Yorkville enquirer. [volume] (Yorkville, S.C.) 1855-2006, May 25, 1901, Image 4
international Wesson,
THE SUNDAY SCHOOL.
LESSON IX, SECOND QUARTER, INTERNATIONAL
SERIES, JUNE 2.
Text of the LeK?on, Heb. lx, 11-14,
24-28?Memory Verses. 24-2(i?Golden
Text, Ileb. vil. 25?Commentary
Prepared by the Rev. D. M. Stearns,
[Copyright, 1901, by American Press Association.]
11. "But Christ being come an high
iriest of good things to come by a greater
and more perfect tabernacle not made
with hands." The Holy Spirit ia this
epistle dwells upon the excellency of the
Son of Uod, the brightness or tne raher's
glory and the express image of Ilia
person, better and higher tliau angels,
than Moses, than Melchisedcc, than
Aaron, than Joshua, than the tabernacle
with all its ritual, than all the sacrili -tv,
for He Himself is the true tabernacle
and the true sacrifice, of which all others
were only typical. A high priest on the
right hand of the throne of the Majesty
in the heavens, a minister of the true tabernacle
which the Lord pitched and no:
man (chapter viii, 1, 2). The ,v?d things
to come, of which He is a high priest. ,
are also mentioned in chapters x. 1: xi.
20, and shall be fully seen and enjoyed
in the ages to come when lie will showlie
exceeding riches of His grace ia Ilis
kindness toward us through Christ Jesus
(Eph. ii, 7).
12. "By His own blood lie entered ia
once into the holy place, having obtained
eternal redemption for us." Everything
about the tabernacle, which Moses was
repeatedly instructed to make according
to the pattern showed to him in the
mount (chapter viii, 5: Ex. xxv, 9. 40, ot
al.), spoke of Christ and His sufferings
and glory, ot. as it is written in Ps. xxix,
9, margin, "In His temple every whit o*
it uttereth His glory." The blood taken
within the vail once a year for the high
priest himself as well as for the people
(verse 7 and Lev. xvi) pointed to His
Atr-n nKu^inno KIaaH n-liiph TTo hflQ
once for hi! and which takes away not
the sins of a year, but all sins forever, "
for the blood of Jesus Christ cleanseth
from all sin tl John i, 7: Kev. i. 5: John ,
xiii. IOj. lie has not obtained for us redemption
for a week or a month or a
year, but eternal redemption. lie gives
to His sheep eternal life, and they shall
never perish; neither can any pluck them
out of His hand (John x, 27-21)). lie
Himself is our redemption, and apait
from Him there is none (Eph. i. 7: I Cor.
I, 30; Acts iv, 12).
13, 14. "How much more shall the
blood of Christ surge your conscience :
from dead works to serve the living
God?" There was a ceremonial cleansing
by the blood of the sacrifices, but (
nothing ever took away sin but the blood l
of Christ, to which all the sacrifices j
pointed. The ashes of a heifer take us j
back to Num. xix and the wondrous and 1
most significant ordinance of "the red J
heifer." which should have a most prayerful
study. But the only real cleansing,
either from sin or from defilement, by the
way. in this wilderness journey, is by the j
blood of Him who by the Eternal Spirit
offered Himself a sacrifice to God for our
sins?a lamb without blemish and with- ;
out spot (I Pet. 1, 19). Do let us give
earnest heed to what is here taught that
we are not redeemed to be taken at once
to heaven, but to abide here to serve the
living God. or. as it is written in I Thess.
1. 0. 10. "to serve the living and true God
and to wait for His Son from heaven."
With the wicked works of the ungodly
the believer is supposed to have forever
done, but all works of the believer, however
good in themselves, if not wrought '
by the Floly Spirit are only dead works, :
they profit nothing (I Cor. iii, 15).
24. "Christ is entered into heaven it- ,
self, now to appear in the presence of j
God for us." That we. having obtained ,
life in Him. shall continue to live is be- j
cause he ever liveth to make intercession 1
for us (chapter vii. 25). As He said, 1
"Because I live, ye shall live also" (John 1
xiv. 19). or as it is written in Rom. v, 10,
"Being reconciled to God by the death of j
His Son, we shall be saved by His life."
We have in heaven a Great High Priest ]
who is touched with the feeling of our j
infirmities, having been in all points <
tempted like as we are, yet without sin, j
and to Him we may come boldly and <
find in Him always the mercy and grace
that we need (chapter iv, 14-10). Let us j
lay up in our hearts and hold fast these j
precious words, "In the presence of God (
for me," and also the words in Rom. viii. (
34, "At the right hand of God for me." \
25, 20. "Now once in the end of the <
world hath He appeared to put away sin by
the sacrifice of Himself." We have ]
in these closing verses of this chapter
what some have called His three appear- ]
ings?in humiliation to put away sin, now '
in the presence of God for us and, as we ,
shall find in the last verse, His appear- ,
ing to bring the fullness of His salvation,
His kingdom?two appearings on earth
and one in heaven. It was at the end ol i
the age preceding this and at the begin- (
ning of this age that He came to give 1
Himself a sacrifice for sin. At the end '
of this age He will come the second
time, and during all this age He is in ,
the presence of God for us. We cannot I
dwell too 'much upon the great truth of i
the sacrifice of Himself. "Ilia own self
bore our sins in His own body on the
tree." "He was wounded for our transgressions,
He was bruised for our iniqui- '
ties." "The Lord laid upon Him the
iniquity of us all." "Christ hath redeemed
us from the curse of the law, being
made a curse for us." "He gave Himself
for our sins." "The Son of God
loved me and gave Himself for me" (I
Pet ii. 24; Isa. iiii, 5, 0; Gal. iii, 13; i, 4;
ii, 20).
