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r y . 9 ^ == = J J ^ __ ^ ISSUED SEMI-WEEKLY. l. h. grist & SONS, Pubii?hers.} J^famitg Jtcmsgager: jfor the promotion of the political, Social, Agricultural, and (Eommettfial Jnlytsts of (ht gnoplt, {^gmffgcoit,EfitJ centsANCE' ESTABLISHED 1855. YORKVILLE. S. C., WE PISTES DAY, MAY 29, 1901. NO. 43. AS 1MB BY THOMAS B. Copyright. 1901, by Thomas P. Montfort. I CHAPTER XXI. A LITTLE NEIGHBORLY GOSSIP. One day HI Jenkins and Jonathan ? Turner rode over to Beckett's Mill to see about selling some hogs. It was one of the days when Hi's "ager" was not working on him, so be was In an approachable humor. Naturally In the conversation that followed the ; arrival of the two men the murder of Melvin and the disappearance of Sim i Banks formed the chief topic. ; a "I knowed from the very fust," Tur- I ner remarked, "that that feller wa'n't t down yere smellin round fur no mineral, an 1 knowed thar was somethin i back of him that he wa'n't keerin ' 'bout people knowin. But, Lord a-mas- ] sy, meii. I never dreamed that he'd i gone an done slcb a thing as murder, i Great snakes an caterpillers, jest think of It. will you?that feller stayin thar ; M In my house, a-slecpln in my beds an i a-eatin at my table when he'd done ; tuck a feller critter's life! My land, if I'd 'a' knowed I wouldn't 'a' had him thar for a hoss. Why, don't you ] know sence be was thar it jest seems i ^ like ever' blame thing on the place is 1 " 111--* got human Diooa on 11?seems ime it a i on the beds an the towels an the cheers j an the dishes, an 'pears like I can taste ( It In the vlttles. Lord a-massy, but It's awful!" < "I bet you'd 'a' been skeered of him, j too," Jason Roberts said, "If you'd 'a' , knowed 'bout him klllin that feller." "Great possums an persimmons, I , reckon I shorely would 'a' been skeer- , ed. Why. Jest think?that feller mougbt 'a' got up some night an killed ever' , blame one of us." "An he never cheeped a word to you , V 'bout nothln he'd done nor nothin?" , "Nacy a word. If I'd been kinder inquisitive, like some folks, an had 'a' pried Into him, 1 mougbt 'a' found out , somethln. But, Lord, 1 ain't no hand , to ask questions, you know, an when , a feller acts like he don't want to tell nothln I jest let him alone." "Didn't you ask him nothin?" ] - - T1 ~?carceiy a miug. w ueu ??> wuw s. up thar fust that day, I sorter flung out , one or two little questions, but I see | right away he didn't want to answer nothln, so 1 jest quit Land, I ain't no , hand to try to make people tell things anyhow whether they want to or ndt." ] There was an oppressive silence after | this, a silence during which there was , much thinking. But Turner was blissfully ignorant of the trend of thought. He did not even suspect it when be saw a smile on more than one face. "An 'bout that feller over to your | house, Hi?" Hicks remarked question- , lngly. ( w "He ain't thar no more," HI replied. "Gone away?" I "Yes; went yistedy." "I'd say't." "Yes; he got so'd he didn't 'pear to be , satisfied no more, so yistedy he packed up an put out." I "Wa'n't satisfied with the 'commer- ( dation you give him?" Turner asked. "Them fellers mostly ain't satisfied i with nothln." "Oh, It wa'n't that, I guess. Leastwise he never made no fuss 'bout his j commeraauons. "What ailed hlui. then, you reckon7' , "I dunno, I'm shore. Jest seemed to 'a' got sorter restless an uneasy an \ couldn't be still uowhar. When he wa'n't asleep, lie was all the time mov- | In about, either trapsin round over the woods or else walkin back'ards an for'ards across the yard. I've seed him | walkin out thar In the yard for hours, flest golu to au fro. to an fro. till It wore me clean out. 11 got so's he done It of nights Jest the same, an lots of times I've waked up way long towards morula an seed him at it. Then thar was a kin' of a skeered look in his , eyes, an at ever" little noise he'd jump an look round like he'd been shot. 1 , never see nobody do like he done." "By grab, it was funny, wa'n't it?" "Looked that a-way to me shore." | "What you reckon was the matter of him, Hi?" "1 ain't no uotion, Jake." , "1 bet it was that murder done it," Sam Morgan said. "Don't you all reck- ( on It was?" , "LoVd, I don't see how that murder could 'a' had anything to do with it." Ill replied. "The murder wa'n't not bin ( to him noway, an he didn't know Mel- < vln nor Sim Banks nuttier, Guess he ( never see nuther of 'cm 'less he see , Melvin that day he was lyin here a cawpse." "He did see him that day." Sam said, "an he acted sorter quaire too. I was a-watchiu him when he went up to i whar the cawpse lay, an. for all he'd been so cool out thar in the woods, the second his eyes fell on that dead face he turned right white an put his hand up to his heart, then looked round right quick, like he wondered if anybody'd seen him. Guess he must be one of them kind of people that's easy teched by anything like that." "Must be If he done that a-way." old HI replied. "My skin. It don't make no difference to me to look at a dead feller, an I'd Jest as soon tech him as not." "Lord, Hi, not if he'd been killed?" "Yes. sir, even if he'd been killed." "By grab, 1 wouldn't. They say if you tech a feller that's been murdered that