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" ^ ' XSS^yED SEMI-WEEKLY. l h.GRIST & SONS, Publishers.} $ Jfawltij $ eu-spper: ^or the ?romotio? tf the $oliticat,_?ociat, iflrifulturat, and Commercial Interestsi the feopte. ^r^8i^L^^vi^?isANCI!rsTART.TSHFn i8i>5. YORKVILLE, S. C., WEDNESDAY, JUNE 5, 1901. NO. 45. AM HUMB A ^ BY THOMAS 3? Copyright. 1901, by Thomas P. Montfort. a CHAPTER XXIII. bim's arrest. Sim Banks secured one good night's rest, as Pap Saiupson had said, or at least if he didn't it was not the fault of Pap and Mlrandy. The two old people did everything in their power to add to tne comrori 01 meir gutoio. "It's been a long time," Pap remark- | ed, "sence Sim's had any comfort, an he may never have any ag'ln In this world, so we'll give him all we can while we have the chaust." "Pore Sim!" Mrs. Sampson said, with a sigh. "Pore Sim!" Pap repeated, sighing too. "I wish he'd go away," Mrs. Sampson said, "whar they couldn't never find him." "I wish so, too," Pap agreed, "but he v * won't. Lord, he won't budge a inch. I've argyed an reasoned an begged, but It ain't done no good. He's got his pegs sot to stay, an stay he will." "Yes, an I'm afeard. Pap, that they'll hang him." "I dunno. I'm shore. They may not do so bad as that, but they'll send him to prison anyhow." "That other man 'lows he can save him. But. Lord, Pap, he can't do It." "Co'se he can't. Lord a-massy, that feller can't do nothln for Sim. Guess ? he'd like to well enough, but likln to do a thing an doin It are two different things. No, sir-ee! He can't lift a finger to save Sim." "No. but he's pow'ful in earnest 'bout it, an I b'lleve he thinks he can." "My land, I cant see what he Aggers that he'll do." ^ "Neither do I, but I reckon he thinks he'll do somcthin." "Mebby he does. I been kinder thlnkin, though, that he mougbt be jest a-talkin that a-way to sorter chirk Sim up a bit." "Lord, he mought jest as well save his breath, then, 'cause Sim ain't takin no hope from what he is a-promisin." - x "Nary a grain, he ain't. I can see that jest as plain as the ears on a mule." "Wonder how that man happened to come home with Sim anyhow." "1 dunno, except Sim said he was Jest sot an determined to come." "Waal, I guess It don't matter much whar he Is. for he ain't got many more days in this world nohow. He was shot clean through that time Siin carried him off the battlefield, an his wound never got plumb well, an now It's opened fresh an tuck to bleedin. He 'lows it's liable to bleed in'ard Jest any minute, an when It gits to doin v that he's done." "He is so. That was rale brave of Sim. the way he done, carryin that feller way from the battle, wa'n't it?" "My land, I'd sesso. Didn't hardly reckon It was in Sim to do that a-way." "Me nuther. But, Lord, you can't never tell what a waked up dog'll do by lookln at him when he's asleep." v "That's so. An Sim jest begun to git sorter waked up 'fore he went away. You mind how he done Jim Thorn that night at the store?" "Land of Goshen. Mirandy, 1 reckon I do. An that 'minds me. I wonder what Loueesy'll think when she hears , Sim's come back?" "1 ain't no idea." "I wish he hadn't never 'a' come." "Lord. Pap. so do I. I hate to think > 'bout what may happen to him." "So do I. Pin goln to try ag'in in the mornin 10 git mm to go away. Sim entered the room, and Pap and Mlrandy lapsed Into silence. Whether Pap would have succeeded the next morning In persuading Sim to go remains a matter of doubt, for he never had a chance to try. Before Sim had left his bed Sam Morgan came with a state warrant to arrest him. Mary Mann had discovered In some way that Sim had returned, and she reported it to Jim Thorn. The latter, overanxious to bring Sim to Justice, had hurried before Squire Beeson and sworn out the warrant. The squire's sympathies were with Sim, but he had his official duties to perform, no matter how disagreeable they might be. Sam Morgan, too, who still held the office of township constable, sympathized with Sim. although he believed him guilty. When he came to make the arrest, he said with an air of apology: "1 hate to do It, Sim; I do shore. I never done anything I hated to do wuss'n I hate to do this, an If I had my way 'bout It I'd ruther be switched." "That's all right, Sam," Sim replied. "I'm not blamin you none." "Of course you know bow I'm fixed, Sim," Sam went on. "I'm standi* right betwixt my own inclinations an the law, an, no matter how much I'd like to give way to the fust, the law's got the right an has got to be heeded, w When a feller's fillln a responsible office under the law. he can't do as he wants to. He's jest got to sliet his eyes to his friendships an his personal likes an dislikes an not see nary another thing but the law an duty, 'cause when he goes into ottice lie sw'ars a solemn oath that he'll do jest that a-way." "Yes. I know. Sam. ami I ain't thinkin hurd of you." "I'm glad you look at it that way. Sim. 