27. 28. "Unto them that look for Him
shall lie appear the second time without
sin unto salvation." Only two, so far as
we know, have thus far escaped or been
excused from the appointment to die, but
when He shall come to the air for Hia
people all the redeemed then alive on
the earth shall, like Enoch and Elijah,
be taken without dying, changed in a moment
(I Thess. iv, 1G, 17; I Cor. xv, 51,
52). In due time all shall come to judgment,
either at the judgment seat of
Christ or the great white throne, for every
one of us must give account of himself
to God (Rom. xiv, 10-12; Rev. xx,
11, 12). The salvation for which Ho
will come must be that of the bodies of
His saints from the power of the grave
or the salvation of all Israel as a nation
(Rom. xiii, 11; xi. 20; Luke xxi, 28). Salvation,
the forgiveness of sins, the life
eternal. Is the possession of every true
believer now: we are day by day to work
out or make the best possible use of
that salvation; we wait for the redemption
of the body, so that our personal '
salvation may be said to be threefold. '
But there is also the salvation of all Israel.
and after that the salvation of nntious
(Rev. xxi, 24).
x- The hypocrite never tries to behave
himself unless he thinks he is he- (
ing watched.
X::' The man who is willing to learn
one thing at a time will soon know '
much.
t'y It is always best for a man to keep 1
his temper. No one else wants it.
FUIIRIN AT
JMMII,
(Continued from First page).
I would not have had the courage to dc
it, had I not felt that my vote was absolutely
necessary; but realizing the
far-reaching effect and the fearful responsibility,
I cast my vote accordingly.
I have never seen the day when 1
regretted it, and my children will remember
it, after I am dead, with pleasure
and pride, as the most glorious act
of my life.
Expansion.
I will not undertake to demonstrate
the wisdom of expansion, but will content
myself by simply saying that we
are a nation of expansionists. We
have expanded during the last IOC
years on this continent from 800,000 tc
i.000,000 square miles. Expansion is the
bed-rock of Democracy. Thomas Jefferson,
the first expansion president,
added 1,122,000 square miles to out
aroa The nntlPYflUnn Of Texas. Cal
ifornia, Arizona, New Mexico and Nevada
were by Democratic administrations.
Andrew Jackson would today
be denounced as an imperialist by the
very same people who eat "Jackson
day" dinners and worship at his shrine,
Old Hickory said on this subject, "]
have thought with the ancient Roman,
that it is right never to cede any territory
within the boundary of the Republic.
but always to add to it by honorable
treaty, thus extending the area
of freedom. All this talk about imperialism
is bosh. The people understand
it as the cry of "wolf," when
there is no wolf. When Mr. Bryan
abandoned the money question and attempted
to substitute "Imperialism,"
he stood about as much chance of being
elected as a split-foot bull frog
did of kicking all the water out oi
Lake Michigan. At least, that is the
opinion of a friend of mine. The price
paid for the islands has been given as
an objection. This is absurd. England,
France, Germany, Russia, or Japan
would pay ten times as much tc
occupy our position in the Philippine
islands. Lying as they do along the
Asiatic coast, they are the gateway tc
the Orient. The people of the South
are vitally interested in the trade oi
China. So far, we have only touched
one of the provinces. Minister Wu, the
other night in Charlotte, told of the
teeming millions in South China, and
said the great problem was to clothe
the people. They are forced to use silk
to make their clothes, but that this
was expensive and almost an impossibility.
I am told that for fear of
wearing them out, the Chinese very
rarely wash their clothes. I have heard
it wittily said that the chief difference
u ~ r?u;?Aea tV?n Tono nooc
UCIWCCII UIC VI1IUC0C auu l ii v uu?/u**vuv
is. that the former never wash their
clothes, and the latter never wash
their body. I believe it was Mr. Wu
who said the other night, to teach the
Chinese to wear cotton shirts and then
get the emperor to issue an edict to
make the tails only one inch longer,
and the cotton crop of the South would
be exhausted by that one inch, and
none left for Europe. If any argument
was needed to show the importance of
these markets, the effect of recent
troubles in China is sufficient. Cotton
goods are stacked up in the warehouses
unsalable, and when the best judges
thought last fall that cotton would be
twelve and one-half to fifteen cents
per pound, it has declined more than
three cents. I am an expansionist?1
favor the political, commercial and religious
expansion of our country. This
is along the line of progress. We cannot
attain a certain growth and then
stand still. As in the individual, so in
the nation. We either move forward
towards perfection, or backwards towards
decay. There are certain crises
in the life of every man which seized
leads to success; let them pass and
the chance is lost forever. The capacity
to take advantage of opportunity
constitutes the difference between the
man who succeeds and the one who
fails, and so it is with nations. We
have grandly seized our opportunities,
and I for one am in favor of pushing
it to the limit. During the past century
we have been absorbed in testing
the great question of constitutional
representative government and the development
of America. The time has
now come when we must have foreign
trade, and not merely subsidiary to
aur industrial development at home,
but as necessary to our continued prosperity.
Our resources and population
demand world-wide avenues of trade,
and we cannot separate the commercial
and political elements involved.
What are we to do with our surplus
products? This is the question engaging
the attention of all the civilized nations
of the earth. The only field un
occupied is in the Orient. I believe that
the time is near at hand when the cotton
trade of the South will be with the
Drient. When our commerce on the
Atlantic will be insignificant compared
with that on the Pacific. Minister
Wu gave us some valuable information
at Charlotte. Our manufacturers
are reaching out for this trade, and
what better can I do as your senator
than help them. No state will reap a
richer reward than South Carolina,
with all the water power and manufacturing
development in the Piedmont
region, and with three su"h harbors as
Charleston. Georgetown and Port Royal.
