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A LAW AND 0RD1 President Issues ; Unusual I ME RECOMMENDS PR Some Observations on the Injui of the Government to Pro forcement of the Law Cai Is Preferable to Dishonest President Roosevelt is out in another remarkable deliverance. It was given to the public last Friday in the shape of a special message to congress, and treats of the state of the country. The reading of the message required about two hours, and it was listened to with the greatest attention throughout. The Republicans generally were pretty thoroughly disgusted; but the Democrats of both the senate and house applauded it frequently. Senator Davis of Arkansas moved the printing of 10,000 copies and the resolution of course, had to carry. A similar resolution was passed in the house at the instance of the Democrats. Since the reading of the message the Democrats have made numerous speeches lauding it as the best, of Democratic doctrine. John Sharp Williams, the Democratic leader, made a speech last Tuesday in which he said that the message contains many good things; but Its general tenor is "sensational, Federalists and dangerous to the American republic." Mr. W. J. Bryan endorses the message almost in its entirely. Following Is the Associated Press synopsis. The Message. To the Senate and House of Representatives: The recent decision of the supreme court in regard to the employers' liability act, the experience of the interstate commerce commission and of the department of Justice in enforcing the inter-state commerce and anti-trust laws, and the gravely significant attitude toward the law and its administration recently adopted by certain heads of great corporations, render it desirable that there should be additional legislation as regards certain of the relations between labor and capital, and between the great corporations and the public. The supreme court has decided the employers' liability law to be unconstitutional because its terms apply to employes engaged wholly in intrastate commerce as well as to employes engaged in interstate commerce. By a substantial majority the coui-t holds that the congress has power to deal with the question in so far as interstate commerce is concerned. As regards the employers' liability law, I advocate its immediate re-enactment, limiting its scope so that it shall apply only to the class of cases as to which the court says it can constitutionally apply, but strengthening its provisions within this scope. Inter ^ *i state employment oeing mus by an adequate national law, the field of Interstate employment will be left to the action of the several states. With this clear definition of responsibility the stales will undoubtedly give to the performance of their duty within their field the consideration the importance of the subject demands. I also very urgently advise that a comprehensive act be passed providing for compensation by the government to all employes injured in the government service. Under the present law an injured workman in the employment of the government has no remedy, and the entire burden of the accident falls on the helpless man, his wife and his young children. This is an outrage. It is a matter of humiliation to the nation that there should not be on our statute books provision to meet and partially to atone for cruel misfortune when it comes upon a man through no fault of his own while faithfully serving the public. In no other prominent industrial country in the world could such gross injustice occur; for almost all civilized nations have enacted legislation embodying the complete recognition of the principle which places the entire trade risk for industrial accidents (excluding, of course, accidents due to willful misconduct by the employe) on the industry as represented by the employer, which in this case is the government. In all these countries the principle applies 10 me guveniuiem just as much as to the private employer. Under no circumstances should the injured employe or his surviving dependents he required to bring suit against the government, nor should there he the requirement that in order to insure recovery negligence in some form on the part of the government should be shown, our proposition is not to confer a right of action upon the government employe, hut to secure him suitable provision against injuries received in tlie course of his employment. The burden of the trade risk should be placed upon the government. Kxactly as the workingman is entitled to hts wages, so he should he entitled to indemnity for the injuries sustained In the natural course of