ' guilty as Whaley, he would not only have to commit seven times as much 1 bribery as Whaley, but as much per jury. In other words, just enougn 01 the one to "elect" and of the other to "seat" him. Regardless of the. feeling which you have agalnat Blease?In which I Join, and which we will say corresponds to mine against Whaley? I think the people of the United States would gladly relieve you of the stigma of "revenge and malignancy" If you would do your duty in the Blease case nor would It argue at home any lack of patriotism or love of Carolina for you to do it. I believe in home rule and state rights. It has been bred in my bones. But South Carolina is a part of the American Union. She was not only one of the thirteen original states (one of the most gallant of them), but when the war of the Revolution was over, it was a South Carolinian who wrote most of the Constitution of the United States. It is under that Constitution our government is organized and you are a senator; and you have taken an oath to uphold it. So has Mr. Whaley. That Constitution fixes definitely the bounds of the state and national governments. There Is no "twilight zone." ' The lines are only indistinct if the vision of so-called "statesmen" is indistinct. In her jurisdiction the United States is as supreme as is South Carolina in hers. I am not asking the United States to invade the proper sovereignty of our state. I am not asking congress to intervene in local politics. : I am simply asking, under the Constl- 1 tution and laws made in pursuance 1 thereof, that congress say whether or 1 not Mr. Whaley bought and perjured ' his way into congress. The Democratic 1 party of South Carolina, with all due 1 respect to it and you, has nothing to 1 do with this issue; nor has the legis- ' latnro of our state. If either one of these bodies could remedy this matter, there would be something' sensible In your view. This matter has passed out of the cognizance of the state. Under the Constitution, congress alone has power to decide the qualifications of Its members. You recognize this in the Blease case; and at first you recognized it In the Wha'.ey case, because I have It from you in writing, as well as by word of mouth, that if my facts were true, you would glory In taking a hand in the matter. What did you mean by these words: "You say you 'are ready to prove the facts of hrlbery and corruption in the recent primary,' and you say, 'you will be heard in Washington.' Come on to Washington, Mr. Grace, and I will help you In any way I can to be heard. While I am not a member of the house and therefore, you cannot 'appeal to 1 Caesar* In my person, I am a senator 1 and have some Influence with both members of the house and senate, and < will facilitate to the fullest degree any I exposure you are able to make of i corruption and fraud in the recent prl- I mary in our state. While it would I bring the name of South Carolina into I discredit and disgrace it, and cause < every true South Carolinian to hang I his head in shame, if It is necessary to I go to the length in order to 'cleanse the I augean stable,' I say let us have it I done and quite blustering." i That was what you wrote me nearly i three months ago. The words under- I scored, and particularly the words "I I will," in the sentence, "Come on to i Washington, Mr. Grace, and I will help you in any way I can to be heard," i were underscored, not by the type- i writer, but by pen and Ink, presumably by you; clearly manifesting a then ; determination upon your part (after reading over and reflecting upon what you said) to help me. If my facts are not true, of course there would be no "washing of dirty linen In Washington;" and I would be humiliated and discredited. If they are not true, there should he no one quicker than Mr. Whaley to demand an Investigation, even though you are now backing water in the matter. I do not recede one inch, though, from what I have said about deplorable conditions within our state. My memory is good. I recall that you yourself last summer after the Blease election, so called, threw cold water upon even the Democratic party taking steps to Investigate that election. It was suspected, and in the light o? this correspondence it can well be believed, that your motive then was fear that your own election would be upset along with the whole primary; and that you would have to run over again and that a feeling engendered against you In the last days of that campaign might cause you to lose?as you did nearly lose, anyhow. I do not think that South Carolina would 'hang her head In shame' if a repetition of the Whaley matter in either branch of congress could be prevented by congressional action; and what is more to the point, I will not allow you to put any such words In my mouth, as you do when