How can I better serve the farmers
of this state? They will share in
the benefits of this trade. Here is the
United States midway between Europe
and Asia. Almost an island when the
canal is cut?with the Gulf of Mexico
on the south and the Great Lakes on
the north: the Atlantic on one side and
the Pacific on the other, and with the
people of two continents bidding for
our products, the possibilities dazzle
the imagination. It is no idle dream.
1 believe that most of the people within
the sound of my voice will live to
see it realized. We have become a
Pacific power with 5,000 miles of coast
on that ocean: with the Hawaiian islands
and Aleutian islands as resting
places, and the Philippines as a key to
the "Open Door." we are the only nation
strong enough to compel Russia,
with her trans-Siberian railroad, to respect
the integrity of the Chinese empire.
As long as the United States and
Japan say "No," the Chinese empire
must remain intact and the door be
left open to our products. When I
think of how strangely it has all come
about. I cannot but believe that the
hand of God is guiding this government,
and that he has watched over
and directed us along the path where
lie greatness, peace and prosperity. I
cannot undertake to discuss the question
of a government for these outlying
possessions. We have settled other
problems of a more complex nature,
=? r T i. * U4- ? nAl..
ci I 111 I I rill IltIL UUl UHICVr 111(11 cl WIUtion
will be found just, humane and
satisfactory to all concerned. My vote
on the army hill has been attacked.
Not the First Time South Carolina
linn Kitten Above Party.
It was along the line of supporting
the foreign policy of this government.
Let me say right here, that I am not
the first congressman from South Carolina
who has voted against his party
and supported the president when it
came to a question of a foreign war.
Three of the greatest men that South
Carolina has ever produced. Calhoun,
Lowndes and Choves. supported the
government against their party during
the war of 1X12. Cheves used these
words, which T repeat from the bottom
of my heart: "Irrespective of party, for
the great interest of the nation."
In connection with the fight now in
progress against me. the first protective
tariff hill ever introduced was by a
South Carolina representative. Lowndes.
and advocated by Mr. Calhoun in
one of the greatest speeches of his life.
This is not the first time that our gallant
little state has risen above section
and acted for the interest of the nation,
The army bill provided for a maximum
of 100,000 men and a minimum ol
65.000, and between these amounts the
discretion was left to the president. At
that time the insurrection was in progress,
and my common sense told me
there was but one of two things to do,
Either put enough men in the field tc
crush the rebellion, or quit and come
home. I believed in the former plan
and so voted.
> Fellow citizens, there is a great deal
. of claptrap talked even in the United
i States senate. About one-half of those
. mournful speeches on the great dangei
. of "Imperialism" and "Militarism'
; were for home consumption and the
. most of them were made after a com.
fortable beefsteak and a bottle ol
; "Mumm's Extra Dry." I see that since
the rebellion is over, the president says
that he will take the minimum amount,
Surely, fellow citizens, I could afford
! to trust a man on a question of thai
' kind whom the people of the United
! States had elected to the presidency
Why not exercise a little common
1 sense?it is a simple application of the
' rule of three. If an army of 30,000 men
! is required for a population of 35,000,.
* - * z*r AAA maam 4-r\f
UUU peopie, is an army ul uu,uuu men tw
; much for a nation of 76,000,000? Congress
has for four years been spending
' money along the caosts and buying ex'
pensive guns, and absolutely many oi
; them are lying out and rusting foi
want of men.
{ The Subsidy Bill.
Now, fellow citizens, this brings me
to the much discussed subsidy bill. Ir
. the first place, it is astonishing to me
what a misconception there is as tc
this matter. There has never been a
vote on the subsidy bill, and yet, ever
i my good friend, General Butler, whom
I love like a father, speaks of "McLau
rin's vote on the subsidy bill." There
i never was a vote on the subsidy bill
' and it was well understood at the time
; that I made my speech that there
wrould not be a vote at that session. II
I desired to deceive the people and pla>
' an unworthy part, I might just as wel]
have kept silent and not had that is
sue in this campaign; but I felt thai
the people should be educated on this
i important measure. My vote was oi
no practical value under any circum
stances, because, If it could have
? been brought to a vote, there was a
! majority of 18 to 20 in favor of the bill
I did not intend just at that time tc
1 make a set speech on the bill. I arose
i in my seat to present the resolutior
of the Cotton Spinners' association, anc
I before I knew it I had drifted into a
speech on the general principles of the
: bill. What is known as the Hannal
Payne bill has already been changec
so much that the authors of the bill
; would not know it if they met in the
1 road. There was at the time a greal
; many amendments pending, and nobodv
ever knows what a bill of thai
sort will be until it passes the
I conference committee between the
1 two houses. This bill never went so fai
! as to get to a vote, let alone a confer'
ence. So far as I am concerned I do nol
i profess to be a master of the subject
i When you enter the realm of ocear
' freights, with the relative cost ol
1 high knot and low knot speed, tonage
1 and wages, it takes an expert to understand
it. Senator Frye is a verj
able man, and I do not believe
there is a more honest one in the
American congress. He has devoted
25 years to the study of these questions.
and yet I have no doubt that yot
i could find some members of the South
Carolina legislature who never saw e
1 bigger ship than a canoe on a mil
pouu, wiiu kiiuw mure umii ncuaiui
1 Frye. or anybody else, on the subjecl
| of shipping and ocean freights.
Only n "Steal" When Not Coming
I Their Wny.