'cause we was alius good friends, an I don't want you to feel hurt at me. ** But, my laud, Sim. you don't knowhow strict the law is an how it bears down on a body an hems him ail in on ever' side, so's he ain't got no riirht to II MO. . MONTFORT. do as he pleases nor nothln. It's an awful solemn an responsible thing, this holdin otiiee Is. an a feller jest has to do his duty as he sees It, no matter what It costs nor who It pinches." "That's all right, Sam. I ain't goln to have no hard feelln's for no man test 'cause he's doln his duty, an I know that's all you're doln now. I'm not blamin Squire Beeson neither, for he's not done anything he didn't have to do. It looks like Jim Thorn Is put tin himself out a right smart, but may- . be lie feels that he ought to, an any- " how I ain't blamin him neither. 1 ain't blamin nobody." ^ "Waal. I'm glad you feel that a-way, Sim, I'm shore. I don't like the way Jim Thorn done, though, an I ain't liked the way he's done from the fust. He was the fust man lo accuse you of that crime." "But you all b'lieved it, Sam, all ex- 1 cept Pap Sampson an Loueesy." "Yes, but how could we help It? I v didn't want to, but you know how ev- e er'thing was ag'in you. Then thar was 0 the throat you made that day over to F Mis'us Mann's wheatfield an the words t you said to me the last time I see you." f "I know. Ever'thing's ag'in me. But, Sam, if I was to sw'ar to you that I'm * innocent would you b'lieve me?" "I would. Sim. 'cause I know you'd r never sw'ar to a lie." "Then I sw'ar to you that I never ? killed James Melvln. May God help v me!" F "Sim Banks." Sam said, "from this * minute I b'lieve you Innocent. Thar's t my hand on that." s "Thank you," Sim replied. "It docs c me a world of good to hear you say 1 that. And now. Sam, I'm ready to go." ^ "All right. We'll go before Squire c Beeson an let him set the day for your /. preliminary hearin, or will you waive ? that an wait for the gran' jury to act?" c "I dunno. Which will be best?" s "Well, if you waive a hearin in the squire's court you'll have to go to jail, t while if you have a hearin you mought f' git out on bail." * "Then I'll have a hearin, an the t quicker the better. But what you f reckon they'll do with me, Sam?" 1 "I can't say, Sim, but not much, I * hope." , They had reached the door when Pap r Sampson came from another room and s called to Sam. I "What Is It, Tap?" Sam asked. "It's about tbe man that come with Sim," Tap replied. "He wants you to send Squire Beeson an two other men here." "What for?" "I don't know. He jest says he wants 'em, an, though he's so sick this mornin that he can't set up, he says if you don't send 'em he'll go to the squire's office even If he has to crawl ever' foot of the way on his han's an knees." "Lord. I'll send 'em, of course. But I can't make out what ou earth he wants of 'em. Must want 'em putty partlc'lar, too. to talk that a-way." "Seems so. You better send Jason Roberts an Jake Hicks, I guess." "All right, Pap. I'll send 'em." As Sam and Sim walked down the street the former said: "Who Is that man that come with you, Sim?" "He's a feller I got to know in the army," Sim replied. "He come thar two or three weeks after me, an he said bis name was Thompson. That's 'bout all I know 'bout him." c "Don't j'ou know whar he belongs nornothin?" a "No. He never would speak of his t past life nor of his home nor nothiu." "Humph! That's quaire, alnt It?" j "Yes, I thought it a little curious, but I 'lowed it wasn't any of my business, so I never said anything to him 'bout a It." I "No, but It quaire, an so is his want- ^ In the squire an them men. I can't e figger it out." 1 Sim showed but little lute rest. He f was thinking of something else. Ilis t mind was on Louisa, the one chief sub- v jeet of his thoughts during all the long four years of his absence. He was v wondering If he should see her again c now that he was so near. She had 1 never believed him guilty. That was t one great comfort. No matter what- < his fate, that knowledge would cheer 5him even If she held aloof from him in Jf! his hour of trouble. At the squire's office Sam remained \ guarding his prisoner while the squire " and the others went to answer the r Summons of the stranger, rap Samp- e son, finding himself not needed at t home, came down to be with Sim. The news of the arrest having J. spread, a number of people came to see t Sim, a few of them out of sympathy, < but the greater number out of mere en- J riosity. Jim Thorn and Mary Mann J, were among the visitors. a Thorn did not say a word to Sim. but * there was a triumphant expression on f his face that showed lie was highly f gratified at Sim's arrest. lie had nev- t er forgotten that blow Sim liad given ldm. and now, after four years, he was j getting his revenge and getting it in j 1UU I1J< Mrs. Maim was equally as well pleas- ^ ed as Thorn: but. unlike him, she was v not content to let the expression on her t features show her feelings. Approach- } lug quite close to the prisoner, she 1 saiil: t "I'm glad to see you. Sim Hanks, an * to see you right where you are. I hope J now you're satisfied." s Sim made no reply, but Sam Morgan j spoke for hiin. f "Mis'us Man," he said, "you ort to te >e ashamed. Anybody that'd talk to th Sim that a-way