you say "You are asking: me to pursue a course which you admit would cause the people of South Caroline to hang: their heads In shame." Point out to me where I said any such thing. Instead of hanging her head in shame, she would be proud of the fact that It was she who helped largely to write the Constitution, and that by it, In the last analysis, her honor had been saved, not lost. In the face of what I have told you, and what I am sure you have heard both through the press and from responsible men in this district, I do not believe you can be sincere in Intimating that the character of try proof is doubtful, as you do In these words: "I love my state, its honor and Its good name; and I am not willing to bring either its home or Its gK>od name Into question upon heresay testimony or belief; nor am I willing to confess the incapacity of the people of South Carolina?keeping in mind their proud history?to rectify any wrongs, etc." You are not afraid, nor Is Mr. Whaley, nor can anybody be afraid of the quality of my proof; or that the case rests upon "hearsay testimony or belief," You know that the proof Is clear. If It is not, then the word that has gone forth throughout the land that Mr. Whaley sits in a bought seat, a bought and perjured seat, will be shown to have been a vile slander and South Carolina and Mr. Whaley will be proudly vindicated. South Carolina Bhould hang her head in shame now, because of the conditions which have existed for a long time and gone from bad to worse. Instead of permitting you to put me in the position of bringing any shame upon South Carolina, I want to tell you that I am already so ashamed of her and so ashamed of what the world knows of her that I am willing to do anything to redeem her; and shouldering a gun would be the least of these things. I have always admired what Danton said on the way to the guillotine: "Let France be free though my name be accurst." If South Carolina were free, that is, free under the Constitution, I would be the happiest man in her borders. All that I am working for is to bring about, as an actual living reality, the full enjoyment of the institution for which the founders of this Republic fought on the battlefield; and for which my own father fought on the-fields of the Confederacy. The last thing that occurs io me is wnai me peopie luiuk ttuuui me; notwithstanding I would wish them to think well of me. I am genuinely content when my own conscience is clear, though all the world might doubt me. Hence I am not interested In that part of your letter where you adroitly appeal to ray ambition by suggesting that what I should do now in this matter is only that which hereafter the people will applaud. You say: "I do not question at this time the motive which prompts you to insist upon the "washing of the dirty linen ot South Carolina" here In the capital of the nation. It has too much of the appearance of malignancy and personal spite and a desire for revenge on 'our pari, una yuu utuiuui escape mat verdict throughout the state if you press it. But your co-operation with me to have the Democratic party of South Carolina and legislature of South Carolina reform the situation in the state can be attributed to ho other motive than that of the highest patriotism." That might appeal to some of your rriends here who are time-serving politicians only. But my ear is not to the ground; I hope my eyes are fixed on the stars. And to such an extent am I willing to go that I believe, with tranquil voice and without a tremor, I could say with Danton, 'let South Carolina be free though my name be accurst.' I do believe that all we need is an honest, broadmtnded application of our already constitutionally guaranteed rights. If I had a case to be tried and I thought the atmosphere of the Federal courts most suited to its trial, I would step over into U. S. Judge Smith's court and claim that Jurisdic tlon; and I would do so wunout me remotest feeling that I was reflecting upon my native state In passing by our county court house on the way. How much more so then should I seek relief in congress in the Whaley case, when there is no other jurisdiction? There is such a thing as the fitness of things. Every atom of the universe moves In Its proper orbit; but always, nevertheless, governed by two conflicting forces, the centrifugal and the centripetal. Sometimes the equilibrium is preserved by one and again by the other. It was the recognition of this law that gave origin to our government. There are times when there is too much Washington and we fall back upon the states; and again, when our Btates are pulling down our Ideals, we fly to the national Capitol. There is no lack of patriotism in either; but simply a balanced knowledge of our constitutional system. I cannot follow you in your hairsplitting distinction between the Blease and Whaley cases. Passing by your pretended original zeal as expressed in your letters, and In your conversations to bring: Mr. Whaley to Justice, I submet that there is not even a hairsplitting distinction between your duty in the matter. You say: "The answer to this is simple. I am a member of the senate and have a right to speak from the floor of the senate and to command attention. I am not a member of the house of representatives, and while as a member of the senate I am entitled to the floor of the house, I have no rights under its rules to address that body. This you know a.