his labor. The rates of compensation and the regulations for its payment should be specified in the law. and the machinery for determining the amount to he paid should in each case he provided in such manner that the employe is properly represented without expense to him. ? * 6 Where the nation has the power it should enact laws to this effect. Where the states alone have the power they should enact the laws. * * * There is a special hill to which I call your attention. Secretary Taft has urgently recommended the immediate passage of a law providing for compensation to employes of the government injured in the work of the Isthmian canal, and that $100,000 be appropriated for this purpose each year. I earnestly hope this will be done; and that a special bill be passed covering the case of Yardmaster Banton, who was injured nearly two years ago while doing his duty. He is now helpless to support his wife and his three little hoys. I again call your attention to the need of some action in connection with the abuse of injunction in labor cases. As regards the rights' and wrongs of labor and capital, from blacklisting to boycotting, the whole subject is covered in admirable fashion by the report <?f the anthracite coal strike commission, which report should serve as a chart for the guidance of both legislative and executive officers. As regards injunctions, I can do little but repeat > 5R HESSAGE a Remarkable and Document. OTECTION FOR LABOR iction Question?Paramount Duty mote Honesty in Business?If En- , uses Depression, Then Depression Prosperity. i what I have said in my last message , to the congress. Even though it were possible, I should consider it most un- . wise to abolish the use of the process , 1 of Injunction. It is necessary in order , that the courts may maintain their own dignity and in order that they may in . effective manner check disorder and j violence. The judge who uses it cau- . tiously and conservatively, but who, , when the need arises, uses It fearlessly, confers the greatest service upon our , people, and his pre-eminent usefulness , as a public servant should be heartily recognized. But there is no question in . my mind that it has sometimes been used heedlessly and unjustly, and that . some of the injunctions issued inflict grave and occasionally irreparable ( wrong upon those enjoined. It is all wrong to use the injunction to prevent the entirely proper and legitimate actions of labor organizations in their struggle for industrial betterment, or under the guise of protect- . ing property rights unwarrantably to Invade the fundamental lights of the individual. It is futile to concede, as we all do, the right and the necessity of organized efforts on the part of wage-earners and yet by injunctive process to forbid peaceable action to accomplish the lawful objects for which they are organized and upon which their success depends. The fact that the punishment for the violation of an injunction must, to make the order effective, necessarily be summary and without the intervention of a jury makes its issuance in doubtful cases a dangerous practice, and in itself fur- , nishes a reason why the process should be surrounded with safeguards to pro- J tect individuals against being enjoin- t ed from exercising their proper rights. . Reasonable notice should be given the j adverse party. { This matter is daily Decoming of ( graver importance and I can not too , urgently recommend that the congress j give careful consideration to the subject. It is my purpose as soon as may be to submit some further recommendations in reference to our laws regulating labor conditions within the sphere of Federal authority. A very recent decision of the supreme court of the United States, rendered since this message was written, in the case of Adair vs. United States, seemingly of far-reaching import and of very serious probable consequence, has modified the previously entertained views on the powers of the congress in the premises to such a degree as to make necessary careful consideration of the opinions therein filed before it is possible definitely to decide in what way to call the matter to your attention. Not only should there be action on certain laws affecting wage-earners; there should also be such action on the laws to better secure control over the great business concerns engaged in interstate commerce, and especially over the great common carriers. The interstate commerce commission should be empowered to pass upon any rate or practice on its own initiative. Moreover, it should be provided that whenever the commission has reason to believe