now ain't got as much |1J leart as a stone. If you can't say c" something conifortin, don't say any- Gf :hing." oi "Let him look to Loueesy Banks for jV ;omfortin words. She's the one to cc speak 'em. An jest let him wait till y< she does speak 'em. He'll wait for- hs iver." Pap Sampson had been fidgeting in ind out of the room ever since he Si ;ame. He'd go out and look off down in :he street, then come in and sit down. in 70 [n a few minutes he'd go through the w mme motions again. This he kept up r :ill finally Sam Morgan said: Cf "What's the matter of you. Pap. is that you've got so restless all at once?" fo "Nothiu, Sam. nothin at all," Pap re- v( plied. But Sam Morgan knew better. b< TO BE! CONTINUED. ... ai pitfrttattfous grading. !I FOR THE G<?OD OF THE STATE. tY pi Vhy Governor McSweeney Returned le the Senatorial ReniKiiationB. p, Because of delay at the telegraph of- hi Ice last Friday evening, the dispatch J1* o The Enquirer announcing the ac- QJ ion of Governor McSweeney in returnng the resignations of Senators Till- se nan and McLaurin, was not received JJj intll after a considerable portion of the ^ dition had been printed. For the sake lil if the record, however, it is well to re-, af cc iroduce Governor McSweeney's letter ^ 0 Senators Tillman and McLaurin in n ull. It was as follows: a sri Gentlemen: Your letter tendering tfl our resignations as United States sen- sj tors from South Carolina was received pr m the eve of my departure to Chicka- js nauga to take part in the ceremonies ncident to the unveiling of the monu- V( nent which South Carolina has just q, rected to her brave and heroic soldiers ^ rho lost their lives in defence of a u( irinciple on this historic battlefield. a| fence my delay in acknowledging it. q 1 respectfully return your resigna- a( ions that you may have more time for js erious consideration of the effects up- 0*f ?n the people of this state of this ac- C ion upon your part. The commission Qf rhich you hold is the highest compll- m nent and testimonial which the people >f this state can pay to one of its citi- tt ens. It is possible that you have tak- tl n this step hastily in the heat of de- Sl >ate and without due reflection of the C? onsequences to the people who have so C? ignally honored you. bi It was only last year that our people C( lad the excitement and turmoil inci- P( lent to a campaign, and in another th rear we will be in the midst of further lo lolitlcal strife. The people are entitled tt o one year of peace and freedom and rom political battles and bitterness. P' rhe Indications are that a campaign It :uch as would be precipitated by va- re ancles in these two exalted positions w rould be a very acrimonious one and hs lersonal rather than a discussion of is- 01 ues. and from such a canvass our peo- y< >io oVinnlH hp snared. In fact it would hi >e a calamity to the state to he torn 01 isunder by a heated canvass in this n< 'off year" in politics. There can be no se ?ossible pood to come of it. T: The people of the state are getting n< ogether and working for the advance- tjnent and upbuilding of the material h* irosperity of the commonwealth, and Pi should regret anything that would re- H ard this progress. al It is not my purpose in this writing sr 0 prevent the fullest and freest dis- pi ussion of all public questions and the duration of the people along all poitical lines. On the contrary, I heartiy favor that and believe it can best be ccomplished without the bitterness nd the personalities which would be nseperable from a campaign during he coming summer. Under our party er ules a campaign will be necessary h) vithin a little more than a year, and imple time can be had for a full disussion of the issues now before the tl teople. G Holding these views and looking to te he interests of the people of this state -their peace, prosperity and happiness -T respectfully decline to accept your 31 esignations and beg to return them at lerewith. se 1 have the honor to be, etc. ni pl Tillinnn'M Reply. ai Upon receipt of the governor's letter, lenator Tillman replied to it as folows, sending the original by mail and vj it the same time giving out, at Tren- ai on, copies to the press: Trenton, S. C., June 1, 1901. pt lis Excellency, Miles B. McSweeney, m Columbia, S. C.: st Sir: I have your letter of May 31st, pi iddressed to Senator McLaurin and nyself jointly, in which you say "I re- re pectfully return your resignations that ui ou may have more time for serious ai ..noi.iDratinn nf the effects unon the SI eople of the state of this action on of 'our part"?and further on?"I respect- pf ully decline to accept your resigna- ?n ions and beg to return them here- U vith." tc Your excellency, of course, has the P* ight to return my resignation and ad- re ise more serious consideration. In de- n( lining to accept, I am sure you have ec ranscended your authority. It will ni ake very little investigation and re- e> lection to convince you of this. You annot compel a member of the United S States senate to hold his commission al ind exercise the functions of that of- P( ice. if