a-way he'll come to you three nights hand runnin and stan' by your bed an look at you." "Wonder if that's so?" Jim Thorn j. asked. "By grab, they say It is. shore, un I can tell you right now I don't want no le hero: . MONTFORT. dead fellers pestertn round me of nights." "Lord, you bet I don't. I don't want nothin to do with them ba'nts an flxln's, an I ain't never goin to tech nobody that's been killed, you bet, even If they never are teched." nnn fnllara Hnn'f Irnnw whflt" OiiUC&Ot JVU ICII^iO UVM V MMVVf ? .? you're talkin 'bout. Say, you all Jest wait till you've seed dead men as I've seed 'em. iyin round on a battlefield Jest ever'whar." Thus spoke Ebenezer Sparks, the warrior bold. "Lord a-migbty, I've fit Into many a battle whar men were Jest a-drappln all round me so thick that I couldn't move 'thout stepnin on a lot of 'em. My land, I wa'n't skeered of techlu 'em, an they never come back of nights to pester round ba'ntin of me, nuther." "It wa'n't that a-way that time when you went Into Hicks' cellar to whup the battle, was It, Ebenezer?" Jason Roberts asked. Ebenezer flashed angry. "Doggone It all." be cried, "ain't 1 never goin to bear the last of that dad burned old cellar? Ever' time 1 mention any a word 'bout when I fit into the war some blame fool has got to go to work an drag that dod blasted old cellar in." "Waal, we want to show a Intrust In your war record, Ebenezer, an that's the only battle we ever see you fight In, so that's all we got to speak 'bout" "Waal, you needn't pester 'bout sbowiu no Intrust then. I'd ruther you wouldn't" "Say." Sam Morgan called, "don't you reckon Sim Banks has a ha'nt?" "Of co'se he has." Thorn replied, "an. say, fellers, I bet It pesters him Jest awful." "To be shore." Turner agreed. "Speakln of Sim Banks 'minds me of somethin," Hi said. "Reckon ain't one of you uns hearu notbin of Sim sence he went away ?" "Nary a word," Hicks answered. "Quaire them officers don't find out nothin 'bout him. ain't it?" " 'Tis so. Guess they've bunted round all over ever'whar most an they ain't found hair nor hide of him." "S'pose he must 'a' gone clean off Bomewbar." "Looks like it You know he left a note for his woman sayln he war a-goIn away an wa'n't never comin back no more?" "I beam he did." "But she don't b'lieve It" "Don't she?" "Not now, she don't She b'lleved It a right smart at fust but Pap SampBon kept a-talkin till be got her to change her mind." "Pap still stan's out that Sim never killed that feller?" "La. yes, wuss'n ever." "Quaire he'd git that sorter notion, ain't It?" "'Tls, shore. Pap's gin'rally putty level beaded, but be got bis nose p'lntsd wrong this time shorely." "He thinks Sim'U come back, doeB be?" "Jest knows be will." "Waal, he'll be bung or sent op to prison If be does come." "Pap's got a notion somethln'U turn up to clear Sim 'fore be gits back." "Don't see bow be goes 'bout makln that out." "I don't see nutber, but that's his talk." "How's Sim's woman a-doln?" "Kinder porely, 1 guess. She ain't llvin here no more." "That so?" "Yes; she left tbe fust of the week." "Whar'd Rke go?" "Down to tbe county seat" "What's she 'lowln to do down thar?" "She reckoned she'd git Into some work of some kind." "An jest 'bout manage to go through iver'thing she's got." "She ain't got nothin." "Ain't? Why. I been bcarin Sim left tier all the land an ever'thlng." "He did, but she won't tech it." "Won't? Why, say, what's the reason?" "She 'lows It's hls'n an she ain't no right to live it up. Says inebby some time he'll need it." "Waal, I'll be smutched!" "Then 1 guess she kinder wanted to git away front here anyhow. That bout her an Melvin started a good bit of talk, an 1 reckon she found it wa'n't none too pleasant a-stayln here." "Nat'rally. Ilow'd she take It 'bout Melvin bein killed? Did she carry on much?" "Nary a bit that nny of us seen Guess she behaved plumb nice." "I>id she come to see tlie cawpser" Ilicks hesitated for an instant. IIo knew from Tap Sampson about that night visit, "but he bad promised to keep it n secret. "Waal, I didn't see ber come," he said. "Any you fellers see ber come?" They all shook their beads. "Some folks 'lowed she'd take on a heap over him an mebby give Sim fits too." "Lord, she tuck right off for Sim. She jest acted for all the world like she kecred more for him than anybody." "It would 'a' been a mougbty good thing if she'd 'a' tuck off for him sooner \stid of foolin with that other feller, n-gittin him killed an puttin Sim into this mess." "I reckon that's so, III, but 1 ain't never b'lieved Loueesy Banks alined to do lit.thin wrong. She was jest sorter thoughtless, 1 guess." "No, sir; it's jest like I've said time; an ag'in, Jake. Whenever you go an send a gal off to them doggone colleges you Jest nat'rally spile her for all time to come. By gosh, you Jest as well take her out an knock her In the head. That's all In the world's the matter of Loueesy Banks." "No, I 'low her an Sim Jest nat'rally didn't suit" "Co'se they didn't atter she'd goue down thar an tuck up a lot of doggone fool notions. They'd 'a' suited well [ enough if it hadn't been for that she I lowed she'd got to have one of them white shirt fellers or she couldn't never be happy. It's that dad burn college done It