that a proposed advance in a rate ought not to be made without investigation, it should have authority to issue an order prohibiting the advance pending examination by the commission. I would not be understood as expressing an opirtion that any or even a majority of these advances are improper. Many of the rates in this country V>?vo liodii flhnnrmallv Imv. The ODer- . "WT v wvv" """"" "*' " I ating expenses of our railroads, nota- , bly the wages paid railroad employes, , have greatly increased. These and , other causes may in any given case j justify an advance in rates, and if so the advance should be permitted and ( approved. But there may be, and ^ doubtless are, cases where this is not ( true, and our law should be so framed , that the government, as the representa- j tive of the whole people, can protect the ] individual against unlawful exaction , for the use of these public highways. ( The interstate commerce commission ( should be provided with the means to , make a physical valuation of any road ( as to which it deems this valuation , necessary. In some form the Federal j government should exercise supervision f over the financial operations of our in- | terstate railroads. In no other way can , justice be done between the private ( owners of those properties and the pub- j lie which pay their charges. * * ? , I think that the Federal government ] must also assume a certain measure < of control over the physical operation i of railways in the handling of interstate traffic. The commission now has au- , thority to establish through routes and . Joint rates. In order to make this pro- , vision effective and in order to promote | in times of necessity the proper movement of traffic. I think it must also i have authority to determine the conditions upon which cars shall be inter- j changed between different interstate ] tiilUvjivs. It h> also probable that the , commission should have authority, in i parth'ulur instances. to determine the schedule upon which perishable commodities shall be moved. ? * * , In reference to the Sherman anti- i trust law. I repeat the recommenda- < tions made in my message at the open- | ing of the present congress, as well as in my message to the previous con- ] gress. The attempt in this law to pro- i vide in sweeping terms against all com- 1 binations of whatever character, if i technically in restraint of trade as such 1 restraint lias been defined by the j courts, must necessarily lie either futile I or mischievous and sometimes both. > The present law makes some combina- i tions illegal, although they may be | useful to tho country. On the other i hand, as to some huge combinations t which are both noxious and illegal, t even if the action undertaken against i them under the law by the government c is successful, the result may lie to work t hut a minimum benefit to the public, t ICven though the combination be broken i up and a small measure of reform t thereby produced, the real good aimed ( at can not be obtained, for such real \ good can come only by a thorough and continuing supervision over the acts of the combination in all its parts, so as to prevent stock watering. Improper forms of competition, anil, in short, wrongdoing generally. The law should correct that portion of the Sherman act which prohibits all combinations of the character above described, whether they be reasonable or unreasonable; but this should be done only as part of a general sche me to provide for tnis effective and thoroughgoing supervision hy the nntlonal government of all the operations of the big interstate business concerns. Judge Hough of New York, in his recent decision in the Harriman case, states that the congress possesses the power to limit the interstate operations of corporations not complying with Federal safeguards against the recurrence of obnoxious practices, and to license those which afford the public adequate security against methods calculated to diminish solvency, and therefore efflclentcy and economy in Interstate transportation. The judge adds that in these matters, "the power of congress is ample, though as yet not fruitful in results." It is very earnestly to be desired that either along the lines the judge indicates, or in some other way equally efficacious, the congress may exercise the power which he holds it possesses. * * I do not know whether it is possible, i>ut if possible, it is certainly desirable, that in connection with measures to restrain stock watering and overcapitalization there should be measures taken to prevent at least the grosser forms of gambling in securities and commodities, such as making large *ales of what men do not possess and 'cornering" the market. Legitimate purchases of commodities and of stocks ind securities for Investment have no connection whatever tvith purchases of stocks or other securities or commodtles on a margin fpr speculative and gambling purposes. There is no moral Ilft'erence between gambling at cards >r in lotteries or on the race track and gambling in the stock market. One nethod is just as pernicious to the body politic as the other kind, and In degree the evil worked is far greater. 