he chooses to surrender it. My ^ iction in tendering my resignation, "J vhile hasty, was not ill advised, and I a' im firmly convinced of the wisdom of nt ny course upon reflection. Personally, I had nothing to gain and P' very thing to lose, and I did not feel ^ j he need of further instructions or vin- jy lication, because I had just been relected by the people with practical I _ manimity. I offered to resign in order .llr o bring about the resignation of my ? olleague and thus put us on a level, vitli equal rights to go before the peo- !f.' le and ask an endorsement of our re- ! ipective courses. While I would not ^ ippcar to pass strictures upon the reainning set forth in your excellency's ... etter. it seems strange that the gover- :J lor of South Carolina, just returned rom unveiling a monument erected by he state in memory of the "heroic solders who lost their lives in defense of j.p trinciple." should he oblivious to the rinciple involved in the contest precip- j tated by our resignations. Tt is also ?. loinewhat remarkable that you should m isk the senators wno nave resigned 10 fn ake time to consider, when you yourielf are reported to he ready to appoint wo senators in "two minutes and a m i:iIf* after receiving an immediate res- jS gnation. ^ Your conception of the office of sena- n( or and its powers can be best under- p( loud by the ease with which you think at nu could fill it. It was not my fault ,ir hat an immediate resignation was not pj lent you. You declare that the "peo- w ile are entitled to one year of peace and er ieedom from political battles and bit- be rness." I am ready to acknowledge lat this is very desirable, but our race is ever thought war preferable to dlsjnor, and unless I am very much derived, a large majority of the people ' South Carolina would be glad of an jportunity to punish treachery and ive those principles and policies which ley support loyally represented in the >ngress of the United States. What )u "consider a calamity" would be Uled by thousands as an opportunity get rid of a traitor who now, in their jinion, disgraces the commonwealth, am aware that there is strong oppotion in certain quarters to a campaign i this "off year" to fill two vacancies i the senate. Many unthinking citins do not know its importance. Many ould-be aspirants are not just yet ,'ady for various reasons to enter the rntest brought on so unexpectedly. It not convenient or suitable, and thereire they have, no doubt, importuned >ur excellency iu uwhii ineir conveniice. claiming that it is for the public elfare. On the other hand it might ? remarked, that the session of confess beginning next December marks i era in the history of our republic id the patriots who will then and lere inaugurate a struggle for the reaction of the old landmarks and the eservation of our free Institutions, ill need everv voice and every vote lat can be had. The fact that the Reahlicans have a good majority in the nate does not alter the case in the ast. The recent decision of the su eme court promulgating the damnae doctrine that this republic, whose ;d-rock principle is the "consent of le governed," can Require by conquest purchase territories and peoples, to ? controlled and tatxed without reprentation through "fcongressional absotism" must be met and exposed, and ans must be laid for a battle to the ?ath by the lovers of Democracy and lerty, against this heresy. An appeal gainst imperialism which is no longer mcealed or denied, must be made to ie people, as it was made against the red Scott decision, and yet with such crisis at hand the governor of this and old state appears willing to have ie state misrepresented and its voice lenced, because its two senators stand 1 opposite sides of the question. What it? The people alone can answer. I claim to represent the people and to lice their wishes. The result of the affney meeting had brought Senator cLaurin within reach of his constit?nts and it was to obtain this answer : once that prompted my conduct at affney. They could not get at him to Jminister a merited rebuke and punhment, except in the way which was fered by our resignations. Your exdlency's action gives him a loophole f escape, and the censure of blame ust rest where it belongs. There is nothing personal in my attiide towards Senator McLaurin, lough my language might indicate ich feeling: but I speak bluntly beluse I have always taught myself to ill things by their names. Nothing at a sense of duty forces me to the >urse I have pursued. Material pros;rity and progress may be worth more lan strict adherence to principle and valtv to trust, hut T cannot spp It In lat light. Holding this view I decline for the "esent to withdraw my resignation, was tendered in order to secure the signation of Senator McLaurin, and 111 not be withdrawn until he shall ive shown his unwillingness to let ir people pass upon his conduct this ?ar instead of next. He declares in s latest interview that he "will speak 1 such Invitations as he did at Gaff?y when possible, and will, not con>nt to any interference by Senator lllman or anybody