all." "Still, HI, edleation'8 a pow'ful good thing." "Not for a gal. It ain't." "Why?" "Waal, she ain't got no use for It, an It's jest plumb shore to make a fool of her. Lord, a man, even, don't need so nwful blame much edicatlon to git on all right." "You think so?" "I know It. Take myself, for Instance. . I ain't never hod no edicatlon to speak of. yit see how 1 sot on to that Jury that time. I managed 'bout run nin that court jest as well as any of them fellers down thar. If a feller's got It In him, be can git up in the world even if he ain't got no book raruln." "Lord a-massy," Turner exclaimed, "speakin 'bout settlu on to a Jury 'minds me of somethln." "What Is It?" Jason asked. "Why, if Sim's ever ketcbed they'll have to git a Jury to try him. an I dunno but likely enough I'll git a chance to set on It." TO BE CONTINUED. Miscellaneous grading. DREAMERS. HE. If I were Pierpont Morgan And you were Hetty Green, We'd corner all the bowers, We'd make the sunshine ours, And I would crown you queen Upon a throne of flowers, If I were Pierpont Morgan And you were Hetty Green. SHE. If you were Pierpont Morgan And I were Hetty Green, In dismal days and sunny We'd just keep making money And stacking it between Our happy selves, my honey, If you were Pierpont Morgan And I were Hetty Green. ?S. E. Riser in Chicago Record-Herald. MORGAN ON DEMOCRACY. From an interview with Senator Morgan, of Alabama, ^n the New York Times: The idea recently advanced that the elimination of the Negro is going to give birth to a new Republican party in the South is not based on an understanding of the real sentiments of our people. It is assumed that we are coopered together by the Negro question, brass-bound with hoops lightly clinched, and that when the Negro is removed the staves will shrink, the hoops fall off and the whole thing go to pieces. The intelligent men of Alabama vote their convictions. I know of no man who is a Democrat merely on account of the Negro. There are some Republicans who can vote with us on state matters, for respectability's sake and for the protection of their families and their business; but they vote the Republican National ticket and maintain their party loyalty. The elimination of the Negro will enable these men to vote for Republican state officers without sacrificing their self-respect. Democrats will still be Democrats, and Republicans still Republicans. The Democracy of Alabama is based on reason?is a matter of political philosophy. It has a certain definite creed, as a religion, and our people do not look with favor upon - any departure from it, whether it be towards the doctrines of the Republicans, of Populists or any other not strictly and to the letter those of Democracy. They are extremely sensitive In their faith. The vote of Mr. Bryan fell off in Alabama at the recent presidential election, and that is easily accounted for. It was not that they did not like Mr. Bryan, or that they doubted his sincerity; but many thought that he wanted to engraft Into the creed some thing that had not Deen mere Derore? something that was not Democracy: but was designed to render the creed acceptable to those who were not Democrats whom he would make his allies. There were some who would not accept this even from Mr. Bryan, who thought they could see Mr. Bryan standing with one foot on the platform of Democracy and one foot in the mud. Democrats who thought thus remained at home and did not vote. Among such people you may not look for converts to weaken its Democracy.?St. Louis Republic. To Sbt Typb by Tbi.koraph.?If some midwestern papers are credible, a young lowan named Frank D. Peahe, has invented a machine that will set type by telegraph at a thousand miles range. Several telegraph corporations are reported to be negotiating for the use of the invention, which may revolutionize telegraphy and effect great economy in time and money on the big daily papers. "I expect to perfect my machine and use it in connection with the Mergenthaler typesetting machine," says the inventor. "In a short time it will be possible to send a message from New York to Chicago and put it into type without the assistance of an operator at the receiving end or a typesetter. Four distinct parts make up the apparatus which does the sending and printing the message. The sender is a keyboard which has electric wires connected with each key and is similar in appearance to the keyboard of any writing machine. At the receiving end are a selecter, and intermediate switch, and the portion o? the typewriter which does the printing.?Newspaperdom. SENATORS RESIGN Sensational Outcome of Remarkable Meeting. TILLMAN AT LAST MEETS HIS MATCH What Was Intended to Be a Quiet Political Address, Is Developed by Meddlers Into a Fierce Joint Debate?The Tines of the Pitchfork Are Bent Against Plates of Steel? Chagrined Over His Sudden Check, Tillman Howls For Vindication, ana lUCLaurm, me tnainpiiin ui Free Speech,: Agrees to Fight It Out with Him on the Stump. ! Though cast iiy an entirely different mould from Benjamin Ryan Tillman, and differing from him in all essential characteristics, Senator John L. McLaurin is able to hold his own with the "big boss," before any falrminded audience of intelligence and discrimination. That fact