One of the great objections to the
1 subsidy is they call it a "steal." Well
1 fellow citizens, that is a very poor ar1
gument; opponents of the river anc
harbor, postofflce, or any other bill car
1 make the same charge. I was a little
I amused to see the head lines of The
1 News and Courier, "The Ship Subsldj
Steal." when in the same week the
mayor of Charleston and the editor ol
! that paper were in Washington want'
ing $9,000,000 spent on a naval station
* and a subsidy of a quarter of a millior
for the exposition. It seems that a
subsidy is only a "steal" when it is not
coming their way. By such foolish de'
nunciations of the subsidy principle il
has been difficult to get a fair consideration.
Talk about lobbies. There nev1
er was a more powerful lobby in Washington
than that opposed to the sub'
sidy formed by the great trans-continental
railroads and the foreign steamship
owners. I may say something later
on this subject which will embarrass
some people, but will refrain ai
this time. There is nothing in the
principle of the bill itself which involves
stealing, defrauding the government
or sectional advantages. There
may have been some abuses in grantiner
subsidies when it was in the ex
perimental stages, but there is no reason
now why there should be abuses
In the administration of any law there
is a chance of abuse, and yet the law
may be a good one. the abuses being
merely incident to its execution. This
is what the friends of prohibition and
the dispensary each claim. Subsidies
are no new theory in the South. Conventions
were held during the 20 years
preceding the war to encourage the
building up of the commerce and industries
of the South. Hayne, Calhoun
and McDuffie were leading spirits
1 in these enterprises. The establishment
of railroad and steamship lines
by government aid was advocated.
South Carolina subsidized railroads before
the war. Two million dollars were
given to construct the Blue Ridge road,
which has never been completed. 1
1 think I can say that nearly every line
of road constructed in this state before
the war was subsidized, either directly
or indirectly. The legislature of Louisiana
granted a subsidy of $5 per ton
for every vessel of more than 100 tons
built in the state. Alabama gave $4 a
ton, and exempted from taxation all
goods imported into the state from foreign
countries. The National government
connected the Atlantic and the
Pacific by subsidizing railroads and by
this policy we have unequaled railroad
faculties, ana nave aeveiopea nur interstate
traffic to such an extent that
we are now forced to seek an outlet
for our surplus products. All that is
proposed, is to follow in developing our
foreign trade the same principles that
have suceeded in our internal development.
Is there anything new or
strange in this? It is good common
( business sense. What difference ir
principle is there between the state
government subsidizing railroads, and
the Federal government steamship
lines?
AVIint Doom Itrynn Tliink of IIIm Political
Pnrtner of IKSMi f
I have in my hand an article advocating
subsidies by Mr. Sewall, who was
on the Bryan ticket in 1X96. I would
like to know what Mr. Bryan thinks
t of the "Democracy of his recent political
partner, since he has attacked
mine." Twenty years ago, when we
wished to develop manufacturing ir
South Carolina, did we not subsidize
every cotton mill by exempting it from
taxation? What progressive town 01
; county has not subsidized railroads 01
other enterprises essential to its de
velopment? I never saw an individual,
who ever amounted to anything,
who was afraid to spend money or
himself, and so it is with towns, counties,
states and governments.
Voting SiiltsiilicN to IlnilrondM ninl
Newspaper*.
Why should the Southern people, in
the face of these facts, repudiate the
spirit of go years ago? Whata gross
inconsistency for senat2JUfr.',a7id representatives
to denounce the subsidy
principle and endeavor to arouse the
prejudices of the people, when nearly
every one of thein from the South each
year votes a subsidy to the Southern
railroad for carrying the fast mail to
New Orleans.
Why, fellow citizens, they voted for
a postoffice appropriation bill at the
last session, with a subsidy of $35,000,(
000 for carrying the mails. It is really
: a subsidy to the magazines and news
papers of the country, for the receipts
( are that much less than the expendi.
tures for that class of mall. A subsidy
> of nine millions per year is much more
! defensible, in my judgment, in the dei
velopment of our foreign trade. We
spend millions of dollars building na1
val vessels, useful only in times of
I war, why not build vessels useful both
i in war and peace? Every vessel ac
ceptlng the subsidy is a part of the
' navy in time of war. The question is
i not as to the principle of the subsidy
bill, that is a part of our established
' policy, both state and national, but it
i is whether this particular subsidy is
i for the general welfare. Is it expedi,
ent? Is it wise? and I shall devote a
I few moments to this aspect of the case.
: There was a time when, by govern1
ment aid and encouragement, we had
. a merchant marine, and carried 90 per
i cent, of our products abroad. Last
; year only 9 per cent, was carried in
i American bottoms. Why is this?
I - Europe vm. United State*.
It is because in this contest of Eu'
rope against the United States, foreign
ship-owners get a subsidy from their
government of $26,000,000 besides the
' advantage of lower wages, and have
thus driven the American flag from the
high seas. We pay this subsidy to the
foreign ships in increased freight rates
! over and over again. We are drained
1 of two hundred millions a year which
* we pay foreign vessels In freights. No
' other country could stand such a drain.
L After all, then, we are paying a sub1
sidy, and hence it is a question of
1 whether we will subsidize American or
" foreign vessels. It is useless for me to
discuss before this intelligent audience
the importance of our foreign trade. If
Europe and the United States are to
be competitors in the markets of the
world, can we afford to put ourselves
entirely in their hands? The power to
1 fix freight rates gives them the power
' to fix the price of our cotton, wheat
ana manuracturea proaucis.