else." Whether or >t Mr. McLaurin will be allowed to do lis remains to be seen. If the people ive a right to hear him, the same peoe have a right to hear me and others, e no longer seems to have anxiety DOut his health and if allowed to >eak by himself, rather enjoys the -ospect. I am sir, your obedient servant, Benj. Ryan Tillman. McLanrln's Reply. Immediately upon receipt of the govnor's letter. Senator McLaurin wrote s reply; but refused to give it out to ie press in advance of its receipt by le governor for reasons of courtesy, overnor McSweeney gave out the letr on Monday. It is as follows: "My Dear Sir: Your letter of the st of May, .in which you decline to :cept my resignation as United States inator is received. ..ml XfAII nOPli. "une grounus upuu muku ;Uu Uw.. ition is predicated are that the peoe are entitled to 'one year of peace id freedom from political battles and tterness,' and that a campaign this ?ar would be a calamity to the state be torn asunder by a heated caniss in the off-year in politics without ly possible good to come of it. As i additional reason you suggest that ly disturbance of the harmony of the ;ople in their work for the advanceent of the material prosperity of the ate might result in retarding this -ogress. "I appreciate fully the force of the tasons given by you and the effects ion the people of the state of a heated id strife-producing contest for United tates senator this year. For the sake ' the 'peace, prosperity and happiness ' the people of this state* I am willg to hold on to my commission as nited States senator, and to continue ? serve the state as I have done in the ist to the 'best of my ability,' but in itaining my seat in the senate I will it consent to be handicapped or bossI by any one claiming a right to judge y motives and actions. I propose to cercise my judgment on all national jestions under the influence of a high ;nse of responsibility to the people id to work for the upbuilding of the ilitical and material interests of the ate. I recognize fully my accountality to the sovereign people and am ways ready to give a strict account ' my official acts to them. "Your suggestion that it is not your jrpose by your official action 'To pre?nt the fullest and freest discussion * all public questions and the educaan of the people along all political ies.' is in accordance with your paiotic course in reference to the resnations. The people are entitled to ?ar both sides of these questions and i form a judgment. Personalities and tterness in a joint debate would inrfere with a fair and full discussion them, and instead of educating ould mislead and deceive them. All lat I have claimed is this right of le people and my right to enlighten lem on these questions whenever call I upon. "In my effort to do this I was interred with by the senior senator, who Ilrmed that my doctrines were polital heresies and hurtful to the people, y wish is that all public questions ay be freely and fully discussed here the people and I will be content abide their decision upon them. "In consenting to hold on to my comission, I wish it understood that it in response to your patriotic appeal int it is for the good of the state and >t because I feared to go before the ?ople and discuss with the senior senor or others the national issues of the ly. I am a public servant of the peoe. and it is my duty and pleasure alays to promote their interests in evy way I can. I have the honor to etc." EUROPE VS. UNITED STATES. How Foreigners Look Upon Threatened Commercial Supremacy. The Literary Digest. A commercial alliance of all Europe against the United States is again advocated by a prominent European statesman. Admiral Canevaro, of the Italian navy, in adding his voice of warning against American competition to those of Count Goluchowski, the Austrian foreign minister, and Leroy Beaulieu, the French economist, has expressed himself with great emphasis, and a number of European journals are now gravely discussing the possibility of even a general war, military as well as commercial, on America. In his speech at Toulon, Admiral Canevaro said (as reported by the Paris Figaro): "The peace of Europe under the dual and triple alliances would perhaps lead European nations to consider the possibility and necessity of uniting against America, Africa, and Asia, as the future of civilization will require them to do." Commenting on this remark, The Spectator (London), which is generally favorable to an Anglo-American alliance, warns the United States that there is a real and strong sentiment behind such speeches. It points out that Count Canevaro Is no "man in the street," that he has been Italy's minister of foreign affairs, and that he attracted favorable attention from all Europe in the Cretan embroglio. His utterance, says The Spectator, is "no rash, irresponsible outburst;" but the "matured judgment of a man who knows how people think." Africa, continues this London journal, proceeding to analyze the speech, is already "divided in theory and by agreement; but the attack on Asia has just begun, and the obstacle presented