3ut it is a far more difficult subject with vhich to deal. The great bulk of the justness transacted on the exchanges s not only legitimate, but is necessary 0 the working of our modern industrial system, and extreme care would have :o be taken not to Interfere with this justness in doing away with the 'bucket shop" type of operation. We should study both the successes and he failures of foreign legislators who, lotably in Germany, have worked along :hls line, so as not to do anything larmful. Moreover, there is a special lifflculty In dealing with this matter by he Federal government in a Federal 'epublic like ours. But if it is possljle to devise a way to deal with it the effort should be made, even if only in 1 cautious and tentative way. It would leem that the Federal government could it least act by forbidding the use of the nails, telegraph and telephone wires 'or mere gambling in stocks and fuures, just as it does In lottery transacions. * * * The attacks by these great corporaions on the administration's actions lave been given a wide circulation hroughout the country, in the newsjapers and otherwise, by those writers ind speakers who, consciously or un:onsciously, act as the representatives >f predatory wealth?of the wealth ac:umulated on a giant scale by all orins of iniquity, ranging from the opjresslon of wage workers to unfair and mwholesome methods of crushing out ompetition, and to defrauding the pubic by stock jobbing and the manipulaion of securities. Certain wealthy men jf this stamp, whose conduct should be ibhorrent to every man of ordinarily iecent conscience, and who commit the lideous wrong of teaching our young nen that phenomenal business success nust ordinarily he based on dishonesty, rave during the last few months made t apparent that they have banded together to work for a reaction. Their mdeavor is to overthrow and discredit hnnootlv administer the law. to )revent any additional legislation which ivould check and restrain them, and to secure if possible a freedom from all estraint which will permit every unscrupulous wrongdoer to do what he vishes unchecked provided he has ?nough money. The only way to coun:eract the movement in which these men are engaged is to make clear to he public just what they have done In the past and just what they are seeking to accomplish In the present. * * * There are ample material rewords for those who serve with fidelity the mammon of unrighteousness, but they are Jearly paid for by the people who permit their representatives, whether in public life, in the press, or in the colleges where their young men are taught, to preach and to practice that there is one law for the rich and another for the poor. The amount of money representatives of certain fjrer.l moneyed interests are willing to spend can be gauged by their recent publication broadcast throughout the papers of the country from the Atlantic to the Pacific, of huge advertisements attacking with envenomed bitterness the administration's policy of warring igainst successful dishonesty, and by tneir circulation ??i painpiucm anu books prepared with the same object; while they likewise push the circulation of writings and speeches of men who, whether because they are misled, "?r because, seeing the light, they yet iire willing tto sin against the light, serve their masters of great wealth to the cost of the plain people. The books and pamphlets, the controlled newspapers, the speeches by public ami private men to which I refer. are usually and especially in the interest of the Standard Oil trust and r?f certain notorious railroad combinations, but they also defend other individuals and corporations of great wealth that have been guilty of wrongdoing. It is only rarely tlint the men responsible for the wrongdoing themselves speak or write. Normally they hire others to do their bidding, or find 3titers who will do It without hire. From the railroad rate law to the pure food law, every measure for honesty in business that has been passed during the last six years has been opposed by these men on its