was demonstrated at Gaffney last Saturday to the entire satisfaction of those who have all along held to it as a niatter of course, and to the consternation of those who had told it until they had persuaded themselves to believe that the junior senator would cower and run at the first prick of the gaff. The meeting at GafTney came off in accordance with previous intimations. It was not of senator McLaurin's choosing. It was forced upon him bf Senator Tillman and his friends. Senator McLaurin had been invited to Gaffney by a committee of business men, who desired themselves to hear, and have others to hear him discuss the measures and policies that he considered to be for the best Interest of South Carolina and the South. This committee and the people had already heard Senator Tillman time and again on this subject, and it was considered that anything from him was unnecessary just at this time. But Senator Tillman was evidently unwilling to risk Senator McLaurln with the voters, and he managed to have himself Invited also. The story of how Senator Tillman came to Gaffney has already been told in part. Invited in the name of the president of the Blacksburg Democratic club, Senator Tillman asked for a generally signed petition, and the ostensible canvass for signatures was made the occasion to especially urge the collection of partisan hosts from all parts of the county. The petition contained, when the senator arrived, according to his announcement, 250 names. The arrangements for a joint debate were completed Friday evening, Mr. J. C. Otts acting for Senator Tillman, and Mr. G. R. Koester beting for Senator McLaurln. Senator Tillman, however, had really forced the debate in his previous letters to Mr. Otts. He Indicated his desire for a joint debate; but went on to say that "if Senator McLaurln is afraid to meet me," I will hold a meeting in a grove, or words to that effect. Notwithstanding the circumstances and character of the invitation that the committee had extended to Senator McLaurln, this way of putting it made the meeting entirely unavoidable; but there was not the slightest hesitation on the part of the Junior sen-| ator. He promptly indicated his willingness to meet Senator Tillman without any stipulations as to what should be said by either speaker, and it was arranged that the debate should take place in the opera house. Senator McLaurln to open with a half hour, Senator Tillman to reply in an hour and a half, and Senator McLaurln to close in an hour. Both senators arrived at the appointed time, both walking, and Senator McLaurln slightly In advance of Senator Tillman. The opera house, which seats about 600 people, was already comfortably full; but by the time the speaking commenced, most of the available standing room, especially in the back part of the house, was taken up. Having learned previously of the efforts to pack the hall with Tillman shouters by means of the petition referred to, McLaurin's friends also brought about 20 men along with them from Greenville and Spartanburg. On the stage were a number of newspaper men, several friends of Senators McLaurln and Tillman, about a dozen persons in all. A Gaffney gentleman, who sat near the reporter, stated that, in his Judgment, something more than one-third of the audience was composed of farmers from the country. The meeting was called to order by Mr. Ed H. DeCamp, editor of the Gaffney Ledger, and after an invocation of Divine blessings by Rev. A. C. Cree, Mr. DeCamp made a few preliminary remarks in which he explained the object of the discussion, and expressed the hope that not only would the audience listen attentively to both speakers; but that the best of good order would prevail. He then introduced Senator McLaurin as a "Commercial Democrat." who believed in territorial and trade expansion. Senator McLaurln had been sitting seriously thoughtful for some ten or fifteen minutes, evidently still working on his speech, which had been prepared, for the most part, during the morning. There was no demonstration of any kind when he arose to his feet. Instead of being inclined to demonstration, the audience seemed more determined to listen, and Senator McLaurin launched out in a straight-forward appeal to reason, along the same line as at Greenville, but using entirely fresh matter. "I re-echo every word of what the chairman has said, for I stand here as the advocate of a Democracy of progress, a Democracy that will build up the industries of our people and expand our trade an4 manufactures. We want to abandon dead or settled issues, and devote ourselves to principles that are calculated to promote the practical ben eflt of our people now, and of those who come after us." After laying down this proposition, Senator McLaurin referred, to his early connection with Senator Tillman and the Reform movement. Senator Tillman, he said, made his first speech at Bennettsville some 15 years ago, and he came there as my guest. On my first acquaintance with him, I saw that he was a man of remarkable force and power, and the unfolding of his purposes and ambitions found sympathetic response in every aspiration of my heart and soul. His mission then was to free the state from political stagnation, to strike off the shackles of