- veil as I do." I certainly do! but I just as certainly do not think that you should take steps against Blease in the senate only because accidently you happened to have the 'right to speak from the floor.* Your rights have nothing to do with either Blease or Whaley's wrong-doings. I thought you had given up speaking from the floor of the senate, anyhow. What a bad fix South Carolina would be In If you decided not to raise your eloquent voice in the senate. Would Blease go there with a clean bill of health simply because I your health was bad? Would your !& bored distinction be enough to leave his seat uncontested? I want to tell you that though I have no voice upon the floor of the senate, If you will show your good faJth and keep your word by assisting me as you did In your letter of May 12th, by using your 'influence with both members of the house and senate,' I will do my utmost when the Blease time comes, if the facts warrant it, to present as strong a cas in Washington against him as I am now ready to present against Whaley. This alleged distinction, senator, will not do. It will not go down. The whole procedure that you suggest amounts simply to compounding a felony. In your heart you know that Whaley is guilty. In a recent newspaper interview, you almost said so. Was your interview intended to dishonor South Carolina? Of course not. Out of the fullness of your heart, your mouth spoke, which Is always a good thing. But it would be striking at the vitals of government for a senator to have daily official dealings with an alleged congressman, while he knew deep down in his heart that he was no congressman at all, but that he was a corruptlonist and a perjuror. You are compelled to speak and to act, or you will be partlceps criminals. You will he an accessory after the fact, regardless of the future of what the Democratic party may do, and the legislature may do. You are now dealing with the past, and you have no right to cover It up; and I appeal to you in the name of South Carolina. Consider the facts: George Legare died; there was a hasty, pell mell, precipitate primary. Half the time before that primary, because of a conflict between the governor and the state Democratic committee, It was uncertain whether or not the election would be held before or after the primary. As a matter of fact the election was fixed for a date before the primary. That was the ridiculous extent to which we had come. Then there had to be a meeting of the executive committee, and the date of the primary was pushed forward until substantially no time remained. The primary was held only about two weeks before the election. In the midst of it all, primary, election and the swearing in of Mr. Whaley a few days thereafter, there was the greatest-confusion and debauchery. There waa no time for redress within the state. There was no time before he took his oath of office. You know It. You know that while I was in Washington, and yon were pretending to help me, Mr. Whaley was rushing his certificate of election so that he might take his false oath and be seated before the machinery of Justice could be stirred. But great rights and great principles certainly cannot depend upon the haste of action. The only question is: Is Mr. Whaley rightfully entitled to his seat? But you are also equally muddled about fixing the law so as to prevent such a thing in future. You talk as if no laws existed. Turn to the Criminal Code of South Carolina There is a whole subchapter devoted to laws meant to meet the Whaley case with this one exception; that they do not provide for a forfeiture of his seat. Twenty-one sections define and describe crimes against elections covering, every imaginable corrupt practice, enacted, many of them, years and years ago; but inefficacious and as innocuous as a law against the rise of the tides unless they be supplemented by one small law, the law of restitution and that is. that the thief and the per jurer shall restore to the people the election which he stole. So far as the law is concerned, that is the only amendment I would suggest. And it would be nothing but what nearly all other states have passed, and what from the beginning of