by America is now clearly perceived." The annoyance of the continent with America, we are told, which is very deep, is based upon three reasons. These are, first, the conviction, that owing to our wealth and resources, business competition with us is almost impossible; second, the fear that we will elbow Europe out of the markets she is aiming at in Asia; and, third, the "dog-in-the-manger attitude of the United States about CJah 4-V? A motiloQ " Hill* Lilt? IUIU1C UI ?JVU 111 A1UC1 iva. S/Uft wealth and energy, Europeans believe, are employed chiefly "to monopolize trade, and so control In the end all the wealth of the world." The giant trusts of America, says The Spectator, are regarded as enemies, "Inexpressibly formidable because they do not raise prices, which would to traders be some compensation, but look to monopoly of business as their reward, and because, If the government fence them off with tariffs, the Americans being protectionists. do not scruple to commence quick and severe reprisals." As the governments are always "trembling with nervousness lest their industrials Is driven out of work, should turn to socialism as a refuge, this cause alone Inspires them with a permanent suspicion and dislike of American action." In Asia, "It Is clear that America Is sadly In the way." of the continental nations." "The whole action of Washington In this Chinese muddle points to a single conclusion, that although Americans took the Philippines, they are unwilling to see any but native powers In possession or control of the richer countries of Asia. They do not much mind England, because she admits all the world to share her commerce, or Russia, because they regard Manchuria as a mere railway route: but they are utterly opposed to a partition of China, or a subjugation of Japan, or any other great change, which would place their manufactures at a disadvantage. That opposition is most Irritating to men who sincerely believe that open trade Is of no use to them because America and England are sure to get It, and who look therefore to conquest In one form or another as the only permanent protection for their Industry. The bitterness Is all the deeper, because it Is, in a sense, philanthropic, those who feel it honestly pitying their own people because they cannot. In the fierce competition which prevails, get enough work to do." Europe is bitter against the United States because she will neither take South America herself nor let any one else take It. Says The Spectator on this point: "There lies the vast continent with scarcely anybody In it, with climates which, though various do not prohibit European labor, with sources of wealth in the soil that are practically limitless, and with vast rivers which render entrance into the far Interior at once cheap and easy. There is no prize left in this rapidly dwindling little planet like South America. Germany would like the whole of Brazil, in which she is already strong; Italy even now sends her children by the hundred thousand to Argentina; France would feel richer if she could acquire the Hinterland of Guiana; and even Hungary would much rather that her Slav children, who in tens of thousands are doing the hard work of North America, should find acceptable homes under their own llag in Uraguay. All are warned off by the Union, in a way ...uino oho will nnt nnnPY nr pven allow herself to be responsible for these territories, seems to the statesmen of the continent the neight of selfish impertinence. Why, they think, should their children be shut out by a pure caprice from natural and profitable careers?" The Spectator concludes by warning us to awaken from our illusion, to increase our fleet steadily instead of by rushes, and to think out what we (the Americans) are doing, and not act, as the British too often do, upon the spur of the moment. Americans will find out very soon, this journal believes, that, as in the Spanish war, our only ally is our half-suspected kinsman, and that, be the consequences good or bad, the freedom and the peace of the world can only be preserved by the rule, not i yet accepted, that those who speak r< English must in the hour of danger a stand together. ti The recent action of the United States G senate with regard to reciprocity was e: the occasion of a meeting of Austrian tl manufacturers in Vienna, which The ii Saturday Review (London), generally f< anti-American in its sentiments, be- a lleves will result in "serious conse- E quences for the United States." The v, presiding officer declared (so the Lon- t< don Standard reports) that "on the re- J< newal of the treaties it will be neces- t( sary to keep an eye on our powerful ci transatlantic rival and to take care A that America is not permitted, under c< the most-favored-nation clause, to mo- e nopolize the benefit of any hard-won concessions which might be secured by the Dual Monarchy from its European neighbors." Commenting on this, The Tribune p (Winnipeg, Canada) says: "If the Dpal Monarchy secures fa- ^ vorable terms for the admission of Aus- CJ tro-Hungarlan goods Into other Euro- a pean