class rule, to restore liberty of thought, freedom of speech, and to guarantee to every white man in South Carolina not only the right to be heard by his fellows, but the right to political preferment through a white man's primary. He made a brave fight that day, and then and there I joined my fortunes with his in behalf of the principles for which we both stood. I stood with him until the fight was won, and a rough, stumpy road it was we traveled together. But we got the primary, the right of free speech, and the right of every white man to appeal to the suffrage of his fellows. Whatever may become of the personal relations that once existed between us, I will never forget this one service he has rendered to South Carolina, nor attempt to snatch from his brow the laurel that was placed there for what he did at that time. But, fellow citizens, I want to say to you before we go any further, that I still stand today where I stood then. I am standing for it because I am still a "Tlllmanite" of the old stripe; one who still believes in freedom of thought and action, and doing that which I think is best for South Carolina. I believe in freedom of thought on every subject except the one question of white man's rule, and this man (turning around to Senator Tillman and shaking his finger in the senior senator's face, as he put added emphasis in his words) is here today to attack me for remaining true to the very principles for which we fought so long and fiercely, and which he has now deserted! I am here today, fellow citizens, advocating free speech within the party. Don't you remember how, when he be Ban his fight they said to him, "Hush, hush, you'll split the party!" And do you not remember how, on every stump, he ridiculed their warning in that inimitable manner of his, telling you, how they knew he was right; but for fear that you would think so too, they were crying, "Hush, hush, you'll split the party!" Now then we have him in the same role in which he had them. He traveled the rough, stumpy road until he got to the end of it so far as he individually was concerned, and because my conscience and judgment tells me that your fight has only commenced, because instead of resting content in the enjoyment of all the best that you have to give, I prefer to go toward the goal for which we set out together, we hear him again crying, "Hush, hush, you'll split the party!" After this introduction, Senator McLaurln digressed to tell how, when he became a member of the ways and means committee of the house, he began to study the practical business side of his position in so far as it related to the interests of his people. For one thing, somebody, he did not remember who, had called his attention to the destruction of the monozite industry, because of the competition from Brazil and other sections. He did not know monozite or what it was for; but it was sufficient to know that it was a product of this section and that protection of it would make the mining profitable to the people. He was instrumental in having it included in the tariff schedule, and, as a result, he quoted statistics showing the value of mono" * no#P?otr /lurinir fVto no at ?ji LC ouiu ai uaiiiicj uui itig b?v few years. In 1897 the sales amounted to nothing; in 1898 they amounted to $33.76; in 1899, they amounted to $7,791; and in 1900, to $7,800, and the figures for this year are not yet out. He went on to say that he had just noted by the papers that arrangements were being made for the erection of a plant, at or near Gaffney, for manufacturing monozite, and all this was because of that one little Item in the tariff bill. Now they charge that I am a Republican, or if not a Republican, then a Democrat advocating Republican measures. Fellow citizens, do you remember the solemn pledges we voluntarily made to you before we were elected to congress, and which you approved with your votes, to the effect that we would stand independently for what we conceived to be your interests, regardless of the platform? Do you not remember how almost every member of the South Carolina delegation attacked various planks of a Democratic plat(prm on which a Democratic president had been elected, because we, at that time believed those planks antagonistic to your best interests? Fellow citizens, I have no apologies to make for what I have done. Every vote that I have cast against the platform has had the approval of my judgment and conscience as being in your best interests; but I can justify myself by a precedent that my friend here will not question. The Democratic platform contained a plank demanding the repeal of the 10 per cent, tax on the Issues of state banks. I was in favor of that plank. Mr. Bryan was then a young member of congress, having taken his seat about the same time I took mine. He was opposed to the repeal of the 10 per cent, tax, and when confronted by the platform demand, he held that when he took the oath of office, it was without any reservation that would warrant him in doing anything that he believed to be against the best interests of his constituents, no matter what mierht be the platform on the subject, and he worked against that repeal. I have no quarrel with Mr. Bryan because of that, nor can he have a Just quarrel