time has been the basis of all law, that the injured party shall be placed as nearly as possible in his original status. There is a penalty against larceny. It is also a fact and the law that if the stolen goods can be located, they will be returned to the owner. In this case the stolen property has been located and Mn Whnlov In nlttinp nn It. It does not belong to Mr. Whaley but to the people of the First Congressional district of South Carolina. It should be handed back to them so that they, and not you, in your discretion and for your political convenience, might say to what good man they shall for a time entrust it. But even with the state law amended, all future cases like Mr. Whaley's would have to be tried In Washington. Congress is the sole tribunal; so that even these convenient theories of yours fall to the ground. Washington, under the Constitution, Is still the place, and what you would call "washing our linen in public" would still have to be done, in the literal meaning of the word, in the only legal washing town. I am enclosing you a copy of the case of Gill against Catlin, which I would ask you to return upon reading. That was a case where the law of Missouri provided that congressmen should be ousted if they exceeded the legal maximums of expenses. The oustIn^ was In nonarress. not In Missouri. The washing' of Missouri's linen was done there; and It was this law that the act of congress was fashioned after. Missouri in still a proud state, and furnishes the speaker of congress. Just one word in conclusion. Of your own volition, you told me when I was in Washington that nobody could construe my action as personal and vindictive. I had called to your attention that, in all my defeats In politics where I was a candidate, I never raised my voice; but you volunteered to tell me that you agreed with me that this case was different. I am not the losing party. But I do realize that my name was maliciously bandied about in the campaign; and the thing that first called me to Washington was that even there I had been held up as the great corruptlonist. Now I have shown you who the corruptionlsts are. I am not only fighting for the good name of South Carolina, but my own, and I have challenged my enemies on the very ground where they have most maligned me; and it is unfair, cowardly and a complete evasion or tne issue for you and your corruptlonlst friends in this community now to resort to the ' old "catch thief" tactics by pretending that the publicity which I am giving to this matter is wrong and unjustifl- 1 able; whereas they filled the newspa- 1 pers throughout the campaign end poured Into your ears, among otlfara, 1 after the election, that things here 1 were horribly corrupt, but that I, and ^ , not they, was the corruptlonlst. Tou 1 on/1 thw Kava Maplratuul nr?V n&m? a < I people and & community; and you 1 slink away when I come before you ' ready to do some service to my state. < Tours very sincerely, 1 (Signed.) John P. Grace. > ? < MARKETING OF COTTON 1 ' 1 Present System is Lax and Needs to J be Reformed. i Hon. John L. McLaurln in Columbia Record. ? The plan In the state warehouse bill i Is a system of government inspection, > weighing and grading. It is proposed that It shall be ^applied to all cotton < "grown or offered for sale in the state." This was one of the objec- t tions urged to the bill last winter, that t this provision covered cotton not ware- < housed as well as that in a warehouse. Any plan to be effective must do this, so as to protect all cotton sellers from i undergradlng. Just as it does under- ( nr/ti?h<no> A lorm nort nf fhfl lnu to c the planter la from undergradlng, not underweighing, nor the price baaed on middling. The idea la to have a uniform standard grade. At preaent the buyer of cotton does all the grading ao far aa the planter Is concerned. After It leavea the handa of the planter, then the grading la done by disinterested experts In the cotton exchange. Now under the preaent ayatem this charge for grading la paid by the planter, and he gets none of the benefit It has to be done away and the coat la deducted (aa every charge la), when the planter Bella. Now if he paya for it, let it be done by disinterested experts before It leaves hla hands. I calculated that 16 cents would weigh and grade. I am not sure about this, but it conforms to the best Information that I could get So much by way of preface to ypur r question about handling staple cot- I ton Wa cannot do it with the ores- I eat loose system. Last year the farm- t ers lost thousands from undergradlng staple cotton. I saw some sell at 13 c cents that I am sure was really worth ? and probably brought 22 cents in Fall C River. In Marlboro last year we or- t ganized what is known as the Marlboro , etton association. Fifty of us put in | 10 apiece and employed a cotton buy- t er who was to act as our agent in find- 1 ing a market for our cotton. While we ? lost some of the $5,000, I am sure ev- $ ery man was benefitted In the general I stiffening of the Bennettsville market t more than he lost. This year we are t trying It on a still larger scale, profit- t ing by the experience of last year. The I president Is Mr. D. K. McColl, a man ' of means, and a very competent, wideawake cotton buyer. He has gone forth 1 AmnlAt?Aii a# o salopv on flrnppf C ailU WipiV/VU UTV w ! ?? j wmmm v?