countries, those countries must 0 not admit American goods on the same w or equally favorable terms under any C( most-favored-natlon clause. If Austro- g| Hungary carries that point, of course h all other European countries, Britain possibly excepted, will Insist that dls- a crimination against American goods be made by Austria-Hungary as well as by each of the other countries. That Q will mean simply a commercial war on j. the United States by all Europe. And Q the discrimination, as a matter of ^ course, will be made to affect American goods entering the ports of all Europe ^ and dependencies." ^ The general tone of the American press In all matters relating to Interna- P tional trade, says The Chronicle (a 1 British paper of Kobe, Japan) Is boastful and offensive. Americans appear to hold that, while any attempt to put a protective duty on American manufactures is a direct Insult to the United States, the right to place protective du- e ties on imports coming Into America Is tj the natural prerogative of the citizens ^ of the Republic. The Saturday Review (London) be- ? lleves that the enormous expansion of c the German navy now in progress does L not presage a design against Great Britain, but indicates careful prepara- fl tion for a future "brush" with Uncle s Sam, If he persists in keeping Europe G out of South America. Over that vast 8 and little exploited continent, says this p journal, "hangs the shadow of the 81 Monroe doctrine, and in that must He h the supreme menace of German expan- 8 sion." Europe has neglected South r America, we are informed, because of t the "corrupt and ephemeral nature of the South American governments, and t the existence of the Monroe doctrine." * If we mean to keep Europe out, why, * asks The Saturday Review, do we not ^ develop the great continent ourselves? It continues: "America neither keeps Its protege In 8 order nor allows others to do so, a hope- 13 lessly Illogical position which cannot ^ continue forever. Before _ they (the h United States) became a conquering power there was perhaps some shadow 11 of Justification for this attitude; now e that they are themselves attacking and 11 enslaving Eastern races, the claim to speak on hehalf of freedom against encroachment from without, loses all log- f leal basis. The occupation of Cuba has * placed the United States In a position ' the strength of which no maratlme c power with Interest In South America r can afford to Ignore. Cuba In old days ? formed the pivot of Spanish rule on the a continent, and from thence American 0 expansion will work." " There are, we are told, more than half a million German colonists in 8 South America, principally In Brazil and Chile, and the Kaiser "will see to 8 It they are protected In their develop- P ment." Says this London Journal In *conclusion: "The cavalier treatment of u her would-be protector by Venezuela, *! and the resentment now being shown d by the Central American republics at the calm assumption by the senate that a an Interoceanic canal concerns the Uni- 1 ted States alone, are also Indications ? which no statesman can afford to ig- v nore." b The Kaiser is entirely logical, says y The World (Toronto), in assuming that America herself has violated the Mon- 1 roe doctrine by her Interference In the a Philippines and China. The World r warns the United States as follows: "If * it ever comes to a fight over the Mon- r roe doctrine, the United States will ^ probably have to face continental Eu- t( rone as a whole and not any isolated a' country. The whole of Europe is interested in the Monroe doctrine, and especially in its validity under existing t conditions: and when the doctrine is a carried to the court of last resort it will h be Europe vs. America." c The recent purchase of the Leyland L Transatlantic line of steamships by J. n Pierpont Morgan has stirred up the Canadian press. The best part of the o British mercantile navy, declares The v Herald (Montreal), is in danger of pass- u ing into American possession. It is all a simply a part of the inevitable develop- n ment of commerce and industry, says The Globe (Toronto). Of momentous lc significance, declares The Patrie (Otta- ci wa), the leader of French thought in b the Dominion. "Calchas," writing in The Fortnight- tl ly Review (London, April), declares P1 that, although Germany may- yet sur- ir pass England in trade and industry, she will not be able to successfully re- w sist America. He says on this point: at "The United States has the special gift in which no country can compare with her?business ability. She has in- P< finitely more material, more labor, more ai mechanical inventiveness, more trans port and shipping facilities, more means j for reducing the cost of manufacture to a lower point than can be possible any- th where else in the world. Germany can- m not compete with her in the colossal ^ mass or the minute specialization of rj | her production, in everything that is gi 'presented by the great steel trust; nd the genius of America Is concen ated upon commercial energy as the erman spirit, which will continue to seel In many other and some higher ilngs, never can be. German Industry 1 its turn will be reduced to the dernsive, perhaps within the next decde. The idea of a United States of lurope, which Is much In evidence, '111 assuredly not be formed In the invests of Germany. Russia will not >in it against America, and the at*mpt would probably end in nothing so ertainly as a final determination of merica to keep China open at any ost."