* Suppose there should be a general
European war, and the merchant ma"
rine of England, Germany and Nor!
way was pressed In for transport serL
vice. What would be the effect on cot
ton and cotton goods? I tell you. that
' you would see cotton hauled into the
* streets of Greenville, and not sold at
' three cents, but simply hauled back
' home. There would be no buyers, beL
cause there would be no ships to carry
! cotton or cotton goods abroad, business
J of all kinds would languish, and there
would be failures on every hand. Con1
ditions have changed. Before the war
; we were buyers abroad, now we are
: sellers. We are asking foreigners not
" to exchange products, but to come here
t to buy. Nothing would suffer in- case
i of a European war like cotton. They
! would have to come here to buy wheat,
corn, bacon, mules and horses, as Eng"
land did in the Boer war, but they
t could do without cotton for a year or
so. All the ships would be needed for
J war uses. Foodstuffs high and no sale
for cotton, what could hurt the South
* worse? What, then, is more depend"
ent on American ships than the cotton
r crop?
1 Does any man of common sense sup!
pose in this great contest for the trade
of the Orient, that the ships of Ger
many and England are going to give
1 us the same advantages that they do
1 their own merchants? As Mr. ThurL
ber, of New York, recently said, "Ev1
ery ship is a missionary of trade, and
steam lines work for their own counts
triesjustasrailway lines work for their
terminal points. It is as absurd for the
; United States to rely upon foreign
ships to distribute her goods, as it
would be for one business house to rely
upon the wagons of a competing house
. to make its deliveries." There is no
section so vitally interested in ships as
I the South. Why, Charleston, Mobile
' and New Orleans should rival New
- York, so far as harbors are concerned.
i We have already felt the benefits of
r our Asiatic trade, and in its lies the
possibilities of our future, but we must
f have cheap freight, rapid transporta
tion and the prestige of the American
. flag over our own ships. Our Southern
I nnrts are discriminated acrainst bv the
i- same great railroads that are fighting
t the opportunity for an American mer
chant marine. We must have a South- {
ern commerce, not a Southern trade. |
That same influence has prevented the
construction of the Nicaraguan canal,
and I predict that there will be no ca
nal until its friends and the advocates
of a merchant marine join forces and
work in harmony. The two are insep
erable. They will either fail together
or succeed together. When that time
comes, freights will move north and
south, instead of east and west. Our
ports will be the gateway, and the
south will develop with unequalled ra
pidity. Cannot any man of sense see
that the money power headed by C. P.
Huntington and Hill, with great rail
way systems running east and west,
do not want freights deflected south?
With this change, the Seaboard, Coast
' Line and Southern would rival in
' greatness the three trans-continental
s lines. The producer of raw material
1 will prosper, just in proportion to the
' demand for his product. All that our
Southern people have to do now is to
' be wise and conservative, and favor the
great public measures looking to the
promotion of the material and indus
trial interests of the country and the
' honor and glory of the nation.
. Do Your Own Thinking.
Fellow citizens, with so many things
to talk about, it has not been possible
; for me to do more than skim the sur,
face, but I hope I have been so fortu:
nate as to excite a desire on your part
i to investigate for yourself and not to
t let some old moss-back, who does not
' know that the war has ended, do your
thinking. These are practical, vital isi
sues. As your senator, I have frankly
J !il mUAMA AHA
. siaieu my pusmuii. xncic aic mu
. sides to these questions. I respect an
I honest difference of opinion, but no
man can impugn my motives successfully.
Not An Antomnton.
I never could answer the ends of an
. automaton in politics or business. I
; yield to the dictation of no man. It Is
characteristic of a Scotchman to think
, and act for himself. I have asserted
and will always assert my personal and
; political individuality. I have blazed
! out my own path more than once in
. county, state and national politics, and
, followed it without regard to popular
, applause. I made "Peace and unity"
. very popular once in this state?too
I popular, in fact,?for some of those
, who once denounced the "Leader of the
Movement," now grovel in the dust at
the feet of their old-time foe, humbly
content with the curses that fall from
his lips, for the sake of the few crumbs
that drop from the table.
| ItefiiMCN to Preach the Gn*pel of
, DcMitnir.
If re-elected, as far as in me lies, my
voice and vote will be used in behalf of
those measures which make for human
progress and human happiness in the
present world: measures which will
unite and knit men into a wider recognition
of the brotherhood of man. My
voice will go, not to invoke party prejudice
and party passion, not to preach
a gospel of despair, not to help create
bitterness, but to assist in its elimination.
The rancor of party prejudice, the foment
of party spirit, the agitation for
I public spoils and selfish ends, these are
the fetters that clog, the manacles that
impede our national development, and
i threaten our national life.
A t 'o in in Inm if in to Study China Important
to tlio South.
When a measure is before congress
proposing the creation of a non-partisan
commission of trained business
men to visit China, to investigate and
report how wider markets for American
products may be obtained among
the 800,000,000 of people who live in that
portion of the globe, a measure which
would be of more benefit to the cotton
growers and cotton spinners of the
South than almost any single economic
measure ever introduced into congress,
shall I blindly follow the lead of the
modern apostles of Democracy and
vote against it because the measure
originates upon the Republican side,
and because a Republican president
would have the naming of such commission?
For one, I have a higher conception,
not alone of my privilege, but
my duty, to stand by and advance by
every honorable effort the interests of
those people through whose favors I
have a place in the halls of legislation.
When to be a successful politician one
must cater alone to prejudice and follow
blind passion in its leadership, I
shall, even if taunted by the latter-day
saints of Democracy, prefer to believe
that my conduct is in strict accord
with the policies of those grand old
Democratic heroes of the past, who in
their day and age, gifted with patriotism
and wisdom, made the Democratic
party known throughout the nation as
the party of progress as well as the
party of power.
In ProNperlty So Frljrtitfnl n Plinn- *
torn ?