against me when I take the same position. I will never stand passive and see a wrong committed against my constituents, no matter what may be the platform declaration on the subject. Fellow citizens, except in some few important particulars, I am very well satisfied with the Democratic platform. I only want a few changes, and I think I have a right to advocate them. I want these changes because your commercial and industrial interests require them, because they are necessary to enable you to secure to the fullest extent your share in the benefits of this government. By way of telling you exactly what I mean, I stand here as a prophet and tell you, with all the sincerity of my heart and the best judgment of my mind this: "The Democratic party will never, as long as time lasts, elect a president on a platform that is opposed to the commercial expansion of the United States, or which fails to contemplate and provide for securing all the benefits that have come to us as the result of the Spanish war. [Applause]. Up to this time the audience had sat all attention: but had made no demonstration of approval or disapproval of anything that Senator McLaurin had said. There had been some restlessness at the opening of his remarks: but this had suDsiaea 10 a cnurcn-nne stillness: but on the conclusion of the declaration just quoted, and which was made with earnest emphasis, there was a genuinely spontaneous outburst of applause from all parts of the room. Now, fellow citizens, I have not taken much Interest in politics. I am not a politician. I leave that to my opponent, who has come here to fight me because I am true to the principles that he has abandoned. He has control of all the machine, while I am even without personal acquaintance with a half dozen clerks of court in South Carolina. Since I was sent to Washington I have been trying to look after your interests there. I am liberal in my views except as to Negro suffrage, upon which I am unwilling to tolerate any difference of opinion. My friend here, is a natural born boss and dictator. I know his methods, and I understand how some of the boys step about and answer "Yes, massa," when he cracks his whip. Tillman is willing to resort to any expedient to win, even to putting a Republican in the White House. Do you know what happened in 1896, how he sent orders for the boys to support Henry M. Teller in the convention 01 mai year, anu uo you kiiuw wno ieiler was? I'll tell you something about him from the record I have here before me. Senator McLaurin read from the record of the committee upon the presidential election of 1876, showing that It was Teller who submitted the minority report recommending the theft of the electoral votes of Mississippi and South Carolina. The report maintained that the Negroes of the South were as much entitled to all the privileges of citizenship as were the whites, and later on Teller was one of the most aggressive advocates of the Force bill, having been the real daddy of that infamous document. And this is the man to whom Senator Tillman pledged the electoral vote of South Carolina! Senator McLaurin said that a few days ago he had read in the newspapers of a conference In Nebraska between "Democrats" and "Populists," on the question of continuing the fusion arrangement that existed between the two parties, and there was a proposition to disband the Populist party. Governor Poynter, however, took the position that in case the Democratic party should cease to be Populistic in all but name, the Populists would be put to the necessity of reorganizing, and for that reason the organization should be maintained as it was. Hon. Wm. J. Bryan was present at this conference, and by his silence acquiesced in Governor Poynter's characterization of the Democratic party. Referring to the fact that The State and News and Courier are both supporting Tillman, Senator McLaurin recalled the advice that his opponent had given the boys years ago to the effect, "That if you ever find these papers approving my course, you will know that I am wrong. So long as they oppose me you will know that I am right." Senator McLaurin held that the advice was good then and that it was correct now. Tillman has changed; but The State and News and Courier have not. They stand now where they stood then, for ring rule and bossism. T n Vttcs AnAnincr Conofnr xii UUUVIUU1U5 mo upciiui^ uwuawi McLaurln applied to Senator Tillman an anecdote of an old Negro who had been through the war, as the body servant of a colonel who afterward became a judge. The Negro was before his former master for stealing, and was sentenced to three years in the penitentiary. He could not understand it. In other words he was astonished. "What do you mean, massa? When I was in the war wif you and you sent me out after other people's things, you called it foraging. What for you now call it stealing?" When Tillman was traveling over the rough, stumpy road, he called free thought, free speech and independence of action, patriotic courage and statesmanship. Now that he is a political boss and dictator, uneasy about agitation that may result in the disturbance of power, he calls the principles for which he formerly stood treachery. Senator McLaurln took his seat amid liberal