|r. long staple buyer. Every member of the association Is morally bound to give Mr. McColl the first opportunity at bis cotton. He has made his arrangements with Liverpool and Boston and is obligated to get us the best price possible for our cotton. The main advantage is this: A mill sends an order for 1000 bales of 1) inch staple. It does not want anything but that. Now none of us individually could fill that order, but if there are, say 200 farmers and Mr. McColl has samples and knows what each of us has, he can fill the order. If I take my cotton to town with all kinds of grades and sell it in a lump, such cotton as a buyer Is forced to take that he does not want, is always at a discount I have the hope that in time our people will digest and understand the state warehouse bill What we need Is to cut out so many middlemen and bring the farmer and the manufacturer closer togeiner 10 me aa vantage 01 grower, manufacturer and consumer. If * you are interested In the Marlboro ( Cotton association, I suggest that you * write Mr. D. K. McColl at Bennetts- 1 ville. If he carries out his plan, our town will be the best staple cotton market in the Pee Dee this fall. I am planting 300 acres of staple cotton this | year, about one-third of my crop. It is ray first experience. I was at home two weeks ago and it was as high as my head, but not well fruited. It didn't seem to me to have more than half as ^ much as my Toole Prolific. I am plant- * Ing the Webber and Keen an. I see risrhi * fi now that to make it pay I must have at " least fifteen cents, for there is no use In anybody telling me that I can make * as much to the acre as the short sta- * pie. Then when you take into consideration the increased cost in handling, * I do not feel optimistic about it. ^ KAISER A TEETOTALER. v c Said to Have Abandoned Use of Alco- * hoiic Liquors. n Emperor William is reported to have * joined the ranks of teetotalers, says a A Berlin letter. It is known that during 0 his recent northern cruise the empe- ^ ror abandoned the use of practically c all alcoholic beverages, and it is un- 1 derstood that he has permanently e foresworn even the Fatherland's famous beer and its choicest wlnea As r a substitute he has taken to lemonade, 1 with a dash of orange juice. In imperial circles it has long been ^ known that Emperoi William was greatly impressed with statistical c study of the effects of alcohol, rang- f Ing from Incitement to crime to lm- * palrment of man's working efficiency. 5 He often expressed the opinion to * members of his court that immoderate c ' f drinking was one of the greatest factors in retarding the development of ' nations, and while he was swearing In r naval recruits at Wllhelmshaven re- ' cently he took occasion to deliver a a lecture on temperance. Recently he 8 also told army officers that he would r be well pleased if toasts to his health c were drunk in water. ll The emperor has not forced his 1 opinion upon his friends, however, and c his own stand has received little pub- ' liclty, perhaps for the same reason * that the-minister of education of the 1 South German state once opposed the ' establishment of a Good Templar a lodge on the ground that it threatened r one of the most important industries of the empire. The Imperial example c usually carries great weight i CURRENCY ON THE WAY Caucus Approves Bill as Agreed Upon by Committee. The administration currency bill, after nearly three weeks of discussion, was finally approved by the house Democratic caucus last Thursday night by a vote of 163 to 9. The nine disienters were Representatives Henry, Eagle and Oallaway, of Texas, Hardwick, Georgia, Loebek, Nebraska, Bu:hannan and Fowler, Illinois, Neely, Kansas, and Slsson, Mississippi. After igreeing to the bill the caucus adopted i vooaIntlnn Kay am almnut iittonlmniia rote declaring the bill to be a party xieaaure and that "members of this caucus are pledged for the bills to Its Inal passage without amendment, probided, however, the banking and cur ency committee may offer amendnents in the house." The feature of the session was the idoption of a committee amendment is a substitute for the section on bank eserves, which in effect, simply servri to clarify the section as originally