Whenever prosperity is so frightful a
phantom that I must either get scared
at that phantom or stand by the issues
that promote prosperity, you need not
fear that I shall dodge. Whenever certain
"latter-day saints" attempt to
force me to the acceptance of the doctrine
that a dead issue of the past is a
vital force in the living present, I shall
make my personal protest. Whenever,
to be an acceptable Democrat, according
to the definition of a party led by
Allen, Pettigrew and Teller, I must attack
and oppose every man and measure
that is not marching backward, I
shall reserve to myself the right to
state that South Carolina turns her
face with hope and courage towards
the future.
Whenever, in the face of a pending
political contest, one must have a cold
chill each time cotton goes from five to
12 cents or wheat to a dollar a bushel;
each time cattle or hogs go up a cent
a pound; each time he reads an advance
of ten per cent, in wages; each
time he sees a notice in the paper of
"Men Wanted" in our great industrial
army; each time that an old, lingering
mortgage Is cancelled: each time that
he sees a new roof put upon the house
and a few more comforts for the old
mother at the fireside; each time he
sees the burdens of domestic toil lightened
for the weary wife, to be compelled
to have a chill for fear Mr. Bryan's
chances would be hindered by each and
all of these varied circumstances during
the last three or four years, would
have kept me in a perpetual shiver.
For myself, rather than be a sufferer '<
from an imaginary ague, I shall prefer <
to glory in these evidences of prosperity
and happiness, rather than conjure
them up as specters, even if some politician's
chances are thereby lessened.
When to be approved by the 'latterday
saints of Democracy" as a consist- .
ent party man, one must turn his back
to the rising sun and watch alone its
setting, and when, instead of viewing .
the glories of the morning, he must '
conjure up the phantoms of night, I
shall rest content to place my faith in '
those immortal principles, which the
fathers of Democracy promulgated at f
the formation of our government, and ]
which have been sealed by the devo- 1
tion of patriotic men and consecrated ]
by the blood of heroes. j
When marching from a condition of
misery, when fleeing from a land of {
Sodom, must one needs look back with
yearning?
When, like the chosen of God, escap- (
ing from the task masters of Egypt, !
and marching towards the land of j
promise, flowing with milk and honey. J
with wealth of corn, vine and olives, j
abounding in fatness, must we still attemnt
to satisfy the morbid cravings of 1
that appetite which yet yearns for the
flesh-pots of Egypt?
Give the Vouiir Men of the South a
Chance.
When pig iron was stacked up in the
yards at Chattanooga and Birmingham,
unsalable at $6 per ton, furnaces
cold, men idle, and I now find furnaces
blazing, yards empty, men working,
and customers knocking at the door to
buy that iron at prices which have
ranged from $16 to $20 per ton. When,
instead of four cents, I sold my cotton
this year, at 11, shall I, as a loyal citizen
of this glorious Southland, with the
visions of the greatness that lie before
her, standing as she does at the open
door of opportunity, shall I follow the
leadership of a Pettigrew, Altgeld, or
a Tillman; or shall I exert every honorable
effort in my power to make the
present measure of prosperity but as a
faint glimpse of the coming morn, compared
with the splendor of the sun at
its meridian?
Am I to be turned from my course, conscious
of the absolute unselfishness of
my purpose, to do all that may lie in
my power for the welfare and happiness
of the people whom I love; am I to
be deterred from my course, because
some political wolves are heard howling
upon my track?
I see before me a mother, who over 1
and again has with bowed head and in- '
finite yearning asked herself. "How 1
may I so rear my son that he may go
out into the world and achieve sue- I
cess?" This has been a sterner problem l
in the South than in the North. The 1
diversity of manufacturing industries *
has left the avenues of success wide i
open for the young men of the North, 1
while to the young men of the South 1
there have been but few avenues open to '
those rightful ambitions which fire the <
heart of every youth. I would, if in 1
my power, before I am called home 1
from my labors, promote a condition <
where I might see these boys?one, per- i
haps the president of a great factory, t
the other perhaps the treasurer or secretary.
another the manager, and per- <
haps the other as the sales agent?es
tablishing markets for South Carolina
products throughout the world. All
men cannot be lawyers, clergymen or 4
bankers, but every boy with the train- "
ing of a good mother, and the educa- (
tion afforded by our public schools, has .
a reasonable right to aspire to the (
proudest positions of eminence in the 4
world, financial, industrial and com- "
mercial. I would, If in my power, pro- J
mote that condition where your sons J
might go out into the broad avenues of (
life with every impending barrier torn a
down, where the boy upon the poorest '
farm in South Carolina, or the son of i
the least paid operative at the mill, ]
could march out with hope and cour- (
age, and having been taught those ,
i/vn/?Avin #-? * !-?<-? ?v\At Viof'o Lr n oo whlfh I
icaauiin at nic Iiiumci a i\uv\, ?*
must ever be his guiding star, find
that opportunity for success and eminence
which his qualities command.
With the great race problem, which
has for so many years confronted us,
happily settled, as I said at Charlotte,
"why should we be miserable slaves of
one party, or a football for the other?"
Let it be understood that the industrial
and commercial interest of the South
I come before the interest of any politician.
I cannot believe that narrowness,
bigotry, prejudice or the arts of the
wily politician, should be permitted to
swerve us from a course which leads
to the attainment of those objects,
which bring in their train blessings to
every farm and every fireside, to every
hearth and home, in our grand old
commonwealth.