applause from all parts of the house. That the senator had made a good impression was clear. It was obvious to those who observed him too that he had severely taxed himself in the effort. He was perspiring profusely, and he seemed very much fatigued; but there was no apparent sign of excitement. On the contrary, he appeared as calm, deliberate and unconcerned as If the issue of the occasion were utterly devoid of personal moment. He evidently felt, however, as did those all around him, that he had made a strong impression on his hearers, and that even many ui inuoe w nu may uttvc come to jeer or witness a row, were beginning to realize that matters of more than ordinary Importance were at stake. Senator Tillman. Senator Tillman sat directly behind Senator McLaurln during the latter's opening, listening intently to every word that was said, and offering no Interruption. His expression was one of fixed seriousness that showed no changes even when Senator McLaurln walked to within a few feet of him and emphasized his scathing accusations by shaking his finger in his face. Upon being Introduced by Chairman DeCamp he walked to the front and began his speech in characteristic style. Although the reporter for The Enquirer made full notes of the senator's speech, for convenience It Is here given as synopsized by Mr. August Kohn for The News and Courier and Columbia State. Senator Tillman remarked in the opening that this was a very busy season and the most serious part of the year to farmers, but many had left their homes to hear this discussion and he was glad of It. Senator McLaurln is laboring under many delusions and you have heard the special pleading of his defection as a Democrat. The primary Is 15 months away and yet McLaurln is traveling over the state and attacking the Democracy with all the venom of a new convert, and when I came here to talk honestly he says I am a "boss" and that when I crack a whip you all jump, and all that. He has told you I was his guest In 1890 and the like, and I tell you here, he has told me I was the arbiter of his fortunes, by giving him a chance, and now he tells you I stand for the suppression or iree thought, free action, and that I stand for "bossism" and that I have been bamboozied by the Gonzales. I stand just where I did in 1895. If the road is smooth you people have made it so. [Applause]. I was invited here by true Democrats and did not come here unbidden. There are over 250 names to the request for me to come here and speak, and he read the formal invitation. He was not here as a meddler or "boss." Ought he to have rejected the Invitation or done his duty? Like sensible men, the regular candidates for McLaurln's place are awaiting for the band to start. In his Charlotte speech, I am attacked from beginning to end. In his letter in The Independent he says the Democratic party has been mongrelized Tillmanlsm and Populism and the like, and yet he claims to be an original Tillmanlte. In his Greenville speech I am referred to a dozen times or more. He referred to the "tutelage in demagogy" under me, and put me up as a demagogue, and yet h * says I have no grievance! You saw here this morning how he attacked me and tried to cast suspicion on my Democracy. I have never minced words and am here to tell you the God's truth. I sent him word last night that I saw no need for personalities, calling me a boss, and other hard things, and yet he started In on me today. I am not going to let you all forget certain things of his utterances. He is here as the representative of "Commercial Democracy." It seems we are no longer plain Democrats. He then read the party platform which McLaurin, he said, seemed to delight to sneer at and criticise. He left McLaurin with the platform and the people. His policy seems to be "Get money, my son; get money honestly if you can, but get money and put In thy purse." It has been my proud boast that no election could be bought In this state by Wall street, and It remains for you to say what the money of Hanna and others, if to be used, can do. Now as to "bossism." Who wrote your last platform but Colonel Hoyt, and yet a few monthes later he had to oppose him for governor. Tillmanism is nothing but a fair light, every man voting and counting the votes. He does not believe in any "best" people. This man stands here and talks of by being in a "bomb proof." Ugh. It was foolish. No representative of the people is ever in a "bomb nroof. And yet he has stood behind me in my "bomb proof," ready, as he says, to sacrifice life for me! When the Democratic platform was promulgated what was Democracy, It must be considered settled. He ought to have resigned if he could not stand for the Democracy of his party, or have gone before the people for reelection. He was a genuine Democrat and not a sham and humbug. I have gone further than my friend, or my former friend. I have told the Republicans In the senate In their policy toward the Negroes that they were arrant hypocrites. I have talked boldly to them, yet I had the confidence and good will of all the senators who were gentlemen. He related the complimentary notice of himself by Senator Hoar. McLaurln changes his politics five times in 10 years and yet won't let Teller change once In 30 