liawn. The measure will be reintroduced in he house by Chairman Olass and reerred Immediately to the banking and :urrency committee, which will meet rueeday. It Is expected the bill at once will be -eported back to the house, which Mr. }lass predicts will pass it within tea lays. The measure as It stands after adoplon by the caucus is thus summed up >y Chairman Glass, who piloted it hrough the caucus. "There has not been written Into the >111 from one end to the other & single lenience except by the Initiative of the tanking and currency committee Klelf, which baa not altered in the renoteat degree the essential provisions if the bill as originally reported by the ommlttee to the committee. The rational reserve banks also are made lustodlans of a large part of the reterve money of member banks, eetinated at about 9419,900,000 In the aggregate. They also receive the governnent deposits, and estimated at from 169,009,000 to $960,000,000. "Over the whole system of regional eserve banks Is to be p. Federal reerve board consisting of seven messier*. This board Is given extensive lowers of supervision and control. "The measure provides an advisory ounoll of bankers without actual powr composed of one member from each if the twelve regional reserve dlcricts. "One Important provlalen Is for the tradual refunding, for a period of wenty years, of the United States two er ceui Donas inio uin* j*r cent, gvr rnment bond* without the cirrulatkm uivilege. This will mien the eventual etirement of national bank notes. The ilrculation privilege will thus revert to he government itself, Issuing through he regional reserve banks on a gold reierve of 831-S per cent to be provided >y the banks. "The notable reserve features of the >111 are a reduction of the reserve retirements of reserve and central relerve cities from twenty-five to eighteen per cent, and of all country banks rom fifteen to twelve per cent The federal reserve board is required to establish a graduated uuc on the imounts by which banks may be pernltted to fall below reserve requirenents, such tax to be uniform in Its ippltcatlon to all bank*. "National banks are compelled to be :ome members of the system under >enalty of forfeiture of charters, while itate banks are permitted to become nembers under regulations of the Fed>ral reserve board. "Concerning the provisions relating o rediscounts, for which there was luoh a prolonged fight, and as a subititute for which Representatives Hen7 and others offered amendments :omprlsing eighteen printed pages, the >nly change made was to add two and >ne-quarter typewritten lines declaring hat nothing contained in the bill ihould be construed to prohibit the reliscountlng of notes and bills of ex:hange secured by agricultural prolucts and other goods, wares and merchandise." CHILL TONICT >ractices of "Herb Doctors" Revealed In Letter to 8ec. Houston. Secretary Houston has been leaning a great many things since he gave ip me uuaiueisa ui koKuiua w ere the affairs of the department of gTiculture, says a Washington letter, leveral weeks ago he received this stter from a very ignorant, but poelbly an honest enough man, as honest nen go among the people they can ool. (The spelling and style are preerved for educational reasons): "Secretary of Agriculture, wood his all bee alowed In medicen and vood it have to bee Patead before It ould be soald and. Arenlc Do vers 'owders quinine Epson Salts and A umber of herbs that grows heare such s Mullin and and Barks, how much Lrenic wood bee alowed to say a galon f Chill Tonic please write mee at once fy Mother wants to make this Medlen and I want to know the Ruels beore it is done. Respectfully, etc., tc." Secretary Houston probably never nade a 'galon of Chill Tonic" in his Ife; but he is very particular about its spelling, and would have turned lown the letter of his correspondent tecause of its orthography, if for no ither reason. He has had this letter Tinted in fac-simile for the informs* ion and warning of the people, of rhom there are millions in this counry, who dose themselves with all sorts >f "medicen" without any thought of he empirics who make them. But it must be said that arsenic nixed with quinine. Epsom salts, mulein and barks, if the proportion of iraenlc be large enough, would knock ilmost any chill silly?it does not natter so much what would become if the fool who would take it Tet it s said at the department of agrlculure that there are literally hogsheads >f this sort of stuff taken every year iy the people of the United States for he cure of their ills, and It is one of he chief objects of the department, iy the enforcement of the pure food .nd drugs law, to save them from the nedicine makers. ? Senator J. A. Banks of Calhoun ounty, denies that he has any present ntention of running for office.