Why should the achievement of some
narrow political ambition stop the
young men of the South from the opportunity
of winning the same success
which is open to the young men of the
North? Some twelve years ago a boy
of German parentage, just out of a little
school near Pittsburg, went to work
in an iron mill. Quick, active, willing,
obliging, he was soon promoted to a
position in the drafting office. A short
time afterwards he was promoted as
assistant foreman, then as foreman,
then as superintendent, then
as manager, then as president, and ^
today he stands as president of i
the largest corporation that the f
world has ever known, and by com- *
non report draws a salary of $1,000,000 tl
>er year. This Is an extreme case; but b
nerely an example of thousands and a
en of thousands of similar cases in the w
forth. I cannot believe that there are h
ligher intelligence, greater capacity or r?
ruer worth, to be found anywhere ei
han among the youth of our state, w
Che difference arises alone from condi- si
ions and environment. d
What father or mother, what good, d
>atriotic citizen, what Christian man, d
hen, would censure me, realizing as I
lo the marvellous advantages that C
South Carolina possesses for manufac- n
uring, and recognizing the infinite pos- 1
libilities of development, if I hope that c,
hat development shall come speedily
is a blessing to you and yours. G
Can there be a commercial triumph, A
in industrial success, that will not
jring pleasure to my heart? I believe a
hat the intelligence and the Christian w
patriotism of the people of this state r<
vill rise to a conception of our grand a
possibilities. If my life shall be pre- k
served to witness this marvellous tri- g
imph, do you think the attacks made o
lpon me by selfish, ignorant men, with h
heir own purposes to serve, will not be h
'orgotton, or, at least, the wounds they a
nay leave will have healed, and even P
:hose who condemn today will join b
* - . V. _ Iv,
ivnn me in a. snuui ui uiaiinssinue
:hat will stir every heart capable of s
ofty sentiment. e
Fellow Citizens: Before I close I desire
to say something in defense of a d
listinguished gentleman of the state of c
Jeorgia. After I made my speech in e
Charlotte, I received several hundred s
etters of congratulation from promi- i:
lent Democrats in every state south of n
Mason and Dixon's line. Among them s
ill there was one letter that had such li
i ring of truth about it, that I wrote o
ind requested permission to publish it. 1
It was from the chairman of the rail- t
road commission of the state of Geor- !
jia. As soon as this letter appeared in t
he public prints, the politicians began d
the same attacks upon Mr. Crenshaw J
that they were making upon me. A t
politician out of office wants only suffi- t
ilent agitation to get in. Then he t
ivants political stagnation to enable a
him to continue in office. Mr. Cren- s
shaw does not belong to this petty 1
ilass. These newspapers charge that t
Mr. Crenshaw is seeking my aid to se- t
?ure a Federal appointment. I de- f
nounce the assertion as an absolute t
falsehood, as I have never seen Mr.
Crenshaw. The only letter that I have t
iver received from him that has not t
oeen republished I now hold in my 1
hands. This letter will touch the I
hearts of every father and mother in t
this broad land. I make no apology '
for reading this patriotic gentleman's c
letter, it is so pathetic and breathes 1
the spirit of a noble, chivalric soul, b
that it will absolutely stamp as false c
inything of a sordid nature in connec- t
tion with him. t
Letter of Mr. Crennliaw. ,
State Capitol, j
Office of Railroad Commission of Geor- r
gia, T. C. Crenshaw, Chairman. a
May 17, 1901. v
Hon. John L. McLaurin, Bennettsviile, \
S. C.: . I
My Dear Sir: The publication of my i
etter to you of the 25th ult., endorsing r
pour Charlotte speech, has heaped upon v
me a storm of abuse and misrepresen- l
tatlon in this state. This is to be re- I
^retted more on account of the dogmatic
condition that it evidences, than e
for any harm that it can bring upon
me. In order that you may read and
see for yourself how unjustly I have c
been assailed, simply for having the e
courage to express my honest convic- s
dons, I hand you herewith clippings c
'rom "several Georgia papers. I espe- I
o nntlrvn f Vio nilf _ n
JltLliy 1UVUC JUUi atlCliiiVH IV HIV <
ageous publications In the Evening v
Mews' issue of the 15th., instant, head- s
ined "Capitol Democrats Hot at Cren- c
shaw." You will observe in this pub- v
ication I am charged with ulterior t
notives; that I am seeking a Federal s
ippointment, and am counting on your v
?upport. I entertained the views I ex- o
Dressed in your letter long before I n
?iew anything as to what your line of h
DOlicy in the United States senate t
vould be upon any question. I can e
Droduce personal letters showing that o
[ wrote to friends in Ohio and New \
Fork on the subject of Mr. Bryan and c
lis platform, in which I expressed my- v
?elf more extremely than I did in either t
if my letters to you. I have on differ- a
int occasions, in private conversations m
vith friends, made statements similar
:o those contained in my letters to f
rou. I stand by all I have written, re- I
jardless of what they may say, and
here is no power on earth that can
Irive me from my position. If any
nan in America is to be allowed to
vrite to say what he thinks of Mr.
Bryan and his absurd cry of imperial- 5
sm, without being branded as a trait>r,
I certainly ought to be granted that .
irivilege. J
I am one of those who believe Mr. j
Bryan, by his unpatriotic utterances ^
concerning the policy of our govern- ^
nent in the suppresion of the Philip- j
line insurrection, is indirectly respon- j_
jible for many lives that have been ?
ost, and much of the blood that has i
aeen shed in those islands. General /
Lawton said: "If I am killed, Mr. Brym,
by the encouragement he is giving
:he insurgents, will be responsible for ?
ny death." .
I had a son, in the full vigor of his j
?'oung manhood, with a thorough mill- T
**? ?? f Vi ?'r>i i f Via 1/ i n /I _
,UI ^ L'UUIUUUII ? iiw, 1111 uuftU UIC ?
less of President McKinley, was made r
lenlor captain in the 28th Volunteer jnfantry.