?Translations made for The Lltrary Digest. A REVOLUTION IN TRAVEL. A revolution In railroad travel Is ireshadowed by the bill which has Just assed the house of lords authorizing tie construction of a novel electric lllroad between MancheBter and itverpool. As described In a special able to the Sunday World, It Is to be single-rail road. The train will run n a track shaped like an Inverted V, 1th the single rail as its apex. It will onsist of but one long car, which will traddle the track, so to speak, onealf of it hanging on each side, just as pack-saddle hangs on the back of mule. Every car will carry Its own lotor. The cars will cover the whole distance f 33 miles in 20 minutes?a speed of 10 miles an hour. As the line will be verhead and derailment impossible, tils record breaking rate of speed rill be quite safe. The projectors of he road admit, however, that they ave not yet found a brake of sufficient ower. American inventive genius will olve this difficulty for them If British iventors cannot. One hundred miles an hour on a sadleback railroad was demonstrated to < e possible by an American inventor, aptain Joe V. Meigs, away back in the Ightles. He built a short experimenal track near Boston and ran trains y steam power that made that speed, eventy-five years ago, when George tephenson applied to parliament for a harter for a steam railroad between .iverpool and Manchester, the promo?rs begged him not to talk of going aster than ten miles an hour lest he .. hould alarm the country too much, leorge was daring, however, and did peak of fifteen miles an hour. The arliamentary committee doubted his anity and the London press denounced Is project as "crazy." Down to 1870 a peed of 25 miles an hour on English ailways was the average. And now he best express speed of the century 3 to be almost doubled as a regular hing. But England ought not to be he first to do It, seeing that the pracIcabllity of it was first proved in imerica.?New York "World. Onward, Ever Onward.?The Teleram cannot go all the gaits-traveled y McLaurin; but it can do him the astlce to commend a great deal that e says. No one with an open mind can all to see that be strikes home some nportant truths which ought to be takn to heart by the Democratic masses, ' not the Democratic leaders. The South fought during the sixties or the principles of the constitution as ramed and afterward Interpreted by he fathers. But the South lost. The fhole scheme of the framers was hanged by the result?changed beyond ecall. We must all be convinced now f that fact. It Is childish, not to say waste of valuable time, to grieve ver the spilt milk and refuse to get old of the teat again. A political pary cannot live on a sentiment, be It ever 0 dear. McLaurin may be lost In the coming torm; but he Is yet a warning petrel erched upon the rigging of the old )emocratlc ship. Not to steer the ship pon the smoother and better highway 1 to defy the storm and invite further lsaster. The Democratic party cannot live nd stand on the platforms of 1896 and 900. It cannot get rid of those platorms without shaking the few men fho made them. They are back numers and as dry and sterile as last ear's bird nests. There" is no room for a new party In his country?no third party ever mounted to anything?but there is oom for new life new vigor, better hings In the two old ones. If McLauln succeeds In building Are on the acks of some of our snail-moving toroise statesmen he will accomplish omething.?Macon (Ga). Telegraph. As Seen From the Other Side op he River.?A McLaurlnlte Is telling story in South Carolina, Illustrative, e says, of the status there. He prolaims it an old story?one of Lon .Kingston's?but many of us have ever heard It before. "Two farmers?Jones and Smith? wned adjoining plantations and were ery warm friends. But the Jones 'Oman fell out with the Smith woman nd soon Jones and Smith were enelies. "One day Jones went hunting. He >st his way in the swamps. Night iught him there. Realizing that, he egan to hello for help. "Smith, way up on high land, heard le cry of distress. He got him a long ole, and on the end of It tied a blazig torch of lightwood. "Then Smith cried out 'Hallo! you ho have lost your way! you come raight to this light. You will be safe.' " 'All right,' cried the lost man. "Then a moment afterward he stop?d. Hold on a minute,' he cried, 'who *e you that holds the light?' " 'Smith.' " 'Then go to h?1! I'll stay where am.' "That," says the McLaurlnlte, "is le way with many in Carolina. You nv shnw the true lieht?the real path i the light?but It depends upon who aids it more than upon the truth and ght and justice It illustrates."?Auista Herald.