passage and in its ldministration with every resource that bitter and unscrupulous craft could suggest and the command of almost unlimited money secure. Hut for the ast yeai- the attack has been made with most bitterness upon the actual ldministration of the 'law, especially hmugh the department of justice, but ilso through the interstate commerce ommission and the bureau of corporaions. The extraordinary violence of he assaults upon our policy contained n these speeches, editorials, articles, ulvertisements and pamphlets and the mormons sums of money spent in these . arious ways, give a fairly accurate tires among wrongdoers who happen to be wealthy is precisely similar to the outcry raised against every effort for cleanliness and decency in city government, because, forsooth, it will "hurt business." The same outcry is made against the department of justice for prosecuting the heads of colossal corporations that has been made against the men who in San Francisco have prosecuted with impartial severity the wrongdoers among business men, publie officials and labor leaders alike. The principle is the same in the two cases. Just as tlie blackmailer and bribe giver stand on the same evoil eminence of infamy, so the man who makes an enormous fortune by corrupting legislatures and municipalities and fleecing his stockholders and the public, stands on the same moral level with the creature who fattens on the blood money of the gambling houses and the saloon. Moreover, in the last analysis, both kinds of corruption are far more intimately connected than would at first measure of the anger and terror which s our public actions have caused the cor- t rupt men of vast wealth to feel in the < very marrow of their being. The at- 1 tack being made openly against us for ( enforcing the law, and sometimes with ? a certain cunning, for not trying to en- 1 force It in some other way than that ( which experience shows to be practical. 1 One of the favorite methods of the lat- ( ter clnss of assailant is to attack the j administration for not procuring the I imprisonment Instead of the fine of of- s fenders under these anti-trust laws. I The man making this assault is usually \ either a prominent lawyer or an editor ? who takes his policy from the flnan- 1 ciers ana nis arguments nuin men 01torneys. If the former, he has defended and advised many wealthy malefactors, and he knows well that, thanks to the advice of lawyers like himself, a certain kind of modern corporation has been turned into an adimrable instrument by which to render it wellnigh Impossible to get at the head of the corporation, at the man who is really most guilty. When we are able to put the real wrongdoer in prison, this is what we strive to do; this is what we have actually done with some very wealthy criminals, who, moreover, represented that most baneful of all alliances, the alliance between the corruption of organized politics and the corruption of high finance. This is what we have done in the Gaynor and Greene case, in the case of the misapplication of funds in connection with certain great banks in Chicago, in the land fraud cases, where, as in other cases likewise, neither the highest political position nor the possession of great wealth, has availed to save the offenders from prison. The Federal government does scourge sin; it does bid sinners fear; for it has put behind the bars with impartial severity the powerful financier, the powerful politician, the rich land thief, the rich contractor ?all, no matter how high their station, against whom criminal misdeeds can be proved. All their wealth and power a can not protect them. But it often c happens that the effort to imprison a ii given defendant is certain to be futile, while it is possible to find him or to fine the corporation of which he is head; so that in other words, the only way of punishing the wrong is by fining the corporation, unless we are content to proceed personally against the minor agents. The corporation lawyers to whom I refer and their employers are the men mainly responsible for this state of things, and their responsibility is shared with all who ingeniously oppose the passing of Just and effective laws or who fail to execute them when they have been put on the statue books. Much is said, in these attacks upon the policy of the present administration. about the rights of "innocent stockholders." That stockholder is not innocent who voluntarily purchases stock in a corporation whose methods and management he knows to be corrupt, and stockholders are bound to try to secure honest management, or else are estopped