He was looked upon by all j,vho
knew him, and recognized by all ^
lis superior officers, from General Mc\rthur
down, as one of the bravest
captains in the Philippine army. He C
vas also dreaded by the insurgents,
irobably as much as any other Ameri- "5
:an officer, on account of his daring C
ind successful scouting into places I
hat were thought to be impregnable, f
rhe mountain of Cavlte, at the Bario
)f Payapa, in Batangas provinee, on
(BUSINESS
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I
f. i r i j. i r. A . r. A . fj .t.. r. A /TJ A . r? A
1^1 y -f r^iy P^l'I'fp'f 'f -y y 1
le Island of Luzon, is stained with his
lood and brains, and he now sleeps in
cold and silent grave, with a young
idow to struggle through life without
is help, and four little children to be
lised to womanhood without a fathr's
protection. I loved my son, and
as proud of the record he made as a
oldier. On receipt of the news of his
eath, his commanding officer immeiately
Issued the following general orer:
"It is no exaggeration to say that in
aptain Crenshaw's death, the regilent
has suffered an irreparable loss.
'hat is a high encomium, but in h!s
ase it is deserved."
This same officer, in writing to Major
leneral H. C. Corbin, Adjt. Gen. U. S.
,., said, among other things:
"Mr. Crenshaw does not know what
fearless and devoted soldier his son
ras. From the first moment my eyes
ested upon him at Manila, he was all
ttention to duty. Fear he did not *
now;- his physical powers never flaged;
his willingness to work in the line
f his profession knew no bounds, and
e had the rare faculty of inspiring
Is men with his spirit. He was brave
nd constant. I was just upon the
oint of recommending him for the
revet of major and lieutenant colonel,
^hen word was received that he all too
oon had passed beyond the reach Qf
arthly reward."
Such are the words on file in the war ~
cpai llllClli <Xl YY aOiUUg LV/ll, Vff vw?
erning my son. How could I feel othrwlse
than proud of him? Although
hot in the head, with his brains oozng
out, he retained his presence of
nind and directed the fight until his
oldlers, who had learned to love him,
lad routed and put to flight an enemy
utnumberlng his command ten to one.
ifter suffering months of pain through
he cavity made by an insurgent bullet <?
le reached home, where he had come
o die among his loved ones. On his
leath bed he said to me: "Father, Wm.
ennings Bryan is certainly responsive
for my condition; all of Bryan's uterances
are known and understood by
he insurgents in the Philippine islands
is well as they are here, and they are
Imply keeping up the insurrection in
lopes that Bryan will be elected, and
hat the troops will be withdrawn and
he islands turned over to them." He
urther said, "If Bryan is defeated, '(
hey will soon quit fighting."
Mr. Bryan is against the retention of
he Philippine islands, and has commited
the Democratic party to the same
ine of policy. Mr. Bryan favors the
rnlling down the flag of our country,
vhich our gallant soldiers, by the sac iflce
of their lives and the shedding
>f their blood planted upon these isands.
I favor its retention forever,
ind if it is treason against the Demo:ratic
party for me to express myself,
hen I offer myself as a willing sacrilce
to the decree.
I cannot and will not admit the
:ause for which my son fought and
rave his life was wrong. Narrowninded
men, who are afaid of a free
ind fair discussion, may charge me
vith bolting the Democratic party,
vith "seeking an appointment from
^resident McKinley," and with "countng
on the junior senator from the Palnetto
State to help him out," or with
vhatever they please, yet I will steadi- ,
y maintain that I am right in all that " ' <
have written.
With highest regards and best wish's,
I am yours truly,,
T. C. Crenshaw.
Fellow citizens, this letter needs no
omment. A great soul breathes in eVxy
line and sentence. The Yankees
truck the shackles from the limbs
if our slaves thirty-five years ago.
Sducation and industrial developnent
is rapidly emancipating the
rhite people of the South from a - *
lavery infinitely more hurtful, beause
it fetters the soul and clogs the
wheels of progress. Democracy is
iroad enough to admit of the discusion
and settlement of these issues
within the party lines. I hear no talk
f a new party, except from the enenies
of progress. Talk about the great
leart of the man who wrote this letter
teing influenced by a desire for a Fedral
appointment, it is the inspiration
f a narrow mind and a small soul.
Vhat care I for a seat in the senate,
ompared to this great movement,
rhich means the destruction of sec
n?A<n/ll/?A 0*1/1 norHaon Intnlor.
lunai picjuuicc auu |yai vioau
nee.
SAR0LINA& NORTH-WESTERN
RAILWAY COMPANY.
Schedule Effective Sept. 16, 1900.
iorthbouud Passenger Mixed
.eave Chester .... 7.40a.m. 8.30a.m.
.v Yorkville 8.46a.m. 10.40a.m.
.v Clover 9.14a.m. 11.30a.m.
.V Gastonla 9.48a.m. 1.15p.m.
.v Lincolnton ....10.45a.m. 2.45p.m.
,v Newton 11.33a.m. 4.30p.m.
iV Hickory 12.15a.m. 5.50p.m.
irrive Lenoir ..... 1.16p.m. 7.60p.m.
Southbound Mixed Passenger
.eave Lenoir 6.30a.m. 2.00p.m.
jV Hickory 8.50a.m. 3.02p.m.
jV Newton 9.20a.m. 3.02p.m. r
jV Lincolnton ..11.10a.m. 4.20p.m.
iV Gastonia 1.12p.m. 6.30p.m.
jV Clover 2.11p.m. 6.07p.m.
.v Yorkville 3.20D.m. 6.40p.m.
ir Chester 5.16p.m. 7.50p.m.
CONNECTIONS.
Chester?Southern Ry., S. A. L., and
L. & C.
Torkvllle?S. C. & G. Extension.
Jastonla?Southern Ry.
jincolnton?&. A. L.
Jewton & Hickory?Southern Ry.
E. F. REID, G. F. Agent.
Chester, South Carolina.
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