years. He believed Teller a good candidate, but the delegation would not go with him and that settled It, and so It was with Towne. Bryan voted for Weaver under the advice of Cleveland, as a party expedient. In this game of politics if you do not watch right close you can play the rascal, and If you do not follow the leader of your people you can come near being called a traitor. Then Tillman spoke of the dangers of trying to cut down the congressional delegation. This new commercial doctrine simply means, we are for sale! Bid up Hanna. Postoffice jobs, any old thing, bid up! He says so. My doctrine has been if the stealings must go on I want my share for you. He talks of cutting loose from my coat tails and he has the felicitation and Joy of having a whole lot hanging on his coat tail. I got-a few jobs during the Spanish war, but I did not sell out for a mess of pottage. I did not abuse my party as he is doing. He says he can't be defeated unless barred the primary. God bless him, he can't stand In the primary. I want him to preach his doctrines to the people that he says jump when I ??? "'Mn Can If vrniknrp for sale WUp LUC TT uipi ?. ?..W for money and office. I want him to go before the people. I shall oppose any and every opposition to keep him out of the primary. If he takes the oath, he Is now under an Implied oath. Has he broken It? You know. Let him go before the people and use all the Influence he can from the patronage. Let him get all the influence from the cotton mill presidents and stockholders and their northern bosses; but they cannot boss the operatives. Why did he not go to Kansas City and try to straighten out the party? He wanted McLaurin to declare himself on the income tax; he and McLaurin took the same position as he did on Cleveland. He did not start or flinch in 1896 and represented the people In the fight on Cleveland. Tillman then related the birth and organization of Bryan Democracy. He never uttered a word against It and yet today he says It Is not. He was satisfied with what the people would do for McLaurin?thgx won't do "a thing" for him and he will be left at home. He harps on Democracy being a sectional party; were not our opponents more so? Are we to crawl in the mire of office hunting to get a few crumbs and get a few concessions? Are we to sell out for nothing? I want him to go over the state. Of course he can manufacture Invitations. Any public man can do so, as I did this one to suit myself. I refused the first and told them what kind of an invitation I wanted, and I got it. I'd rather be defeated a thousand times than desert my true Democracy. He told them when he voted for the fast mail subsidy, it was a steal, but he simply wanted a small piece of the steal for the South that paid such a large share of the taxes. He reviewed how much money the North was getting from the soutn ror pensions, rivers ana harbors and the like. The South pays $250,000,000 and gets back $25,000,000. Then he took up expansion briefly, and talking of McLaurin's speech said: 'I talk of his stolen speech. I can say I can prove that one of his speeches was taken in chunks from Dr. VanDyke. I can say he stole it, and then he talks of my pitchfork. But God bless you that fork sings its own song and is not stolen." Then he took up McLaurin's advocacy of ship subsidy. He talks of our prosperity. Why can't we build our ships? It is nothing but another steal? the rankest class legislatiofi. It is just a grab of $180,000,000. He talks about the mill trade in China. He took up the mill figures and showed that the total exports were $1,370,000,000 and the total shipments to all foreign ports last year of cotton goods were $24,000,000, and the total shipments of all cotton goods to China was only $880,000, and yet for this we are to sell out! Two counties will raise this much crude stuff. The cotton mills are here to make money and they made 100 per cent., and it is thought bad business if 30 per cent, is not made. They think they can boss the mill -vote. They tried that game before. They did not do it. When the primary comes off we will see what the man behind the looms will do. He will see and never forget it. Then he took up the prosperity of the state and insisted that nothing McKinley did helped to build the mills in South Carolina. They began under Cleveland and he did the South no good. We get the China trade by selling the best goods at the lowest price, and not because of any Republican policies. We ourselves are responsible for the state's prosperity, and no one else. If he advocates and endorses all Mr. McKinley says and does, as he says he does, let him go to the Republican party. and if he were as honest as he used to be I'll take him him by the hand and, say "Johnnie. I wish you all the success in the world." The Kansas City platform is the only way we can test De mocracy. rne ngni muai ue m mc party. But God knows I always did and always will despise hypocritism. It hurt him to have McLaurin and his friends and his kinsmen think ill of him. but he believed in fighting fairly and squarely. He proposed that McLaurin resign now and go before the people, and then he will have the candidates meet him, and he promised that he would keep out (Continued on Fourth Page.)