from complaining about the proceedings the government finds necessary in order to compel the corporation to obey the law. There has been in the past grave wrong done innocent stockholders by overcapitalization, stock watering, stock jobbing, stock manipulation. This we have sought to prevent, first, by exposing the thing done and punishing the offender when any existing law had been *violated; second, by recommending the passage of laws which would make unlawful similar practices for the future. The public men, lawyers and editors who loudly proclaim their sympathy for the "Innocent stockholders" when a great law-defying corporation is punished, are the first to protest with frantic vehemence against all efforts by law to put a stop to the practices which are the real and ultimate sources of the <4 %-v* ? *-? 1 llr/% */\ +U/\ Ana n r?/1 uuiuagc mirwrr iu iuc oiuuivnuiucio uau the public. The apologists of successful dishonesty always declaim against any effort to punish or prevent it, on the ground that any such effort will "unsettle business." It is they who by their acts have unsettled business and the very men raising this cry spend hundreds of thousands of dollars in securing, by speech, editorial, book or pamphlet the defense by misstatements of what they have done; and yet when public servants correct their misstatements by telling the truth they declaim against them for breaking silence, lest "values be depreciated." They have hurt honest business men, honest workingmen, honest farmers, and now they clamor against the truth being told. The keynote of all these attacks upon the effort to secure honesty in business and in politics is well expressed in brazen protests against any effort for the moral regeneration of the business world, on the ground that it is unnatural, unwarranted and injurious and that business panic is the necessary penalty for such effort to secure business honesty. The morality of such a plea is precisely as great as if made in behalf of the men caught in a gambling establishment, when that gambling establishment is raided by the police. If such words mean anything they mean that those whose sentiments they represent stand against the effort to bring about a mora! regeneration of business which will prevent a repetition of the insurance, banking and street railroad scandals in New York; a repetition of the Chicago & Alton deal; a repetition of the combination between certain professional politicians, certain professional labor leaders and certain big financiers from the disgrace of which San Francisco has just been rescued; a repetition of the successful effort by the Standard Oil people to crush out every competitor, to overawe the common carriers, and to establish a monopoly which treats the public with a contempt which the public deserves so long as it permits men of such principles and such sentiments to avow and act on them with impunity. The outcry against stopping dishonest prac dght appear; the wrongdoing Is at bot:om the same. Corrupt business and t :oirupt politics act and react with ever 1 ncreasing debasement. one on the oth- t ?r; the corrupt head of a corporation \ tnd the corrupt labor leader are both In i :he same degree the enemies of honest s jorporations and honest labor unions; e he rebate Laker, the franchise trafflck- t ir; the manipulator of securities, the f llll'V'ftvnt' <i rwl n?*nf opfnp (if vlf?P thp f >lackmailing ward boss, the ballot box duffer, the demagogue, the mob leader, he hired bully and mankiller?all alike vork at the same web of corruption, ind all alike should be abhorred by lonesi; men. We have Just passed through two nonths of acute financial stress. At iny such time It is a sad fact that enirely innocent people suffer from no ault of their own; and every one must 'eel the keenest sympathy for the large >ody of honest business men, of honest nvestors, of honest wage workers, who luffer because involved in a crash for vhich they are in no way responsible. U such a time there is a natural tenlency on the part of many men to feel floomy and frightened at the outlook; >ut there is no Justification for this 'eeling. There is no nation so absoutely sure of ultimate success as ours. )f course we shall succeed. Our's is a iation or masterful energy, with a contrxin t fi\r. i t u rlnmij In unH It ft>plu within ts veins the thrill which comes to hose who know that they possess the uture. We are not cast down by the eur of failure. We are upheld by the lonfldent hope of ultimate triumph. I'he wrongs that exist are to be corected; but they In no way Justify loubt as to the final outcome, doubt as o the great material prosperity of the uture, or of the lofty spiritual life vhich is to be built upon that pros erity as a foundation. No misdeeds lone in the present must be permitted o shroud from our eyes the glorious uture of the nation; but because of his very fact it behooves us. never to werve from our resolute purpose to ut out wrong doing and uphold what s right. 'com Bring ^ Y orkville GREAT 1 FEB. IS Our Bargain < Irre THE BARGAIN i DRESS " Per Cen ]\r<? 9 UNDER^ Per Cent TVn <1 LADIES' 0. O coATS, I Off. Less Than Co xr,? 4 BOYS' c ^ ?* 4 50 Per C TV** ^ YOUTHS ?* ? to 50 P First Cost. 1Vn II ODD CO. ii u. u Men and Per Cent Oft'. Less 25 PER* MEN'S CLOTHIN( $20.00 Suits Now $15.00. $18.00 Suits Now $13.50 $16.00 Suits Now $15 $15.00 Suits Now $12.00 Suits N( $10.00 Suits $8.00 Suits $6.00 Si 25 PER ( YOUTHS' AND BOYS' $6.00 Suits Now $4.50. $5.00 Suits Now $3.75. $4.00 Suits Now $3.0 $3.00 Suits Now 1} $2.00 Suits No' 20 PER < T Antrc TVyTTCCT?C A NT , iuxuwuu mi $4.50 Shoes Now $3.60. $4.00 Shoes Now $3.20. S3.50 Shoes Now $2. $3.00 Shoes Now $2.00 Shoes No $1.50 Shoes $1.00 Shoe THESE F I York I (lo not for a moment believe that i he actions of this administration have 1 jrought on business distress; so far as ? his is due to local and not world- \ vide causes, and to the actions of any s mrticular individuals, it is due to the \ speculative folly and flagrant dlshon- e >sty of a few men of great wealth, who ieek to shield themselves from the ef'eets of their own wrongdoing by tscribing its results to the actions of hose who have sought to put a stop o the wrongdoing. But if it were true > hat to cut out rottenness from the >ody politics meant a momentary check j-v ? . UAiiltkc iM?aonai*ltl? 1 '' till iniiiL-diiii,) Druuiiii^ pi wpciuj, m. ihould not for one moment hesitate to >ut the knife to the conniption. On bemlf of all our people, on behalf no less >f the honest man of means than of the lonest man who earns each day's liveihood by that day's sweat of his brow, t Is necessary to insist upon honesty n business and politics alike, in all valks of life, in big things and in little hlngs; upon just and fair dealng as letween man and man. Those who denand this are striving for the right in he spirit of Abraham Lincoln when he laid: "Fondly do we hope, fervently do we miy, that this mighty scourge may speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills hat It continue until all the wealth )iled by the bondsmen's 250 years of inrequlted toll shall be sunk, and unil every drop of blood drawn with the ash shall be paid by another drawn vlth the sword, as was said 3,000 years tgo, so till It must be said, 'The Judgnents of the Lord are true and rlghte>us altogether.' "With malice toward none, with diarity for all; with firmness In the Iglit, as God gives us to see the right, et us strive on to finish the work we ire In." In the work we of this generation ire in, there is, thanks be to the Alnlghty, no danger of bloodshed and no ise for the sword; but there Is grave ieed of those stern qualities shown illke by the men of the north and the nen of the south in the dark days rhen each valiantly battled for the ieTEY! our Friei Neighbors ' TO 1 i Banking DAIS' T TO FEB. H Counters Are Lo jsistible Bargains COUNTERS AREA GOODS, 331-3 to 50 t Off. Below Cost. WEAR, 331-3 to 50 t Off. Below Cost. and CHILDREN'S 131-3 to 50 PerCent >st. CLOTHING, 331-3 to ent Off. Belowr Cost. ('CLOTHING, 331-3 er Cent. Less Than ATS and PANTS for Young' Men, 33 1-3 i Than Cost. 3ENT OFF } AND OVERCOATS. K i.OO. $11.25. )W $9.00. i Now $7.50. ; Now $6.00. Liits Now $4.50. . :ent off CLOTHING, OVERCOATS. 10. >2-75w $1.50. 2ENT OFF s D CHILDREN'S SHOES. 80. $2.40. w $1.60. Now $1.20. s Now 80 Cents. 'RICES ARI ville B. & warn mmmmmmmmm ight as it was given each to see the ight. Their spirit should be our spirit, is we strive to bring nearer the day vhen greed nn?l trickery and cunning hall be trampled tinder feet by those vho tight for the righteousness that xalteth a nation. Theodore Roosevelt. The White House, Jan. *31, 190S. JOHN RUTLEDGE. \n Old South Carolinian Who Was Truly Great. It is remarkable, and not at all to >ur credit, that John Rutledge. one of he greatest South Carolinians, and one >f the foremost citizens of this country, uts no memorial in his native state, ro carve out a new county as a monunent to hitn would be but a small testlnonial to his magnificent service to date and nation. John Rutledge has nany claims to the respect, honor and gratitude of his people, we may recall i few of them. With his renowned :olleague Christopher Gadsden, in the :ongress of New York, 1765, he cour tgeously advocated the union and Indejendence of these colonies. His vigor )f Intellect and patriotism made him me of the notably conspicuous figures n the various congresses and convenlons during the era of the formation of >ur Union, and Patrick Henry prolounced him "by far the greatest oru;or" In the first Continental congress, rle was associate justice of the United States, chief justice and governor of South Carolina, and one of the chief 'ramers of our state constitution, ft'hen Col. William Moultrie wrote to jov. Rutledge for ammunition for the lefense of Fort Moultrie, he sent the immunltion and directed Moultrie not :o surrender the fort without an order 'rom him, adding that he would 'sooner cut off his right hand than write >ne.' Such a man Is, of course, his >wn monument; but this does not releve his state from Its duty. He should >e honored by a memorial county and >y shafts raised In our cities, no less han by the honor and love of his people.?Columbia State. rrybj HI MKL Hk JHk rids and to Come rHE : & Mer. C< BARGAIN )TH?TEN BI aded With TJniri ; for Quick Buy IUMBERED. SHO IVo 7 HATS, 33 * ' Good Pickii ]V0 C SHOES, 33 Now Is You lVn Q P SHIRTS HU. V A Rare pic] IVn in JEWELRY 11U. IV price8 ]\Tr? 1 1 BLANKET .11 u. ax Going' a YT/tiiir 1? i nIt II n i< i^umc * ci ty xiti/ii uai \Tn 1 9 PANTS CL 11 u. la at34cYar 27c; 25c Quality at 17 20 PER CI MEN'S AND BO $5.50 Shoes Now $4.40. $5.00 Shoes Now $4.00. $4.00 Shoes Now $3.20. $3.50 Shoes Now $2.8 $3.00 Shoes Now $: $2.50 Shoes No $2.00 Shoes $1.50 Sho 10 PER CE ALL UNDE] $1.00 Shirt or Drawers, Now goc 50c Shirt or Drav 25 Per C ON ALL LADIES', MISSES' $20.00 Coats, Now $15.00. $18.00 Coats, Now $13.50. ? r*?xt (t._ v^uats, HUW ipi^.w. $15.00 Coats, Now $11.25 $12.00 Coats, Now $g.c $10.00 Coats, Now !j $8.00 Coats, Nov $6.00 Coats, N $5.00 Coats, $4.00 Coa $3.00 1 E STRICTL fl. Comp ?! ? mam tw Iii a military test at Caux, on the lake of Geneva, a searchlight with a reflector of 3.24 feet, has thrown its rays 7.f? miles, showing objects distinctly at 6.5 miles. A generator of twenty-four horse power gave a light of one million candles, but forty horse power is expected to yield twelve- millions. TAX RETURNS FOR 1908, Oflicv of the County Auditor of York County, South Carolina. Yorkville, S. C., Nov. 28, i?ov. AS required by statute my books will be opened at my office in Yorkville on WEDNESDAY, JANUKY 1, 1908, and kept open until FEBRUARY 20, 1908, for the purpose of listing for taxation all TAXABLE PROPERTY held in York County on January 1, 1908. Returns made on proper blanks, and sworn to before an officer qualified to administer an oath and forwarded to me by registered mail before February 20, 1908, will be accepted. All taxpayers are particularly requested to inform themselves as to the number of their respective school districts, and where they have property in more man one scnooi aisirici, mcy will please make separate returns indicating the location of each piece of property. The school districts In which there are special levies are as follows: Nos. 13, 29 and 33 in Bethesda; Nos. 9, 20 and 40 In Broad River; Nos. 9 and 20 In Bullock s Cree?.; No. 12 in Catawba; Nos. 7 and 12 in Ebenezer; Nos. 26, 28 and 39 in Fort Mill; N03. 11, 20, 33 and 35 in York. For the purpose of facilitating the taking of returns, and for the greater convenience of tax payers, I will beat the following places on the dates named: At Yorkvllle from Wednesday, February 5 to Thursday, February 20. All males between the ages of twenty-one and sixty years, except Confederate soldiers over the age of fifty years, are liable to a poll tax of $1, and all persons so liable are especially requested to give the numbers of their respective school districts in making their returns. It will be a matter of much accommodation to me if as many taxpayers as possible will meet me at the respective appointments, mentioned above so as to avoid the rush at Yorkvllle during the closing days. JOHN J. HUNTER. County Auditor. Yorkvllle, S. C., Nov. 29, 1907. 96 f 4t ddyT| ii i 1 C1I 111^ :! mpany's a DAYS infohn HI p miH LIAtVlltWiLflV X/?. ers. P BY NUMBER 1-3 Per Cent Off. iig* in the Lot. 1-3 Per Cent Off. ir Time to Buy. at 75 Cents Each. k-Up. at Most Pleasing * 33 1-3 Off. gains. ,OTH: 50c Quality d; 40c Quality at 'c Yard. !NT OFF YS' SHOES. \ k>. 2.40. w $2.00. Now $1.60. es Now $1.20. INT OFF RWEAR. : or 2 for $1.75. vers. Now 45c or 2 for 85c. ent Off CHILDREN'S COATS. >o. 57.50. r $6.00. ow $4.50. Now $3.70. its, Now $3.00. Coats, Now $2.75. Y CASH >any. ,